Having now shown what cannot save the Union, I return to the question
with which I commenced, How can the Union be saved? There is but one way
by which it can with any certainty; and that is by a full and final
settlement, on the principle of justice, of all the questions at issue
between the two sections. The South asks for justice, simple justice,
and less she ought not to take. She has no compromise to offer but the
Constitution; and no concession or surrender to make. She has already
surrendered so much that she has little left to surrender. Such a
settlement would go to the root of the evil and remove all cause of
discontent; by satisfying the South, she could remain honorably and
safely in the Union, and thereby restore the harmony and fraternal
feelings between the sections which existed anterior to the Missouri
agitation. Nothing else can with any certainty finally and forever
settle the questions at issue, terminate agitation, and save the Union.
But can this be done? Yes, easily; not by the weaker party--for it can
of itself do nothing, not even protect itself--but by the stronger. The
North has only to will it to accomplish it; to do justice by conceding
to the South an equal right in the acquired territory, and to do her
duty by causing the stipulations relative to fugitive slaves to be
faithfully fulfilled; to cease the agitation of the slave question, and
to provide for the insertion of a provision in the Constitution by an
amendment which will restore to the South in substance the power she
possessed of protecting herself, before the equilibrium between the
sections was destroyed by the action of this government. There will be
no difficulty in devising such a provision,--one that will protect the
South, and which at the same time will improve and strengthen the
government instead of impairing and weakening it.
But will the North agree to this? It is for her to answer the question.
But I will say she cannot refuse, if she has half the love of the Union
which she professes to have; or without justly exposing herself to the
charge that her love of power and aggrandizement is far greater than her
love of the Union. At all events, the responsibility of saving the Union
rests on the North, and not on the South. The South cannot save it by
any act of hers, and the North may save it without any sacrifice
whatever; unless to do justice, and to perform her duties under the
Constitution, should be regarded by her as a sacrifice.
It is time, Senators, that there should be an open and manly avowal on
all sides as to what is intended to be done. If the question is not now
settled, it is uncertain whether it ever can hereafter be; and we as the
representatives of the States of this Union, regarded as governments,
should come to a distinct understanding as to our respective views in
order to ascertain whether the great questions at issue can be settled
or not. If you who represent the stronger portion cannot agree to
settle them on the broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and let
the States we both represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you
are unwilling we should part in peace, tell us so, and we shall know
what to do when you reduce the question to submission or resistance. If
you remain silent you will compel us to infer by your acts what you
intend. In that case California will become the test question. If you
admit her, under all the difficulties that oppose her admission, you
compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us from the whole of the
acquired territories, with the intention of destroying irretrievably the
equilibrium between the two sections. We would be blind not to perceive
in that case that your real objects are power and aggrandizement; and
infatuated not to act accordingly.
I have now, Senators, done my duty in expressing my opinions fully,
freely, and candidly, on this solemn occasion. In doing so I have been
governed by the motives which have governed me in all the stages of the
agitation of the slavery question since its commencement. I have exerted
myself during the whole period to arrest it, with the intention of
saving the Union if it could be done; and if it could not, to save the
section where it has pleased Providence to cast my lot, and which I
sincerely believe has justice and the Constitution on its side. Having
faithfully done my duty to the best of my ability, both to the Union and
my section, throughout this agitation, I shall have the consolation, let
what will come, that I am free from all responsibility.