It seems there is a very sore feeling indeed excited by de Peyronnet's
appointment. He thinks the only safety of the Government is in throwing
themselves upon the ultra-Royalists.
The King is a little better. His stomach begins to bear a little light food
again.
_May 28._ The account of the King not good.
Cabinet. Found them talking about Scotch boroughs. Aberdeen presented the
papers relative to Leopold in the House. Some conversation as to the
correctness in point of form of presenting them printed. The rule is to
present papers written by the King's command, and to have them printed for
the immediate use of the House.
The Commons passed the King's Signature Bill without a word.
I thought it necessary to determine at once who should be the new judge at
Bombay, and upon full consideration thought Awdry the best man. The
Chancellor had no objection, and I immediately wrote to Awdry to tell him I
should advise the King to appoint him.
_May 29._
Before the Cabinet met Hardinge and walked some time up and down Downing
Street with him. He told me the Duke had proposed an exchange between him
and Lord F. Leveson. Hardinge declined; however, he was at last induced to
acquiesce. There cannot be a better thing for him, for the Government, and
for Ireland, than his going there. I have always told him so. We may now be
satisfied things will go on well there. Lord F. Leveson is a mere boy, and
quite unequal to the situation. Hardinge will do admirably and be very
popular. So will she. They will like an Irishwoman.
_June 1._
The King had a quiet night. In other respects he is much the same.
_June 2._
Employed all the morning on the Greek papers. Cabinet dinner at Peel's. The
King rather better. They have opened punctures above the knees. 400 papers
were stamped. Lord Farnborough was the stamper. The King was perfectly
alive to all that was going on.
A steamboat has made the passage from Bombay to Suez in a month and two
days, leaving Bombay on March 20 and reaching Suez on April 22. The letters
arrived here on May 31. The steamboat was detained ten days for coals.
There was no steam conveyance from Alexandria to Malta, so we may reckon
upon gaining fourteen days at least upon this passage. Besides, the steam
vessel was probably a bad one.
_June 3._
House. Aberdeen, in reply to a question of Lord Londonderry's, promised all
the protocols of Paris! A most voluminous mass of dull twaddle. The House
postponed Miss Hickson's divorce case to Lord Salisbury and East Retford.
We had only 18 to 69! The Duke seemed very angry, and I heard him speaking
to Lord Bathurst of some peer who went out without voting, whose conduct
seemed to make him very indignant.
_June 4._
House. All seems quiet again. Nothing more said about Leopold. There was to
be a meeting to-day at Lord Lansdowne's which the Duke of Newcastle was
expected to attend. Palmerston was at the last. [Footnote: The conjunction
of these names indicated an alliance of Whigs, Canningites, and Tories
irritated by the Roman Catholic Bill.] Rosslyn does not know whether Lord
Grey was.
The King not going on well by the bulletin; worse by the private account,
which, however, I did not see. He has lost his appetite and grows weaker.
The Duke has not yet read my Nagpore letter; but he will to-morrow. He
seems to agree with me in general views upon the subject of our policy
towards the native States.
_June 5._
Chairs at 11. They are dissatisfied with Malcolm for sending a steam vessel
into the Red Sea, because he had no important intelligence to communicate!
I shall never make these people feel they are at the head of a _State!_
The bulletin to-day is very alarming. The Duke had not returned at half-
past 4; but soon after he was seen coming into town looking very
melancholy. The Duchess of Gloucester arrived an hour later. I thought the
Duke had stayed to be there at the King's death. Knighton sent up to
Goulburn to desire a warrant might be sent down to be stamped conveying the
King's fines, &c., belonging to the Privy Purse.
Goulburn very properly refused to send the warrant till he had seen the
Duke. This looks as if they did not expect 24 hours.
He was as ill as possible when Aberdeen saw him yesterday for a few
minutes.
A Cabinet is summoned for half-past 3 to-morrow.
All is still again in the House of Commons, as well as with us. They have
found the Leopold line will not do.
_June 6._
Cabinet at half-past 3. They all say Scarlett did ill. He did not fight
gallantly, and he fought without judgment.
The Duke said he thought the King was _really_ suffering yesterday; but
from several circumstances he thought he would live three or four weeks.
The physicians said eight days. He was better than when Aberdeen saw him on
Friday. No stamping was done. Peel went down to-day. It was hoped some
papers would be stamped. Peel had not returned when the Cabinet separated
at 5.
Aberdeen brought forward the question of a Bill it is thought necessary to
introduce in consequence of slave-dealing by Brazilian subjects having now
become piracy.
Goulburn seems to be unable to fix any time for the conclusion of the
Session in the event of a demise. I fear it will be necessary to sit a long
time to get the necessary votes. There are no less than fifty subjects
unvoted.
_June 7._
House. In going down met Goulburn, who said the account of the King was
very bad. Halford had suggested it would be better for the Duke to go down;
which he did. Peel thought the King very much changed indeed in the week
which had elapsed since he last saw him.
_June 8._
Cabinet at 3. The diplomatic expenses were carried only by 18, and the
abolition of the punishment of death for forgery was carried by 13. This is
a very serious state of things; with such a Parliament there is no
depending upon the carrying of any measure, and Peel is quite disgusted. As
to the Forgery Bill it will be difficult to find juries to convict when a
majority has decided against the punishment of death. I am satisfied that
the property of many will be exposed to much danger by the abolition of the
punishment of death.
One Ashe who has libelled the Duke of Cumberland, or written a threatening
letter, will be prosecuted as if he had done the same thing against any
private individual.
The Fee Bill will be altered in the Committee (which out of delicacy is
indefinitely postponed) and the commissioners continued by endorsement.
This is a very ingenious device, saving all the difficulty of dealing with
patent offices and of sharing the present fees.
Lord Combermere has written a letter to the Duke explaining and defending
his conduct. This is a trouble brought upon us by Astell. He has written
rather an impertinent answer to my letter respecting the 600£ for the
Russian papers, or rather some one has written it for him and he has only
signed it.
I find Mr. Archibald Campbell, who applied yesterday to me for an
assistant-surgeoncy, is Campbell of Blytheswood, a good voter and a great
friend of Lord Melville's, and others. I have given him the surgeoncy. I
told Planta, who is much pleased.
The Duke was sent for because the physicians intended to acquaint the King
with his danger.
He was restless yesterday. The bulletin says he passed a very distressing
day. He walked across the room, however, and will probably last some days.
In the House, East Retford till 8, when I came away.
_June 9._
A better bulletin. Office before 12. Settled with Wortley the 'reasons' for
abolishing the College. [Footnote: Haileybury.]
At 3 Sir P. Freeling came. Went with him and Wortley to Lord Melville's.
There will be no difficulty in getting the steam vessel to Alexandria.
Read Colonel Macdonald's Journal for January, February, and to March 10. It
is not so interesting as the last portion, or rather not so entertaining.
These make no doubt from the account of Khosroo Murza and of the others who
went to Petersburg, that the conquest of India by the route of Khiva and
Bokhara is the favourite object of the Russians, and the whole people seem
animated by hatred of England.
Cabinet dinner _chez moi_. The Duke did not see the King to-day; the Dukes
of Clarence and Cumberland being there, whom he did not wish to see. The
King is better. There is coagulated lymph in his legs, one thigh, Tierney
thinks, is a little swelled. He has had no embarrassment of breathing for
thirty-six hours, and slept yesterday as soundly as a child.
The man who was with the Queen and the Duke of York when they died is with
the King now. When the King was sleeping yesterday Knighton said to him,
'This is not the sleep of death!' The other answered, 'Lord, sir! he will
not die!' They think the King has never thought himself in danger, not even
when they told him he was. He seemed flurried, however, or they thought so,
for a moment, and then they endeavoured to unsay; but the King, who was
quite firm, said, 'No, no! I understand what you think. Call in the Bishop
and let him read prayers.'
Last night he was talking a great deal to Knighton, and was as amusing as
ever. In constitution and in mind he is certainly a wonderful man. I have
no doubt that the feeling that he is always in representation makes him
behave in the face of death as a man would on the field of battle.
_June 10._
The King passed a restless night. He is weaker than he has been yet.
East Retford. Salisbury concluded his case.
_June 11._
House. I expected to get away immediately; but Lord Londonderry made a
motion for papers, which led to a discussion of an hour and a half. He was
put down entirely by Aberdeen, who really, with a bad manner, said very
good things. At last Lord Londonderry chose to say the Contents had it and
did not divide, so that the motion was negatived _nemine contradicente_.
Most scandalously many went out, not voting against the motion after
Aberdeen had declared it would be injurious to the public service to give
the Papers.
The King rather better, but weaker.
_June 12._
Chairs. They did not come till half-past 11. I began to think they had
taken huff and did not mean to come at all, as I had taken no notice of
Astell's letter. However, they came. They do not much like my Nagpore
letter, which it seems is contrary to the line of policy laid down by the
Court and approved of by Wynne. I told them I took the responsibility upon
myself. They were ministerial only. My opinion was confirmed by that of
Jenkins and of the Duke.
Met at dinner, at Hardinge's, Arbuthnot, with whom I had some conversation
about the Report he is writing on the China Evidence. He is to show it to
me. The Duke saw the King, who is much better. The King said he would defer
taking the sacrament till he was well; but he takes it to-morrow as a
_convalescent_.
_June 13._
Cabinet at half-past 3. First considered the line to be adopted on the
Forgery Bill, which seems to be to allow it to pass unaltered, throwing the
whole responsibility on the House of Commons; but Peel is to see the
bankers and merchants that he may ascertain what their opinions are now the
Bill has passed the Commons abolishing the punishment of death for forgery.
Peel's idea is that no conviction would be obtained.
I believe the French and the Russians are so alarmed by the effect produced
in France by the continued exhibition of democratic violence in Greece and
successful rebellion, that they would be disposed to enter into our views
with respect to the nomination of a prince rather than leave the question
open; but that they will procrastinate if they find we will unite with them
in giving money which may keep Greece in a state of tranquillity. As to
Capo d'Istria, he first wished to prevent the nomination of any prince and
to keep the government to himself. When he found that would not do, he
endeavoured to frighten Leopold into subserviency; but if he finds he can
get money without having a prince, he will frighten other princes and
remain there himself.
It is like paying money in consequence of a threatening letter. If it is
done once there is no stopping.
I said I believed the dissolution of the Acarnanian army, happen as it
might, would be better than its maintenance, and that the state of anarchy
into which it was pretended Greece would fall if it had not money, would be
a better foundation of improvement than the state of military thraldom in
which it is now held.
Peel proposed that Dawkins should be instructed under circumstances of
imminent danger to advance money not exceeding 20,000£, and this would be
the best way of doing it. The Duke has great repugnance to giving anything,
and objects to doing what might be considered an unconstitutional act. He
hopes Aberdeen will be able to persuade the other Powers to give 30,000£
each, leaving us out of the subscription.
The thing was left undetermined. I suggested that it was by no means
impossible a question might be asked by some 'friend of Greece' whether we
intended to give or had given money in consequence of Capo d'Istria's
representations, and then what we had done would come out. In fact if the
King was well the matter would be brought before Parliament.
His illness creates great embarrassment. It is doubtful whether the
Government can command majorities on questions on which a defeat under
ordinary circumstances would lead them to resign; but it is known that now
they cannot resign and cannot dissolve, and the Opposition has no other
effect than that of interfering with the conduct of public business.
A powerful man would place this strongly before the country and bring the
House to a sense of its duty.
The Duke showed me the letter he had written to Lord Combermere in reply to
his, upon my Memorandum. It is _excellent_.
There is to be a great fight upon sugar. Charles Grant makes a proposition,
and Goulburn proposes to modify his original proposition by suggesting the
addition of 6_d_. a gallon to Scotch and Irish spirits and to rum, thus
leaving the proportional burthen nearly the same. In addition to this he
proposes lowering the duty on the inferior kinds of sugar.
The French Expedition was in Palma Bay on May 31, awaiting the arrival of
the last division, which was expected the next day.
_June 15._
The King much better. He has been in good spirits about himself, and has
expectorated, which is thought a good sign.
In the House of Commons Goulburn's altered plans seem to have succeeded
with all parties as far as first impression goes.
_June 16._
At the Cabinet dinner spoke to Lord Melville and Goulburn about the
embarrassments of the civil servants. Both are very much indisposed to
grant the papers asked for by Hume on the subject. I shall write to
Arbuthnot to do what he can to prevent their being given.
The Duke got a number of papers stamped--indeed all the arrears, about 400.
The King paid more attention to them than he ever did while he was well. He
recollected everything.
The Duke did not think him so well as when he last saw him. The physicians
do not like this catarrh. The Duke thought his hand was hotter than usual,
that he was larger, and that altogether he was not so well. His judgment
has hitherto been so correct that I attach much importance to it.
Peel spoke after dinner with much _ennui_ of his position in the House of
Commons. He complained that it really was not worth a man's while to be
there for so many hours every night. The sacrifice was too great. He said
the Radicals had brought the House into such a state that no man could do
business but themselves. He seemed not well, and thoroughly out of humour.
We had some discussion about the Forgery Bill. We are to see the Governor
and deputy-governor of the Bank, &c. The Duke is much indisposed to
acquiesce in the Commons' amendment.
Peel thinks that after the vote of the House of Commons no verdicts will be
obtained; but may not a contrary vote of the House of Lords turn public
opinion into its former course? I think it may.
_June 17._
In French newspaper a bad report of the French fleet, which is very much
dispersed. One division was in sight of the shore on May 30 when it came on
to blow, and they ran to Majorca. The other divisions will have gone to the
rendezvous on the African shore, where they will have met no men-of-war and
much bad weather. The star of Napoleon is set.
Lord Combermere has written another letter to the Duke, in which he
acknowledges his error as to the compact in 1796 and 1801, and says he was
led into it by Col. Fagan. He restates all he before said on the other
points, and still wishes his letter to go to the King.
The King seems to have had a good night. I did not hear the private
account.
_June 18._
Received last night from Astell a letter in which he speaks of an intended
address of his respecting the Nagpore letter. I have told him he has
already privately told me his opinion--that the Act of Parliament has made
no provision for a representation on the part of the Secret Committee if
they disagree with the Board, and I cannot receive any such representation
officially. I have further told him that I think any more delay will be
injurious to the public service.
Wrote a letter to Runjeet Singh to go with the horses. Showed it to Lord
Amherst, Clare, and Auckland. Lord Amherst and Clare were delighted with
it. Showed it to the Duke, who approved. Saw the Duke.
The King alarmed the princesses yesterday, but the Duke of Clarence did not
think him so ill. I saw the Duke of Clarence's letter to the Duke of W.
Halford thinks the expectoration is an additional evil.
_June 19._
At 11 Privy Council to hear the appeal of Elphinstone (that is, East India
Company) against Ameerchund Bidruchund, a case of booty. Remained till
half-past two, when I was obliged to come away, having a dinner at
Roehampton. Indeed I do not think that upon a point affecting the revenues
of India I ought to vote as a judge.
Brougham ridiculed the Directors who sat there in a mass, nine of them.
Fergusson spoke of "the Court." Brougham said he was not surprised he
should make that mistake seeing such an array of directors. Brougham put it
_ad verecundiam_ to the directors whether they would vote upon a question
in which they were directly interested, and in which they had already
appeared by Counsel.
They were and will be very sulky. They will stay away and decline
supporting Government.
The bulletin is bad.
Two most impertinent letters from Lord Arbuthnot and Mr. Arbuthnot asking
for, or rather _demanding_, cadetships. They will find I am not to be
bullied.
_June 21._
The King expectorated blood yesterday. He is failing in strength, and now
certainly dying.
Read a memorandum of Wilson's on a proposed remodelling of the army. It is
founded on my idea of bringing it into the form it formerly had, with fewer
European officers and more native officers, in higher ranks. He proposes
having two more European Non-Commissioned officers, a Subadar Major, and
another Subadar, and several minor things.
_June 22._
Cabinet. The Duke thought the character of the Government would be affected
if we gave up the Forgery Bill in the Lords, not in consequence of any
change of opinion, but of a majority of 13 in the House of Commons. I am
satisfied the law, as it is, ought to be maintained. In the House Lord
Lansdowne made a speech on moving the second reading, and Lord Winchelsea
and the Duke of Richmond said they should vote for the Bill as it was--
none, however, taking religious objections, Lord Lansdowne throwing out
that he would consent to make the bill temporary. The Chancellor made a
very good speech, expressing his general objections to the Bill as it
stands, and reserving his reasons for the Committee.
The King is rather worse and weaker.
In the House of Commons last night a mine was sprung and all parties, Whigs
and Tories, East and West Indians, united by a trick on the sugar duties.
However, we had a majority.
_June 23._
It seems Peel and Herries and even Goulburn himself rather doubts whether
the sugar arrangement will work, and Peel has some doubt as to his
majority. Altogether he is very much out of humour, or rather _ennuyé_, and
a very little would induce him to give up.
Cabinet dinner. The Duke saw the King and some stamping took place. The
King was much worse than on Saturday. The expectoration is matter from the
lungs. Knighton says that if they can keep the bowels right he may live a
month. Halford says if he was an ordinary man he should think he would not
live three days. Tierney says his pulse almost failed while he was asleep
this morning, and he thought he would have died. The Duke says he thinks
more with Knighton than the others.
The King was perfectly alive to all the business done. He talks of going to
the Cottage still.
Much talk at the Cabinet dinner as to what should be done as to
dissolution; but all depends on the time of the King's death, and the state
of public business then.
Peel, Herries, and all seem to think the Low Party gains, and will gain
strength. Hume, on Whitbread's retirement, is to come in for Middlesex.
_June 24._
House. Galway Franchise Bill read second time Counsel were to have been
heard; but the petitioners declined having them. I fear we shall have a
sharp debate about it to-morrow, and Lord Grey be directly opposed to the
Duke, and the worst of it is I do not believe our case is very good.
Hardinge and Wortley both say we are in a great scrape with these sugar
duties, and Ireland, which was all with us, is hostile again on account of
the spirit and stamp duties.
Walked as far as Mrs. Arbuthnot's with the Duke. He told me his view of the
Galway Franchise Bill, and is very certain of his case. He feels Goulburn
has satisfied no one with his sugar duties.
The King seems much worse by the bulletin; but the private account was not
much so. He was said to be worse when Lord Hill left Windsor. I really
believe that we are so bothered with sugar duties and other things that an
immediate demise and immediate dissolution would be best for us, and for
the country.
_June 25._
Went to the Duke about the Galway Bill before the House met. The Duke spoke
very well and made a very good case. Lord Grey well, but the Chancellor
demolished his speech, and placed the question on such good grounds that it
was useless to speak afterwards; nor was there much subsequent debate. The
Duke of Buckingham made a speech against us, in which he mistook every
point, and gave me a great disposition to follow him; but I knew if I did I
should have a whole hornet's nest upon me, and I wished to keep Durham and
Radnor in check, or answer them. Had I spoken the debate would have lasted
three hours more. As it was we got away by nine. On the division we had 62
to 47. Not brilliant. Our case was excellent. I had feared it would be
indifferent. The Chancellor had got it up admirably. Lord Londonderry, the
Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, Calthorpe, all the Canningites, of course
voted against us. Dudley was in the House at one time, but he did not vote
against us, nor has he once since he went out.
The King much weaker.
_June 26._
At half-past eight this morning I received a Cabinet box containing the
bulletin signed by Halford and Tierney of the King's death, and Halford's
private letter to the Duke of Wellington. The letter stated that the King
had slept for about two hours and woke a little before three. Soon
afterwards, Sir W. Waller only being in the room, he suddenly put his hand
to his breast, and said, 'Good God, what is the matter? This is death?' He
then sent for Halford. He and the others came, and so soon afterwards as I
have said, he expired without the least struggle or pain.
Peel summoned a Cabinet at half-past ten. We met and talked of very little
but in what dress we should go to the Council, which was to be at twelve.
It was agreed we should go in black, shoes and stockings, but not full
dress. However, after I left the room the Duke arrived, and said the King
[Footnote: The Duke of Clarence now became William IV] intended to appear
in uniform, so the Duke, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, and Sir J. Murray, who
were there, put on their uniforms. The group at the Council was most
motley. Lords Grey, Lansdowne, Spencer, Tankerville, Sir J. Warrender, and
some others being in black full dress. Lord Camden and some more in
uniform, which several sent for after they arrived, as Salisbury and
Hardinge. The mass, however, in plain black, some in colours. The Royal
Dukes came in full dress.
We waited a long time before the Council, almost two hours, a time occupied
in audiences.
The Duke of Cumberland got the King to send for Lord Eldon, who went in for
a minute only. The Duke of Cumberland received his gold stick, and seemed
very active. The Duke of Wellington, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, the
Chancellor, and Sir R. Peel went in together, and personally acquainted the
King with the late King's death. The King said he might not have an
opportunity of seeing that day the rest of his late Majesty's confidential
servants; but he told those present that all had his confidence, and that
they would receive his _entire, cordial, and determined support_. He told
the Chancellor in a private audience not only the same thing, but that if
at any time he should hear reports of his ceasing to place confidence in
his Government, they were not to be believed. If he had any fault to find
he would at once tell them.
When the Duke and the others came out from the King we all went to the
ball-room, where we began to sign the proclamation, and a few, the Royal
Dukes and others, had signed, when we were called to the Privy Council
Room, where the King soon arrived, attended by the household of the late
King. He took his seat, and read his declaration. He read it with much
feeling, and it was well imagined, and will have a good effect. The Lord
President entreated it might be printed.
I should have mentioned that before the King came in the Council made the
usual orders, with the addition of an order for defacing the late King's
stamps, which was accordingly done by the clerk of the Council.
When the declaration had been read the King took the Scotch oath in the
usual form, the Lord-President reading it to him, and the King holding up
his right hand.
He then said it was a satisfaction to him to find such a Privy Council, and
requested them all to take the oath.
This the Royal Dukes did first, then the Speaker, that he might go to the
House of Commons. Then the Archbishop and the Chancellor together, then the
Dukes, with the Lord President and Privy Seal, then the Marquises, then
others according to their rank. When all had taken the Privy Councillor's
oath the Lord Chancellor took his, and the Clerk of the Council was sworn
by the Lord President. The King then retired, and the Council ordered as
usual respecting the disposal of the late King's body.
After the swearing in we signed the Proclamation. Some remained to alter
the Liturgy. Queen Adelaide is to be prayed for, and the rest of the Royal
family.
The Duke of Norfolk was there as Earl Marshal. He observed he was the only
person there who was not a Privy Councillor, and expressed a wish to be
one. The Duke mentioned it to the King, who readily assented. He observed
there had been no Duke of Norfolk a member of the Privy Council since the
time of James II., and that that Duke of Norfolk was a Protestant. The Duke
of Norfolk, however, will consider the oath before he takes it. He would
have taken the Earl Marshal's oath to-day, but it was not there.
We met in Cabinet at 4.
The only innovations I yet hear of are in the dress of regiments. The King
intends, as he told Lord Farnborough, to live at Windsor. He intends to
have a battalion of the Guards at Edinburgh, and a regiment of the Line at
Windsor.
I went in, by some misdirection, the wrong way, and found Wood and Sir Ch.
Pole waiting for the King. Wood, whom I met near the Horse Guards, as I was
riding down to the Cabinet, told me the King had rehearsed his declaration
to him, Sir Ch. Pole, and Lord Errol, before he went into the Privy
Council.
There was no grief in the room in which we waited. It was like an ordinary
_levée_.
The Chancellor went down to the House between the Cabinet and the Council,
and took the oaths.
The Lord Steward was sent for by Peel, and only arrived a quarter before
four at the House of Commons.
Lord Holland, Grey, and others seemed to think the Proclamation ought to
have been made to-day, and I think it might have been just as well.
The Duke of Wellington was much cheered by the people. The Duke was called
out of the Cabinet to see Halford, but we had a long conversation as to the
course to be pursued with respect to the Parliament, and especially with
respect to the Regency question.
The House must sit next week, as the sugar duties expire on Saturday next,
and Goulburn seems disposed to propose a Bill for the continuance of the
present duties for a time; to take money on account for miscellaneous
services; to throw over the judicial Bills and end the session at once.
The stumbling block is the Regency question--whether it should be brought
forward now, and if brought forward, who shall be Regent.
Peel seems to think we can hardly avoid bringing it on; as the session
would have lasted two months in the event of the late King's living, why
should it not now, when the reason for Parliament sitting is so much
greater? And what would be the situation of the country if the King should
die, leaving a minor Queen?
Peel suggested appointing the Queen Regent for a year. I said, depend upon
it, when the King once has her as Regent he will never consent to change
her, and if you appoint her for a year you appoint her for the whole time.
He afterwards suggested her appointment for a year after the King's death
on account of the probability of her pregnancy. To this I objected, the
state of distraction in which the country would be placed during that year.
It is impossible consistently with the constitution to have an Executive,
of which the existence shall be dependent on the good pleasure of
Parliament.
Peel then suggested the giving to the King the power of naming either the
Queen, the Duchess of Kent, or any member of the Royal family. The
objection to this is that he ought to name one of the two first--that we
got no security against a bad nomination, which we ought to do.
The views we ought to have are these: to give all possible strength to the
monarchy. This we do not, if we permit a frequent change of the Executive;
if we diminish the power of the Crown while in the hands of a Regency. We
want to give stability to the Government, and this can only be given by
making the Queen Regent. If we do that we provide, as far as human wisdom
can, for a stable Government of seven years.
We can in no case _name_ any other person than the Queen, because she may
become pregnant, and in that event it would be monstrous to make the
Duchess of Kent Regent. All we can do, then, is to give the King the option
of choosing the Queen or the Duchess of Kent. He will name the Queen, and
she will be the best.
It has been observed that all Kings of England die either on Saturdays or
Sundays.
_June 27._
Came up to a Cabinet at half-past three. We had a great deal of
conversation as to the course to be pursued. The Chancellor said that in
the event of a minor succeeding to the throne, all the minor's acts would
be valid, and under the responsibility of ministers the Great Seal might be
put in the minor's name by the minor's sign manual to an Act creating a
Regency.
It was determined to take the opinion of the Attorney- and Solicitor-
General upon this point.
On the supposition that the law is as the Chancellor states, we considered
what should be done. All turns upon our being able to get a temporary Act
for the sugar duties, and if we cannot get that we are _really_ no longer a
Government. It was determined to carry through the Beer Bill and Beer Duty
Bill, to throw over Stamps in Ireland, and carry Spirits. To take a sum of
800,000£ on account of miscellaneous estimates, and 250,000£ on account of
the civil list.
These last points were decided at a Cabinet at Sir R. Peel's, which
assembled at eleven, and sat till near one; at which the Attorney- and
Solicitor-General delivered their opinion, in conformity with that of the
Chancellor as to the legal competency of a minor sovereign.
The Attorney-General reminded us that if the King died before the new
Parliament assembled, the old Parliament would revive.
Peel talked a good deal of the Regency. He is much in favour of making the
Queen Regent for a year after the King's death, to provide for the possible
pregnancy. It seems the principle of all Regencies has been to make the
guardian of the person Regent. It is curious that the case should never
have been provided for of a Queen being left pregnant of an heir apparent,
and that it should never have occurred. The difficulty would be infinite.
I consider the death of the King to have been one of the fortunate events
which have often saved the Duke of Wellington. I really do not know how we
could have gone on, had he lived two months.
The King wishes to make Lord Combermere a Privy Councillor, thinking all
gold sticks have been so. We find he is misinformed, and the Duke means to
show him the list of gold-sticks not Privy Councillors, and at the same
time to tell him how Lord Combermere stands, having within these few months
been censured by the Government. The Duke will show the King the
correspondence which passed lately, and leave it to him to decide. There
would be no objection to making him a Privy Councillor some months or a
year hence.
Brougham made a violent speech against Lord Conyngham for not being in
readiness to swear in the House of Commons.
_June 28._
Went to St. James's at eleven. The Household, the Royal family, and the
Ministers only were there. The King was dressed in plain black. He went to
a large window looking into the courtyard, and stood forward. There were
but few people there at first, the Horse Guards and the Heralds. The King's
band played God Save the King, and those who were there cheered, upon which
numbers of people came round from before the Palace and filled the
courtyard. They then cheered well.
As the King passed through the line we formed for him to go to the window
he came up to me and said he must begin by chiding me for not coming to him
yesterday. In fact he had forgot I was a Cabinet Minister, and he therefore
would see me to-day. I said 'it was my first and I hoped it would be my
last fault.' After the Proclamation he sent for the Duke of Wellington, and
when the Duke left him, for me. He asked about China. I told him how we
stood there. That there was an interruption which would probably prevent
the arrival of any ships this year; that orders had been given for a double
investment next year. I said the state of affairs generally was by no means
satisfactory. The King said he was afraid Lord W. Bentinck had not been
doing well. I said I feared he had let down the dignity of his office, and
had when he first went there run after popularity too much, and allowed the
press to get ahead. It would now be very difficult to check it. I added
that he went to make great reductions and had made some. That that had
rendered him unpopular. He was honest and well-meaning. The King said he
should go down to Bushey soon, and as I was living near he would have me
over at eleven o'clock some morning, and give me some hours to make him
acquainted with the state of India. I told him of the secret letter to the
Bengal Government about the Nagpore Treaty, and the principles laid down,
of which he highly approved. He then expressed apprehension of Russia. I
told him all that had been done upon that subject, and of the present to
Runjeet Singh, and the navigation of the Indus, with all which he seemed
much pleased. I said I would send him the secret letters, and get together
information that would bring the whole state of India before him as
concisely as possible. As I was led to mention Sir J. Macdonald, I asked a
coat for him, and the King granted it, thinking it very proper.
The Duke attends the opening of the King's will at 12.
The late King died, as was thought, of fatness about the heart. The dropsy
was gone.
Cabinet. We had none at St. James's, but there was a council. The Duke of
Norfolk attended to be sworn in as a Privy Councillor. We found, on
reference to the Act of last session, that he must have taken the oath
within three months before his receiving any office of trust or profit. So,
on my proposal, the Petty Bag was sent for, and the Chancellor held a court
of Chancery in the ball-room, where the Duke took the oath. He was
afterwards sworn in, as were the Duke of Bedford, Sir S. Canning, Sir J.
Mackintosh, Lord Bexley, and two or three others who were not in time
yesterday. There were a good many orders in council, but of no moment.
There was the usual proclamation against vice and immorality.
The King did very well. He was very gracious to all who approached him, and
had something to say to every one. He took little notice of Sir. J.
Mackintosh.
Lord Bathurst had to change a sheriff. The King, when he heard the name of
the new one (sheriff of Suffolk, I think), said, _'He is a Whig.'_ Lord
Bathurst said, 'He is a very good man, I believe, Sir, and is recommended
by the Duke of Grafton.' 'Oh!' said the King, 'I do not mean to say it is
wrong; only remember, _he is a Whig_.'
After the council we went to Peel's, but we remained but a short time, the
Duke going to the House and Peel too before 4. In our House not a word was
said. In the Commons Brougham, who seems, as Frankland Lewis told me, half
frantic, made rather an apologetic speech for his attack upon the Lord
Steward, but again hinted at intentional disrespect towards the House of
Commons, not on the part of Ministers in that House, but of persons
elsewhere. He reminded Peel that whatever accession of strength Ministers
might have recently obtained, they could not carry on the Government
without the confidence of the House of Commons.
His speech was very mysterious, and hardly any one understood it. Some
thought he alluded to the accession of Lord Grey to the Government; that
must have rested upon foolish rumour. He alluded, I conclude, to the King's
support, now well known. What symptoms of disrespect for the House of
Commons he may have discovered I know not. Probably he chooses to imagine
them, to produce an effect.
He is evidently mad with disappointment. He could not well be wooed in such
a temper, even if he were to be wooed at all.
After the House I rode to leave my name at the Princess Augusta's, and
forgot the Duke of Cumberland, who lives close by; then I went to the Duke
of Gloucester's, where I met F. Lewis, who told me of Brougham's speech and
so on. I went with Wood to the Princess Sophia of Gloucester's. He told me
all the King said of the late King's error in not frankly supporting his
Government, and of his own determination to do so. He had been long in the
habit of saying, 'the Queen is not with child.' There had been a report to
that effect. Rode to the Duchess of Kent's and Duke of Sussex's. Met Lord
Graham, Mr. and Mrs. Arbuthnot, and the Chancellor. Rode on with the
Chancellor to Kensington. As we were coming away from the Palace we heard
the trampling of horses behind us, and turning round, saw the King coming
full tilt with his lancers; we had but just time to wheel round and salute
His Majesty, who seemed much amused at seeing two of his Ministers amongst
all the little children who were running by his carriage, and the
Chancellor, so lately in all the gravity of his official robes, mounted on
a little white New Forest pony of Lady Lyndhurst's. I rode on to
Roehampton, dined there, and rode back.
At 10 a Cabinet at Peel's. We framed the message. Peel was very flat. The
measure of immediate dissolution is one he does not half approve. He wished
to settle the Regency question. He has been put out of humour by having his
opinions upon that point not at once acquiesced in. He sees all the
difficulties of our position, and does not meet them with energy and
_elan_. He certainly is not an agreeable person to transact business with,
but he is a very able man.
The accounts from Ireland are very bad. The potatoes are exhausted at
Limerick, Tralee, and other places, and the new crop will not come in till
August. At Limerick some stores have been forced, and the troops attacked
with stones.
At Tralee there was a subscription of 450£ for the purchase of potatoes;
300£ was expended, and the Mayor of Tralee and other _gentlemen_ bought
some of these potatoes, which were offered at a reduced price to the
people, for _seed_! Can any country be tranquil in which resident gentlemen
can do such things? A discretionary power has been given to the Lord
Lieutenant to expend 3000£ in food, should it become necessary, without
further reference.
About 180 peers have taken the oaths. I fear we shall be beaten upon the
Forgery Bill; we have a very narrow margin indeed, not above six or eight
without bishops. It is supposed the bishops will stay away. I fear those
will stay away who would, if present, vote with us, and all who are against
will come. If this should be the case we must be defeated.
The King was perfectly reasonable about Lord Combermere. The Duke showed
His Majesty the letters which had passed, and the King said he should not
think of it. He told Peel and Lord Melville he wished the Royal Academy to
remain open till after the King's funeral, that he might see the
exhibition, and said Peel should attend him when he went. This Peel thinks
very foolish, and his disposition seems to be to turn the King into
ridicule, and to throw the suspicion of insanity upon all his acts. This is
the _tactique_ of the Whigs. The King takes the Sacrament on Sunday, and
has desired the two English and one Irish archbishop to attend. This they
call 'an indication.'
_June 29._
At half-past ten went to Lord Rosslyn's, to arrange with him the Lords'
Address. Went with him to Peel's, to show it to him. He was reading when we
went in, and hardly looked up. He heard the Address which I read, and
approved of it; but he hardly took any notice of us or of it. He seemed
really ill, and quite broken down.
Called on Hardinge. We had some conversation respecting the state of the
Government. His idea is that the strength of the Government in the House of
Commons is much injured by Peel's being in a subordinate situation to the
Duke. That if he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and First Lord of the
Treasury, things would go on better, the Duke taking a secretaryship of
State. This would do very well in the House of Commons, but very ill in the
Cabinet. He is for getting Mr. Stanley, and suggests (or Rosslyn did, or
both, for having talked to both on the same subject I may confound them)
that Lord F. Leveson should be made a peer. I think that a good idea. He is
of no use in the Commons, and his peerage would open a place which Mr.
Stanley could fill.
Rosslyn thinks Aberdeen's notions upon foreign politics have, together with
his assumption of independence which is of recent date, made the Duke
rather sore, and that he would not be sorry to have another Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs. Lord Rosslyn wants to have Lord Grey in, and
says he would as soon be First Lord of the Admiralty as Foreign Secretary.
Rosslyn would, I think, like to go to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant. He would
willingly give up the Privy Seal to Aberdeen. He thinks Sir G. Murray would
make an excellent Governor General. I fear he would be too indolent. He
said he knew, if there was a vacancy, the Duke would be glad to make him
Master General.
I had said I believed Lord Beresford would go to Portugal as Minister, if
Miguel would be on good terms with us. It seems Goulburn would be glad to
be Speaker. That would open a proper office for Herries, and his offices
might be divided, Lord Althorpe having the Board of Trade.
I really think some arrangement must be made to give us strength in the
House of Commons. Saw the Duke at two. He approved of the address. Rosslyn,
was with him. I told him how ill Peel seemed. He said he would go to see
him.
House. The Duke moved the Address. He gave a character of the late King as
one of the most accomplished, able, and remarkable men of the age. I saw
Lord Grey smile a little, but the House generally was grave and formal.
Lord Grey assented to the Address, but _laissait entrevoir_ that he should
be hostile to the Address to-morrow, hinting at the Regency. The same thing
was done in the Commons.
The Duke told me the late King had three disorders which must have proved
fatal, and he died of bursting a blood-vessel in the stomach. He had a
concretion as large as an orange in his bladder, his liver was diseased,
and his heart was ossified. Water there was not much, and all proceeding
from the interruption of circulation about the heart. I read the report,
signed by Halford, Tierney, Brodie, and A. Cooper.
We had East Retford again. Lord Londonderry, whom Lord Durham puts forward
as his tool, moved an adjournment. The question was postponed till Friday.
Afterwards the Duke of Buckingham, when most peers had gone away, moved the
same thing, and then Lord Londonderry twice. We had majorities but gave it
up at last. The Chancellor is heartily tired of the whole thing. The Duke
went away while Lord Londonderry was explaining in answer to his speech, to
the noble Lord's great annoyance.
I rode home with the Duke, who spoke of Lord Londonderry as a madman. He
said Peel had not taken a sufficiently high line. He did not like the
position he stood in in the House of Commons. The Duke said no Government
was ever beaten by its enemies, but many have been by their friends.
The King was very amenable and good-natured to-day.
_June 30._
Occupied all the morning in looking at the precedents in the case of
regency. There are two modern contradictory precedents, 24 Geo. II. and 5
Geo. III., and no experience of either, nor has there been a minority since
Edward VI. in 1547.
It is clear the sovereign is sovereign whatever be his age, and the Act
appointing a regent must have his assent. Whatever has at any time been
done, has been done or sanctioned by Parliament. Parliament cannot
supersede the Royal authority.
It is remarkable that Parliament in 1811 made provision for the care of the
King's person in case of his death; but none for the care of the kingdom in
the event of the Regent's death, although the Princess Charlotte was but
fifteen.
House at 5. The Duke moved the Address in a very short speech, not
adverting to the regency. Lord Grey followed and declared his opinion of
the incapacity of Government as exhibited in their measures during the last
five months. Goderich said 'nothing had been done,' and was for going on
with the business. Lord Harrowby wished a short Regency Bill to be passed,
giving the regency to the Queen for six weeks, to provide for the case of
pregnancy. The Chancellor made a speech, not long, admitting the law to be
as stated, that is, that the sovereign immediately on accession possessed
all Royal power. Eldon spoke against us, and treated the question of a King
_en venire sa mere_ with jocularity. I followed, and observed gravely upon
his jocularity on such a subject; then stated my view of the question, and
expressed my regret and surprise at Lord Grey's declaration, added I was
happy to know at last where we were, who were our friends and who were our
enemies.
Then got up the Duke of Richmond, totally misrepresenting what I had said
as to Lord Eldon and Lord Grey, and endeavouring to make them appear as
personal attacks to which no gentleman could submit. Lord Londonderry
followed in the same tone. (After the Duke of Richmond I explained that I
had not attributed improper motives to Lord Grey, nor attacked Lord Eldon's
character.) We had afterwards Lord Lansdowne, Lord Harewood giving his
first vote for the Government after the Catholic Question, and _that_
because it was the first measure of the new King. A foolish reason, but I
dare say many voted on the same ground. Lord Wharncliffe spoke against us,
Lords Bute and Wicklow and the Duke of Buckingham for us, Lord Radnor
shortly against. The Duke replied. Then Lord Grey spoke, and observed, of
course, upon what I had said, but not angrily, and I made an explanation
which was satisfactory, and set us quite right again. He had imagined me to
say he owed a debt of gratitude to the Government for the measure of last
session. I said he had expressed gratitude, but we had not claimed it,
because we only did our duty. In the lobby during the debate Lord Jersey
told me he was afraid Lord Grey might have misunderstood the meaning of
what I said about gratitude, and begged me to set him right immediately if
it was so.
We had 100 to 54. A very good division. We went, at ten, to Goulburn's to
dinner, and expected soon to see the members of the House of Commons, and
to hear of as good a division there as in the Lords, but after an hour we
heard the division had only been 185 to 139. This made us a little flat,
and Lord Bathurst drank no more champagne.
I intentionally committed the Government thoroughly with the Whigs, for
after Lord Grey's declaration it was idle to expect a vote from them, and
our people were pleased, as I knew they would be. The Duke of Bedford and
Lord Jersey voted with us. So did Dudley.
I shall have work enough now, as they have ten or twelve speakers, and we
but three.
_July 1._
Looked over the debates on the Forgery Bill this morning. Committee at one.
Examined a manufacturer of camlets and bombazines from Norwich. House.
Forgery Bill. The Chancellor made an admirable speech, Lord Lansdowne
followed him, then Lords Wynford, Tenterden, and Eldon all against the
bill. We divided 77 to 20. The Duke was delighted, he said, '_How very
right we were._' So said the Chancellor. Peel would have given it up. Now,
I think one large majority will set public opinion right again. The
Chancellor said all that was contained in Peel's two speeches and much
more. Peel and Brougham were under the throne.
Lord Bathurst, with whom I walked home from the House at three, when we
talked of Goulburn's becoming Speaker, suggested Hardinge as Chancellor of
the Exchequer. He would be an excellent one.
I met Goulburn in the Park this morning. He did not seem much pleased with
the House last night. I see there were strong words indeed in the second
debate, Brougham talking of the _parasites_ of the Duke of Wellington. Peel
asked whether he presumed to call him a parasite? There was great
confusion, and it ended by Peel's making an explanation for Brougham, in
which Brougham acquiesced. Several members, amongst the rest, I hear,
Castlereagh, were going to call Brougham out.
In the House Lord Bathurst told me Wortley had stayed away from the
division last night, and had sent in his resignation. Soon after I received
a note from Wortley telling me so, expressing great regret that he could
not vote for a course of measures which excluded a Regency Bill. His regret
was increased by my kindness and encouragement. I have sent his letter to
the Duke, having shown it to Lord Bathurst in the House. I wrote an answer
to say I felt great regret at his not being able to adopt our line, and
expressing my personal regret at losing him, and my acknowledgments for the
assistance I had derived from him.
His father and father-in-law both voted against us last night. He says in
his note he has taken his line entirely on his own view.
I had some talk with Dudley in the lobby of the House. I began by saying he
had acted very handsomely by us. He said he was friendly to the Government,
and above all things unfriendly to Lord Grey and the Duke of Newcastle. The
motion of last night he called pure faction.
Salisbury told me he stayed away to-night not liking to vote against us, on
account of yesterday's declaration of war. The Duke of Gordon told me he
was much pleased with me last night. I do not, however, think I spoke as
well as usual.
Bankes I had some talk with. He said the Duke of Cumberland was hostile to
the Duchess of Kent and Leopold. He would prefer the Queen as Regent. He
had been much with the King for the last six weeks, and there was a good
understanding between them. Bankes asked if I had left my name with him. I
told him I had, and I believed all the rest had. By some mistake of a
servant the summons to the Privy Council did not reach the Duke of
Cumberland till the day after the accession, and he was very angry. It had
been sent to Kew. He is satisfied now. Goulburn has hit upon a _mezzo
termine_ which answers for the present session. He has reduced the duty on
West Indian sugar to 24,9., and on East Indian sugar to 32s. The duty on
other sugar to be 63s. I did not fail to tell Dudley and Bankes in what
strong terms the King had expressed his determination to support the
Government. They were both 'colpiti.' Dudley had had no idea terms so
strong had been used. He comes to the Council to be sworn in on Saturday.
_July 2._
Chairs at eleven. They have sent a representation on the subject of the
Kattywar draft, impugning, as I understand, for I have not yet read it, the
power of the Board to give orders in the Secret Department which do not
require secresy.
I told the Chairs distinctly that I intended to take upon the King's
Government the whole responsibility of the foreign policy of India.
I saw Wortley, who thanked me very much indeed for my note of yesterday
evening. He was much distressed, and evidently regrets extremely that he
has tendered his resignation. He adheres, however, to his opinion that the
Regency question should have been settled at least provisionally before
Parliament separated. He was going to see Peel and afterwards the Duke.
He told me the Government could not be conducted in the House of Commons
unless some more Ministers would speak-that there must be a change.
I called at Hardinge's. He told me the same thing, and that he had talked
about it to the Duke yesterday and made him promise to place the
ministerial seats in the House of Commons at Peel's disposal. Hardinge is
for having Edward Stanley. He spoke of Wilmot Horton, but he is not of
Cabinet calibre. I think Hardinge is disposed to displace Murray rather
than either of the others. He talked again of making Peel First Lord of the
Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Duke Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs--Aberdeen going to Ireland. Aberdeen would not go
there, I think. I told Hardinge Lord Bathurst had suggested him as
Chancellor of the Exchequer. He would not hear of it.
It seems Brougham was almost drunk the other night. Hardinge and several
others were getting up to question him when Peel stopped them. He pulled
Hardinge down by the coat. Hardinge says Peel managed admirably.
In the House spoke to the Chancellor and Lord Bathurst, and told them I had
heard we must have an addition of strength to the Treasury Bench. They both
said they believed so too. Lord Bathurst again mentioned Hardinge.
Spoke to the Duke about Wortley. He said he had written a kind note to him,
and told him he had been too hasty. He should have spoken to some of the
Ministers first. The Duke evidently intends the thing to blow over.
Spoke to Lord Wharncliffe about the same thing. He said he would neither
have voted nor have spoken against Government on Wednesday if he had had an
idea of Wortley's resigning, because it gave the appearance of concert, and
there really was none. He did not know of the letters till after they had
been written. I said Lord Harrowby's taking the same line, both voting and
speaking, gave the appearance of concert. He said he thought Wortley
altogether wrong. That a young man, having joined a Government, had no
right, for a difference on a single point, to resign. If he differed upon a
system of policy it was another thing. I said I thought it would be allowed
to blow over. He afterwards talked to the Duke, and I have no doubt Wortley
will remain.
Lord Bathurst says W. Horton is a gentleman. I doubted it. He rather wishes
to have Wilmot in office. But the person to be got is Mr. Stanley.
We had a discussion on a motion of Lord Londonderry's whether we should
proceed with East Retford or not. I followed Lord Grey and spoke very
quietly but, I think, reasonably, for going on. I said if we were obliged
to postpone any measure, the last we should postpone should be one deeply
interesting to the House of Commons and affecting their privileges.
I think we did all Peel could require. We had 45 to 13. I remained till
eight, but I could stay no longer.
Lord Londonderry attacked me again, and said instead of planting a dagger
in the side of Lord Grey I should have applied a _healing plaster!_ His
comparative civility to the Government to-day was to conciliate their
support to Sir R. Gresley for Durham.
The Duke told Hardinge yesterday I was always ready. I was a little too
lively, but I was of great use.
_July 3._
The King has done two popular things. He has allowed a passage to be made
from Waterloo Place into the Park, and he has dismissed all the late King's
French cooks! He will have no foreigners about him.
The foreign Ministers were all introduced to him to-day. He was very
gracious, Aberdeen said, but he did not choose his topics quite so well as
the late King, who had much tact and grace, neither does the King speak
French well.
Lord Combermere came and had an audience to present a picture of the King
of Delhi, painted by an Indian artist. It seemed not ill done, and had the
appearance of an ordinary picture, but when placed against the light was a
transparency. Lord Combermere did not remain long with the King, and when
he came out he seemed annoyed. He remained some time, and the Duke was
afraid he remained to be sworn in, in consequence of some incautious
promise of the King. It was arranged that Buller, who had a list of the
Privy Councillors, should turn him out with the rest who were not so, when
the Council began. However, he went away a little before.
The Duke of Montrose has resigned, and the King has placed the office at
the disposal of the Duke of Wellington.
Peel seems to think Lord Graham is dissatisfied and unfriendly. It seems he
has been heard complaining of vacillation, &c., on the part of the
Government, and does not attend well.
The Queen has named Lady Wellesley and Mrs. Berkeley Paget as two Ladies of
the Bed-chamber. Valletort is to be in some high situation about the Queen.
Lord Errol, her Master of the Horse.