_January 22._
At one, Privy Council to consider the petition of the E. I. C. for the
recall of Sir J. P. Grant. The Lord President, Lord Chief Baron, and Lord
Chief Justice of Common Pleas present. The committee reported that they did
not consider themselves warranted at present in advising Sir J. P. Grant's
removal, but they thought it right he should be directed to proceed home
that the several matters objected to him might be investigated.
I took the opportunity of the presence of two judges to get a legal opinion
as to Sir J. Malcolm's conduct in resisting the service of the Habeas
Corpus _ad testificandum_.
I took the opportunity likewise of laying before the two judges the change
of circumstances since the institution of the Supreme Court, and the
present reasons for making their jurisdiction without the limits of the
Presidency the exception and not the rule.
The judges seemed to enter into my view. The Lord Chief Baron suggested
that there might be a previous enquiry before the Country Court, which
might for that purpose be a sort of grand jury. [Footnote: _I.e._ when the
case was to be transferred to the Supreme Court.]
Lord Hill showed me a letter from Sir F. Watson addressed to Sir B. Taylor,
as the King's first aide-de-camp, and directing him as such, by the King's
command, to intimate to Lord Hill the pleasure it would give His Majesty to
know that Lord Hill had given Captain Scarlett, the son of the Attorney-
General, an opportunity of purchasing a majority. Captain Scarlett is a
very young captain--and Lord Hill feels the thing asked cannot be done. He
was going to see the Duke of Wellington about it. Not very long ago the
King gave away a regiment without asking Lord Hill--however, that was
settled; but it is clear that, unless Lord Hill is allowed to exercise the
fair patronage of his office, he will resign.
_January 26._
Cabinet. It seems the French have acceded to the proposals of the Pasha of
Egypt, and finding 50,000 men would be required to take Algiers, prefer his
operating with 40,000 of his own. He pretends to have made arrangements
which will secure an easy conquest, and promises to place Tunis, Tripoli,
and Algiers under regular governments, nominally under the Sultan, whose
consent he reckons upon, and capable of preserving the relations of peace
with other Mediterranean Powers.
The Pasha's army is commanded by French officers, and the annexation of
these States to Egypt would be their practical annexation to France. When
his army is disseminated along the coast of Africa, I might realise my
dream of taking Egypt from India.
We considered the proposed order in Council relative to the slave
regulations of the King's own ceded colonies. The Duke was evidently not
well, and he was rather out of humour. We were three hours and a half in
Cabinet. He made various objections to the proposed regulations. He
impressed upon us the danger of tampering with the rights of property. We
were doing that with property of an _odious_ character, which we should not
do in England. He pressed the effect in the West Indies and the example
everywhere. He seemed to complain that the regulations were different from
those agreed to in the summer. Sir G. Murray was very quiet. He is a very
sensible man, but he is overawed by the Duke, having been under him so
long.
Poor old Tierney is dead, for which I am very sorry. He was a very good
friend of mine.
_January 27._
Cabinet at four. There can be no Council to-morrow, as Greville has the
gout and Buller is in Cornwall.
There is to be an intimation sent to the Pasha to the effect that we
_disapprove_ of the proposed attempt to conquer Tripoli, Tunis, and
Algiers. France is to be told the same. I wished conditional orders to be
given to the Fleet, and that the Pasha should be told orders had been
given. It being doubtful whether French vessels might not convoy the
Egyptian fleet and transports, I thought we had better now consider what we
should do in that event; that we had better not threaten without
determining to execute our threat, and that we should consider how we
should deal with the French ships if we stopped the Egyptian--in short not
take a first step which might make a second necessary, without knowing in
our own minds what that second step should be. The Duke thinks the French
will back out when they know our _disapprobation_, and that at any rate the
Pasha would. I rather doubt this of either of them.
The French say they have a sort of quarrel with Tripoli, but none with
Tunis, and they enter into a scheme for conquering both as stepping-stones
to Algiers. Tunis in their hands would be more dangerous than Algiers.
Hardinge told me he had had a long conversation with Peel the other day on
the state of the country. He thought Peel seemed to have apprehensions, and
to think that if the King, through some intrigue of the Brunswickers, got
rid of the Duke, things would go very ill indeed; that the authority of the
Duke alone kept things quiet. England is in a bad state, because the
country gentlemen have ill-paid rents; but Scotland and Ireland do very
well, and the trade of the country is not depressed.
Cabinet dinner at the Chancellor's. The Duke of Montrose there, as it was
to have been a dinner for the sheriffs. I told the Duke of my notion of
altering the law of succession to property in India, and enabling all
existing proprietors to leave their estates as they please.
_January 28._
The 'Times' publishes my letter to Malcolm to-day, with comments.
Upon the whole I am glad the letter has been published. I think no one can
read it without seeing I am actuated only by public views, and that I am
determined to do my duty.
The editor of the 'Courier' called at the Indian Board and saw Bankes, and
asked whether he should say anything. Bankes said he would see me before he
gave an answer. I do not care about the publication, and the letter will
defend itself.
_January 29._
Chairs have received very bad accounts of the temper of the Madras army,
which has no cause of complaint. Lord W. Bentinck has been at last obliged
to lay his hand upon the press, and, as might have been expected, is much
more abused than if he had done so at first. The Radicals had begun to
consider him one of themselves, and so think him a traitor when he refuses
to go any further with them.
I went to the Duke and told him what they said. He is, as usual, sanguine,
and thinks it will blow over.
I told the Duke I thought he had better look out for a Governor-General,
for it might be necessary to recall Lord W. Bentinck. The objection to
making Malcolm provisional successor is that he would stay till he died in
order to be Governor-General one day. Otherwise his provisional appointment
would strengthen the local Government very much.
At the Cabinet they had all read my letter in the 'Times,' except the
Chancellor. I told him to read it.
Peel was indignant at the publication. Lord Rosslyn said Joseph Hume had
had the letter some time in his possession, and must have sent it to the
'Times.'
Peel said it was a very good letter. I said I was not ashamed of it.
They all laughed very much at the simile of the elephants.
Cabinet. Much discussion as to the terms of the speech. Aberdeen's part was
very ill done indeed. It underwent much alteration and was improved. That
regarding distress and remedies was postponed. There is no remedy, and it
is best to say so.
In the meantime the export of almost all manufactures is increased largely
in quantity, but the value is diminished. Still this proves continued and
increased employment, although at low wages. This is a state of things in
which we cannot try to make corn dearer or wool either. Nothing but the
extreme cheapness of our manufactures makes their export possible.
Aberdeen read his letter to Consul Barker respecting the. Pasha's designs.
The last paragraph, which intimated that the Pasha's persistence 'would too
probably lead to our decided opposition,' was omitted. It was thought that
the recommendation, 'to weigh well the serious consequences of a measure
highly objectionable to us, and to which other Powers could not but be
unfavourable,' was thought sufficient to stop the Pasha.
If the first words had stood, we must have used the same to France, and the
threat might have led to collision. In any case the Pasha would have
communicated the expressions to France.
The Duke and the Chancellor were to see Leopold to-morrow.
Another Cabinet to-morrow at four for going on with the Speech.
_January 30._
Hardinge called. He told me all was not settled as to Lord Chandos having
the Mint. He referred to the Duke of Buckingham, [Footnote: He had, as
appears from the Wellington correspondence, pressed for years his claims to
a seat in the Cabinet, with an importunity to which the Duke of Wellington
expressed his objection. His large parliamentary interest, which almost
made him the chief of a party of his own, made him appear entitled to
expect it.] who would rather have it himself, with a seat in the Cabinet.
Lord MountCharles goes out to annoy his father, and force him to give him a
larger allowance, unaccompanied by the condition of constant attendance in
the House of Commons.
Read the Duke of Northumberland's letter to Peel on the state of Ireland.
The Duke represents the Catholic Relief Bill as having produced none of the
evils anticipated by its opposers, if it has not produced all the benefits
expected by its supporters--as having upon the whole worked better than
could have been expected in so short a time and under such circumstances.
The disturbances he thinks confined to the counties of Tipperary, Clare,
and Roscommon; in the first produced by too high rents; in the second by
late collision and the want of proper management on the part of the
gentlemen; in the last by attempts to convert the Catholics, and the zeal
of new converts. The Catholic Union is dissolved. The great body of the
Catholics have abstained from the ostentation of triumph.
_Monday, February 1._
Bankes called this morning, but I did not see him. He saw Henry. He came to
say he was out, and S. Wortley in his place. When he understood Lord
Chandos did not take the Mint, he went to the Duke and offered to remain,
thinking his going out, with Lord Chandos's declining to come in, might,
taken together, embarrass the Government. However, the arrangement was
already made.
Read Lushington's minute on the Neilgherry hills. He wants to make an
English colony there. If he had, every man would make some excuse, desert
his duty in the hot months, and go to the Neilgherry hills.
Read the first volume of Gamba's 'Travels in South Russia.' He was Consul
of France, but writes like a Russian. He talks of restoring the commercial
communication with Asia by the Phasis, Caspian, and Oxus. All this is
absurd. Unless indeed the Russians, after occupying China, turn the Oxus
into its old course, and thus enable themselves to carry goods by water
carriage to the foot of the Himalaya, or rather within 250 miles of Cabul.
_February 5._
Received last night a note from the Duke asking me, if I could, to have a
Cabinet to-day on Batta. If I could not, to send Peel the letters of
Malcolm, &c.
I determined to have the Cabinet. Peel had not read till the day before
yesterday the Batta papers, and, although inclining to the opinion that the
present orders must be maintained, he thinks it, as it is, a serious
question for the Government to decide after the minutes of Lord William
Bentinck and the members of council, with the apprehension of a mutiny as
the possible result of our standing firm. I said if we gave way the other
armies would bring forward their demands--that it was a question, not only
between the Home Authorities and the army, but the Home Authorities and the
Local Government which had for sixteen years resisted the orders sent to
them.
The Duke cautioned the Cabinet as to the character of the Indian army,
which he said was a _mercenary army_, retained in obedience by nothing but
the wish to return to England; but he thought after what had taken place we
must resist, and adhere to our present orders. Peel wished all the members
of the Cabinet to read the minutes before they decided, and there is to be
a Cabinet on Sunday.
It was determined that if a question should be asked to-night, Peel should
say 'the orders had not been countermanded.' Peel observed very justly on
the state of things which seemed to exist in India. An army sending such
memorials to the Government, and the members of the Government writing
pamphlets against each other. In point of fact, years will be required to
restore a proper tone to the Government of India.
I mentioned to the Duke the mission of two Russian Poles to India and
Manilla, and that I suspected Russia of a wish to purchase Manilla. Neither
the Duke nor Aberdeen seemed to think the Spaniards would or could sell the
Philippines. However, Aberdeen will write to the man at Madrid to find out
whether any proposal to that effect has been made by the Russian
Government.
The members of the House of Commons consider their majority last night
fortunate. The House is very loose. In the majority and minority were the
most opposite parties. O'Connell went out with Sadler. The Brunswickers are
in high glee, and have sent for their valiant champion, Falmouth. In our
House they made a poor show.
Prince Leopold is not by any means disposed to take Greece without Candia,
and it was thought, from Lord Lansdowne's speech, he and others had advised
him to take this line. Aberdeen is very much embarrassed to find a
substitute.
_February 6._
Spring-Rice asked Bankes in the House last night whether the letter to Sir
J. Malcolm published as mine was mine. Bankes said that I had no copy of
it, and therefore could not say it was correctly given. It was a private
letter. Brougham, and Mackintosh, and that ass, M. A. Taylor, spoke in
reprobation of it. Mackintosh most unfairly and disingenuously pretended to
understand I endeavoured to get off by saying it was a private letter, and
said it would be an extenuation of my offence if I would disavow the
sentiments contained in it. What must he be himself to suppose I would
disavow what I had written! Upon the whole, the tone taken by Peel and
Bankes, but more especially by Peel, was too apologetical. I shall be
obliged to go to the House on Monday to have a question put to me by Lord
Lansdowne. I shall distinctly declare he may consider the letter as mine,
and that I am ready to defend every line of it. Wrote to Lord Wellesley to
offer to put his name upon the Committee on East India affairs if he would
attend. He declines on account of ill-health.
Received a note from Peel begging me to have the Chairs to meet him on the
appointment of the committee. I sent to the Chairman, and he came and met
Peel; but Astell was out of the way. We are to meet at half-past one to-
morrow. Peel did not seem to have looked much into the subject, which the
Chairman observed.
Saw Bankes. He is not certain of succeeding now to the secretaryship of the
Admiralty, but he expects it ultimately. He thinks the Duke of Buckingham
had nothing to do with Lord Chandos's rejection of the Mint: but does not
know how it went off. He thought that Lord Chandos had accepted, and the
Duke seems to have thought so too.
A very good account from Ireland. The country gradually and quietly coming
round.
_Sunday, February 7._
Cabinet. First, Batta. The Duke gave his decided opinion in favour of
adhering to the present order. After some conversation, but no opposition,
the Cabinet acquiesced unanimously in that decision, which has been mine
from the first.
I had a moment's conversation with Peel about the letter to Sir J. Malcolm,
and told him I would defend every word of it, elephants and all.
Then we had a good deal of discussion respecting the policy to be pursued
with regard to Cuba, against which the Mexicans are preparing to organise a
slave insurrection, for which purpose they have sent a Minister to Hayti.
It seems to be generally believed that Canning, about the year 1823, issued
a sort of prohibition to the Mexican and Columbian States to attack Cuba,
but no trace can be found in the Foreign Office of any such prohibition.
Sir R. Wilson means to ask a question upon the subject to-morrow. He says,
if you prohibit the Mexicans and Columbians from attacking Cuba, you should
prohibit the Spaniards from attacking them--which is fair--in fact the
expedition of Barradas was undertaken before we knew anything about it, and
if we had wished we could not have interfered.
The question as to what answer should be given to Sir R. Wilson, and what
policy pursued, was deferred till to-morrow.
In the meantime it appears that Mr. Robertson, who is at Mexico,
remonstrated strongly with M. de Bocaregna, respecting the objects of the
embassy to Hayti, and he was told by Aberdeen that he did quite right, and
that not only ourselves but other states might view with disapprobation an
attempt to excite a warfare of an uncivilised character in Cuba.
The French have assembled 35,000 men to attack Algiers. They promise not to
keep it. [Footnote: This promise was repudiated by the Government of July.]
They intimate their intention of assisting Mehemet Ali with a fleet; but in
the meantime they are satisfied at Constantinople that Mehemet Ali will not
move.
Aberdeen told Laval that we had informed the Pasha of Egypt that we should
view with disapprobation his attack upon Tunis and Tripoli without the
consent of the Sultan. Laval begged this might be repeated to him three
times.
Much conversation as to the state of the House of Commons. The Tories are
most radical. Sir R. Vyvyan told Holmes or Planta his object was to reduce
the Government majorities as much as possible, and to make the Government
as contemptible as possible. Sir E. Knatchbull leads about twenty-three. I
think the probability is that, unless we make some coalition with the
Whigs, we shall go to the ground between the two parties, [Footnote: This
eventually occurred on the Civil List question after the accession of
William IV.] both uniting against us upon some point (upon my letter to Sir
J. Malcolm as likely as any other).
I took home Sir George Murray. He expressed his surprise the Duke should
cling to the hope of reclaiming the ultra-Tories, whom he would not get,
and who were not worth having.
I confess I think he carries it on too long, although I am not surprised he
should have wished it at first.
Prince Leopold has given no reply to Aberdeen's letter, or to the offer of
the ambassadors.
Lord Holland gives notice to-morrow of a motion about Greece, and Lord
Melbourne moves for some papers respecting Portugal.
Lord Melville gives notice for me of the committee on East Indian Affairs,
and I am not to go down till Tuesday, that we may have out the letter to
Malcolm and other Indian matters all at once.
_February 8._
Wrote a memorandum for Peel and Bankes to this effect: 'That I had neither
copy nor recollection of the letter; but that I had no doubt the letter
published as mine was substantially correct. It was a confidential
exposition of the motives which induced me to recommend two judges to the
King. [Footnote: It was suggested that with these colleagues Sir J. Grant
would be like a wild elephant between two tame ones. Alluding to the method
of taming captured elephants in India.] It was never intended to be
published, nor did I expect it would be. The expressions, therefore, were
unadvised, but the sentiments were and are mine, deliberately formed upon
full consideration of the official documents before me.
Cabinet. It appears on looking into papers of 1825 and 1826 that so far
from our having prohibited Mexico and Columbia from making any attack upon
Cuba, we uniformly abstained from doing anything of the kind. The Americans
declared they could not see with indifference any state other than Spain in
possession of Cuba, and further their disposition to interpose their power
should war be conducted in Cuba in a _devastating_ manner, and with a view
to the excitement of a servile war.
We offered to guarantee Cuba to Spain in 1823 if she would negotiate with
the colonies with a view to their recognition.
Subsequently we were willing to enter into a tripartite guarantee of Cuba
to Spain with the United States and France.
The United States seemed not unwilling, but France held back.
Peel is to say there was no record of any prohibition, but that the United
States declared so, and it was possible Mr. Canning may have intimated a
similar disposition on our part. This is to keep open to us the faculty of
interfering if we please.
The Duke thinks my letter does not signify one pin. The simile of the
elephants evidently means no more than that an indiscreet judge was placed
between two discreet ones.
The Duke told me he had offered a Lordship of the Treasury to Ashley, who
had declined it. He then told him to make himself master of the Batta
question. Ashley said he had not seen the papers. He said, let him see the
papers. I told him I had sent them the moment I got them to him, and he had
desired me to send them to the Cabinet room, which I did. When they were
taken from the Cabinet room they went to the India Board, and Ashley might
have seen them. I had never kept any papers from him. We then talked about
the speech to be made in moving the committee. The Duke seems inclined to
have little said. Peel seems disposed to say little; but he knows little. I
think they are wrong. I am sure it is necessary to correct the erroneous
notions which have been propagated with respect to the trade. They will
otherwise acquire so great a head it will be impossible to beat them back.
However, this we are to talk over with Peel tomorrow.
General King, who voted against the address on Thursday, is turned out by
the King himself; the Duke having only mentioned the fact. I dare say the
King may be alarmed by the spirit shown by the House of Commons.
The suicide of . . . . on account of his wife's seduction by the Duke of
Cumberland, will drive the Duke of Cumberland out of the field.
_February 9._
Called on the Duke. He advised a very narrowed statement in moving for the
committee. I rather doubt his judgment upon this point. I fear the opinion
of the country will become settled, and that when the strength of our case
is brought forward it will be found unequal to the driving back of the
stream. However, I made a speech as he desired. Lord Lansdowne said a few
words.
Lord Durham then questioned me as to the authenticity of my letter to Sir
J. Malcolm. I acknowledged it was substantially correct, and declared I
could not have entertained any other sentiments without a dereliction of
duty. He expressed disapprobation, considering the letter as evincing a
determination to control the independence of judges. The Duke replied--then
Lord Melville--then Lord Holland--I last. I declared that, as my father's
son, I was the last man capable of harbouring a thought against the
independence of judges; but I would resist their usurpation, more
especially when they usurped powers withheld from them by Parliament as
dangerous to the peace of India and to the stability of the British power.
I said India could not bear the collision of the Supreme Court and the
Local Government. If we did not support the Government we should lose
India.
I was determined to maintain the integrity, the dignity, the authority, and
the unapproachable power of the Local Government, and especially to support
a man who, at that distance from England, acting in the faithful discharge
of his public duty, incurred the highest responsibility and the greatest
personal risk in defence of what he considered essential to the stability
of the British power in India. I believe I did well. They all told me I
should hear no more of it.
_February 10._
Saw Bankes. He says the House of Commons is loose indeed; but he thinks
Ministers will have a majority on the East Retford business. The worst of
it is that those who ought to be the friends of Government will not stay
out a debate. Last night Peel and Goulburn were left with a decided
minority, but the House was counted out.
Saw Hardinge. He seems to think there is no great danger, and he thinks the
House is in so loose a state that the accession of an individual or two
would not draw others; that Brougham may be quieted, and that the others do
not much signify.
In the meantime Abercromby has been made Chief Baron of Scotland. Another
Whig gone. A very valuable intimation to those who remain.
Lord Lansdowne brings in Zachary Macaulay, son of the old saint. [Footnote:
The late Lord Macaulay. He is erroneously described by his father's
Christian name.] They say a very clever man indeed, at least as a writer.
Hardinge told me the Duke told Mrs. Arbuthnot I spoke very well last night.
At dinner the Chancellor and Sir George Murray congratulated me on what had
taken place.
After the Cabinet dinner, much talk and nothing settled. The motion of Sir
J. Graham will, I think, be amended--and easily. There is a disposition,
very properly, not to give Portuguese papers. As to the Lord Holland's
motion on Friday no decision is come to.
Gave the Duke the petition of the Bengal half-castes.
Mr. Jenkins, who was for many years resident at Nagpore, called upon me and
offered himself as successor to Sir J. Malcolm. He said the Chairs were
disposed to him, if the Government had no objection. I said I was aware of
the services he had rendered, but that there were many distinguished
servants of the Company, and likewise persons of ability who had not been
in India, whose several qualifications must be considered. It was further a
point upon which I must of course communicate with the Duke of Wellington.
The man is a person of dry cold manner, not prepossessing.