Lord O'Neil has signed the Duke of Richmond's protest against the Franchise
Bill. It is very hostile to the Government, and Lord O'Neil will probably
be put out.
The Duke of Richmond has been very imprudent. Had he taken a moderate line
he probably might have been Privy Seal. His time is now gone by.
_April 17._
Went by appointment to see Lady Jersey. Found there Duncannon and Lord
Sefton. Duncannon talked big about O'Connell's power, and in the same sense
in which he talked to Fitzgerald, wishing to induce the Government to let
him take his seat. I said we could not. It depended not on us, but upon the
law.
Lady Sefton came in afterwards for a few minutes, and Lord Rosslyn. Lady
Jersey talked a great deal about the restoration, and feared the Whigs
would imagine they were never to come in, and would form a violent
opposition. She mentioned Mr. Stanley as being much annoyed, he having made
a laudatory speech in favour of Peel.
I told her it would have been very harsh to have eliminated those who had
taken office under the idea that the Government was rather against than for
the Catholics, certainly _neutral_, and that it was a little unreasonable
to expect others to be turned out to make way for new friends.
_April 18._
The Duke thinks he could not offer the Privy Seal to Lord Grey, but he
would be conciliated by having a friend--that is, Rosslyn--in. If we could
get Lord Beresford out, Lord Rosslyn would go to the Ordnance.
The Duke says the King would make it a point of honour to resist the
introduction of Lord Grey, though in reality he was in communication with
Lord Grey in 1820-21, after the Queen's trial, and then intended to bring
him in and to turn out the then Ministers for the Milan Commission, he
having been himself at the bottom of that Commission. The Duke, the only
member of the Cabinet who was not mixed up with the Milan Commission,
induced the King to give up his idea of making a change.
Bankes received a letter from the Duke of Cumberland, very long, and
against his acceptance of office; but he begged Bankes to go down to see
him and talk it over. He did so. Bankes told him he would not accept if he
on consideration objected, but he was determined not to join any other
Government. The Duke of Cumberland spoke of himself as having been ill-used
by the Duke of Wellington. This was explained. The conference ended by the
Duke of Cumberland's acquiescing entirely in Bankes's acceptance of office.
Bankes saw the Duke of Wellington and detailed the whole to him.
_April 21._
Called on Sir H. Hardinge at Richmond. He told me the Duke had at first
great reluctance to have anything to do with the Whigs. By his account he
must have principally contributed to lead the Duke to adopt that view which
he has now of admitting Rosslyn, &c.
_April 22._
The Duke of Norfolk called, and, not finding me, left a note begging me to
ascertain privately from the Duke of Wellington whether the King would be
pleased if the English Catholics presented an address to him thanking him
for the Relief Bill.
Received a letter from the Duke of Wellington expressing a decided opinion
against any address from the Roman Catholics. He says, 'Everything has been
done that is possible to efface all distinctions between the King's
subjects on the score of religion, and this with a view to the general
benefit, and not to that of a particular body. I confess I shall think that
this measure has failed in attaining its object if there should be any
general act of a particular body.
'In respect to the King himself I am certain that the most agreeable thing
to him would be that all should remain quiet.
'We must have no distinct body of Roman Catholics except in the churches
and in affairs of religion. The less we act inconsistently with the
principle the better.'
I so entirely agree in opinion with the Duke of Wellington that, having for
my own amusement written an address for the Roman Catholics in the event of
their making any to the King, the first sentence I imagined was this: 'The
Roman Catholics of England approach your Majesty for the last time as a
body distinct from the rest of your Majesty's subjects.'
_April 25._
I had a good deal of conversation as to the next Director. There are three
city men candidates, but none are good--Lyall, Ellice, and Douglas.
Of Ellice no one knows anything. He is brother to the Ellice who married
Lord Grey's sister. Lyall is, or was, Chairman of the Committee of
Shipowners. Douglas is brother to Lord Queensbury. They say his is not a
very good house.
_April 28._
Read the correspondence between the Duke and Lord Anglesey. Then read a
memorandum of the Duke's in reply to one of Hardinge's on the subject of
the discipline of the British army. Hardinge wished to introduce the
Prussian [Footnote: Which did not include capital punishment. See
_Wellington Correspondence_, vol. v. p. 932.] discipline into ours. The
Duke shows that with our discipline we have more men fit for duty in
proportion to our numbers than the Prussians in the proportion of two to
one. That in Prussia the army is everything. There is no other profession.
All are soldiers--the officer lives much with his men--they are always in
masses, always in fertile countries.
In our service the worst men in the community enter the army. The officers
are gentlemen. They cannot mix with the men. Without discipline our army
would be inferior to others. It is not even now the favourite profession.
There is much jealousy of it. It is not popular with the common people. It
is difficult to find recruits even in times of distress.
I was in an army, the Duke concludes, which cannot be governed on the
Prussian principle. You cannot treat the English soldier as a man of
honour.
The Duke had been with the King, who was in very good humour. He had not,
however, got to close quarters with him as to the changes.
_April 29._
Cabinet at 12. A letter has been received from Lord Heytesbury, from which
it is clear that Russia will very soon resume altogether the exercise of
her belligerent rights in the Mediterranean.
Nesselrode communicated to him the blockade of Candia. Lord Heytesbury only
observed that 'it was a resumption of belligerent rights.' This Count
Nesselrode did not deny, and he said they could not long remain in the
false position in which they now were in the Mediterranean.
Count Heyden at the end of January blockaded Candia on pretexts arising out
of the state of Greece. In three weeks from that time he rested his
interception of the Egyptian vessels near Candia on the necessary exercise
of his rights as a belligerent. Lièven, when first spoken to, disavowed
Heyden. He now changes his tone, and it is evident that Russia now for the
second time breaks her word. The French do not behave much better. They
have 6,000 men in the Morea, and mean to keep them there notwithstanding
their engagement to withdraw their troops as soon as the Egyptians were
embarked. To be sure, they say if we insist upon it they will withdraw
them.
I have always been for getting out of the treaty. We have been dragged
along very unwillingly--we have been subjected to much humiliation. We seem
to me to have gained nothing by all our compliances. We have been led on
from the violation of one principle to that of another. Our position has
discouraged Turkey. We have been made the tools of Russia, and have been
duped with our eyes open. I think the sooner we get out of this false
position the better, and there is no time so favourable for us to hold
strong language as this, when by the settlement of the Catholic question we
are really strengthened, and when all foreign Powers believe we are yet
more strengthened than we are. The Duke is certainly for getting out. He
has long wished it.
A paper of Peel's was read suggesting the difficulties in which we should
still be placed by our moral obligation towards the Greeks, and by our
reasonable fear that on the principles of the Greek Treaty, to which we
have unfortunately given our adhesion, Russia and France may combine and
make a partition treaty. My expectation is that Russia and France would
soon quarrel, and I think I could before now have made them jealous of each
other, but we have done nothing.
After much conversation, V. Fitzgerald agreeing with me and the others
saying nothing, it was determined to insist upon the freedom of
communication with Candia under the protocol, to insist upon the Greeks
withdrawing from their advanced position near Prevesa _under the protocol_,
and to insist likewise upon the withdrawing of the French troops from the
Morea, according to the engagement.
I am not satisfied with this. Every part of our diplomacy has been
unfortunate. We have succeeded in nothing. I predicted if we became engaged
in the war, it would be ultimately on a little point and not upon a great
one. Our diplomacy cannot be defended. It is our weak point.
House. All the Catholics there. Every good old name in England.
The Duke of Norfolk is much pleased with the Duke of Wellington's answer to
his enquiry as to the propriety of addressing the King. I am going to send
him the Duke's original letter as a _record_.
The King certainly received the Protestant peers, and particularly those
who had been at Windsor, with great favour, and so the Bishop of Durham.
The Duke of Cumberland stood at the King's left hand, and quizzed the
people as they passed. He seemed _rayonnant_.
After dinner I had some conversation with Loch, the Chairman, as to
governing India in the King's name. He does not positively object. I think
I shall be able to carry that point. I consider it to be of the most
essential importance.
_April 30._
Cabinet at 12. Determined to fund eight millions of Exchequer Bills. No
taxes to be taken off or imposed. We had some conversation as to the East
Retford question. V. Fitzgerald communicated a proposal from Littleton to
propose the adjournment of all discussion upon the subject till next year,
as it is evident nothing can be done this year. Littleton proposed this
because he wished to disappoint the mischievous designs of some people.
(Palmerston particularly.)
It was determined to adhere to the line taken by the Government last year--
namely, to that of throwing East Retford into the hundred. The Duke was
decidedly of opinion that whatever we did we should do from ourselves, and
certainly not act in concert with an enemy. The Tories look to our conduct
upon this question as the touchstone.
Drawing-room. The King, as yesterday, very civil to the Brunswickers and
taking no notice of our friends. He took particular notice of the
Brazilians. Madame de Lièven is endeavouring to form a Government with the
Duke of Cumberland, the Ultra-Tories, the Canningites, and some Whigs.
The King is very Russian. I believe all this will end in nothing. The
Chancellor thinks they may try to make a change when Parliament is up, and
so have six months before them. They may think of it; but the only object
of such a Government would be _revenge._ They cannot repeal the Relief
Bill, nor do they wish to pursue a different line of policy either at home
or abroad.
The foreigners think that having settled the Catholic question we are ready
to draw the sword, and find a field of battle wherever we can. This the
Russians are afraid of, and hence arises in some degree their wish to
overthrow the Duke's Government; but the real foundation of all the Russian
intrigues is Madame de Lièven's hatred for the Duke, and her rage at
feeling she has overreached herself.
_May 1._
Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt was with the King for two hours to-day, the Duke of
Cumberland being in the room and the King in bed. The King is very much out
of humour, and abused everything and everybody. He is very angry at ladies
being admitted to the House of Lords, and particularly at their going in
such numbers the day the Duke of Norfolk took his seat. The Duke of
Cumberland has sworn he will not leave England till he has turned out the
present Ministers. He is the only colonel of the Horse Guards who ever does
duty--Lord Cathcart being absent and Lord Harrington incapable. When he
last got the gold stick from Lord Harrington he swore he would never let it
out of his hands. As gold stick he ordered the gates of the Horse Guards to
be closed the day of the Drawing-room, and thus obliged all the Ministers
who dressed in Downing Street to go all round.
He told Clanwilliam to-day with great satisfaction that the King never
could again be on good terms with his Ministers.
No arrangement is yet made with the Master of the Rolls. Everything waits
for the legal promotions. The King will be delighted with Scarlett
[Footnote: Sir James Scarlett, afterwards Lord Abinger.] as Attorney-
General, and the Chancellor tells me Bickersteth is to be Solicitor. I
recollect hearing of him at Cambridge. He is a very clever man and a good
speaker. Tindal is of course to be Master of the Rolls. I am most anxious
to give up the Privy Seal to Rosslyn.
_May 3._
Cabinet at 2. Decided the Government was to take the same line exactly this
year as to East Retford (that is, as to giving the two members to the
Hundred) that it took last year. However, as it is impossible to get any
Bill through the Lords this year, Peel will be very willing to accede to
any proposition for postponing the whole question till next session.
On the question of Irish Education and on that of the grant to Maynooth,
the vote will be as before--it being said that the state of the session and
the circumstances of the present period make it advisable that the question
of any change should be deferred. Indeed, Ministers have not had time to
consider it.
Many of Lord Anglesey's letters to Peel and of Peel's answers were read. We
have a very strong case against him on his letter to Dr. Curtis, which by a
letter from Dr. Curtis to the Duke we know Lord Anglesey directed Dr.
Murray to publish if it could be done with Curtis's consent, and which Dr.
Murray did publish without obtaining such consent.
Curtis's letter is dated January 2.
Lord Anglesey wrote to Curtis for the Duke's letter and his answer, and had
them two days before December 23, the date of his letter to Curtis.
Peel thinks the East Indian Committee should not be refused. It is better
for the East Indian Company that it should be granted than refused. I
entirely coincide with him.
_May 4._
Coal Committee at 12. Met Lord Bathhurst, with whom I had some conversation
as to the Duke's reading letters in answer to Lord Anglesey. He begged me
to go to the Duke, and try to induce him not to do so. I found the Duke
agreeing with me entirely as to the danger of the president, and disposed
to read only what might be absolutely necessary.