_April 1, 1829._
The Duke of Wellington wrote to the King to ask if he had any objection to
raising the galleries. He had none. So we sent for Sir T. Tyrwhit, and had
him at the Cabinet dinner to ask him whether he could fix the galleries by
four to-morrow. He said _No_. So we must do as we can.
Forty foreigners applied for seats to-day after four o'clock.
In the House I made the second reading of the Bills an order of the day at
the desire of Lord Malmesbury and Lord Grey. It is more formal so, but the
second reading might have been equally well moved without it.
Lord Grey said a few words on presenting a petition expressing a hope to be
convinced on the subject of the Franchise Bill, but laying ground for
voting against it. Lord Malmesbury likewise expressed himself against it.
We shall be hard pushed on this Bill. The Duke says we have 122 sure votes
and no more upon it.
The Bishop of Chester read prayers, his wife having died about ten days
ago. Really some one of the other Bishops might have relieved him.
Lord Shaftesbury, in the absence of the Chancellor, sat as Speaker. I moved
the bills _pro formâ_ for him.
At the Cabinet dinner at Peel's, Peel said the Bishop of Oxford was ready
to speak at any time, and wished to follow a violent bishop. He may easily
find one.
We had much talk about our approaching debates. Peel, after the Duke was
gone, regretted his having taken the line of expressing his anxiety to
relieve himself from the obloquy cast upon him, and his having put that
desire forward as his reason for pressing the second reading of the Bill on
Thursday. The Duke having said so, we could not back him out. We might
avoid taking the same ground, but we could not alter it.
Aberdeen mentioned the case of the Candian blockade. I am sorry to see he
does not communicate beforehand now with the Duke. He never looks forward
to the ultimate consequences of his measures. Now he talks of convoying
English ships to Candia, and telling them they may go there safely, and if
stopped shall be indemnified. But if the English ship finds a Russian off
Candia, and is warned off, yet persists, under the expectation of
indemnity, we should be obliged to pay the indemnity. The Russians, having
given warning, would be justified in taking the vessel.
So if we give convoy, and the convoy ship persists, we should come to
blows. All these things should be foreseen. Aberdeen thinks Lièven is
ignorant of Heyden's having had any orders. He excuses him as having acted
in the spirit of the treaty, to _avoid the effusion_ of blood!
One thing is clear; we cannot permit Russia, as a belligerent, to defeat
the objects of the Treaty of London, and yet act with her under that
treaty.
_April 2._
Second reading Catholic Relief Bill. The Duke made a very bad speech. The
Archbishop of Canterbury drivelled. The Primate of Ireland made a strong
speech, his manner admirable. Both these against. The Bishop of Oxford had
placed himself at our disposal to be used when wanted. We put him into the
debate here, wanting him very much. The first part of his speech was very
indifferent, the latter excellent. Lord Lansdowne spoke better than he has
done for some time, indeed for two years. The Bishop of London against us;
but he made a speech more useful than ten votes, in admirable taste,
looking to the measure as one to be certainly accomplished, &c. The Duke of
Richmond spoke very shortly, but better than he has ever done, in reply. We
adjourned at 1.
229 members in the House. Room for thirty more; the House not oppressively
hot; numbers of women. The tone of the debate temperate.
_April 3._
A speech from the Bishop of Durham, full of fallacies and extravagant, but
having its effect.
The Chancellor spoke admirably, endeavouring to bring up Eldon, but the old
man would not move. He wanted more time to consider his answer, by which he
will not improve it.
A speech from Goderich, very animated in his way, and very heavy. The House
did not cheer him once. He pressed himself upon it with bad taste. He spoke
upon all the collateral and unimportant points. He swung his arm about like
a boy throwing a stone from a sling.
Lord Mansfield spoke, sleepily and ill-naturedly. I was exhausted, and
could not have answered him, had he said anything worth answering.
We adjourned at two till one to-morrow.
_April 4._
House at 1. A long absurd speech from Lord Guildford, which must have given
much pain to Lady Ch. Lindsay, who sat under the throne, and who must have
been much annoyed at seeing to what her family had fallen. We had then Lord
Lilford, who rested too much on his notes, but who has a good manner. He
drew his points well, and spoke like a man, not like a boy.
Lord Tenterden was not powerful. Lord Grey spoke better than he has done
since 1827. He made a speech too long, and indeed the last half-hour was of
no use. He beat the brains out of the Coronation Oath, as an obstacle to
Catholic Concession, and read a curious letter of Lord Yestor to Lord
Tweddale, dated April, 1689, before William III. took the Coronation Oath,
in which Lord Tester mentions that it was understood that the king had in
council declared his understanding of the sense of the Coronation Oath--
that it bound him in his executive capacity, not in his legislative. Lord
Westmoreland made an odd, entertaining from its manner, and really very
good speech. He supported the Bill.
Lord Eldon, who, after an ineffectual attempt on the part of Lord Redesdale
to speak, followed Lord Grey, made a very weak, inefficient, powerless
speech. He seemed beaten, and in some respects his memory had failed him.
Lord Plunket drew, with great power, a picture of the state of society in
Ireland as affected by the laws. The whole of his speech was powerful.
His speech and Lord Grey's were excellent.
After a few sentences from Lord Farnham we divided.
Present for 149
Against 79
----
Majority 68
Proxies for 70
Against 33
----
Total Content 217
Not Content 112
----
Majority 105
This will quiet Windsor. The King was to have received a number of
petitions to be presented by peers to-day. The Primate of Ireland was to
have gone, and the Irish Bishops. The latter went. If they had not gone,
the King would have made some excuse for not receiving them.
The majority must put an end to all agitation in England, and tranquillise
Ireland. Indeed as regards this question Ireland is tranquil. The conduct
of the Catholics has been as excellent as that of the Protestants. Hitherto
the announcement of the measure has produced effects beyond what was
anticipated from its adoption.
The Duke of Rutland, who was not expected, and indeed every doubtful vote
was with us.
The Protestants are subdued.
Lord Grey's speech, but still more Lord Plunket's, will have a greater
effect upon the public mind, than any which have yet been delivered.
Really it seems like a dream! That I should, if I lived, live to see this I
did expect; but that I should see it so soon, and that I should happen to
be a member of the Government that carried it, I did not expect. I must say
with what delight I view the prospect of having Catholics in Parliament. I
am sure it will do more for the happiness of Ireland, and for the strength
of the Empire, than any measure that could have been adopted.
_April 5. _
Dined with Lady Sandwich and met the Arbuthnots, with whom I had a long
talk. She told me the Duke wanted to bring in Lord Chandos, by way of
conciliating the Tories. She thought Lord Rosslyn ought to have the Privy
Seal, and that, considering their late conduct, the Whigs should be
preferred to the Tories, whom we should have at any rate. That it was
enough not to punish them by depriving them of their offices.
In all this I agree. I think if the Duke should go to the Tories and turn
his back upon the Whigs after what has taken place, he will make Opposition
very acrimonious, and our debates very disagreeable.
I told her if the Privy Seal was to be a Tory, I thought the Duke of
Richmond the best. He is the most popular man in the House of Lords, and a
good debater. The Duke and Lord Bathurst say he is cunning; but as far as I
can judge he acts fairly.
_April 6._
House. Second reading Franchise Bill. Opposed by the Duke of Richmond, Lord
Malmesbury, Winchelsea, and Clanricarde. Lord Holland spoke in favour of
the Bill as connected with the Relief Bill. The Whigs voted with us. Dudley
spoke in favour, just to separate himself from the Canningites, for whom
Haddington spoke, more reluctant than the Whigs.
Lord Winchelsea was very mad, wished to expel the bishops, to prevent
translations, equalise their sees, &c. We had 139 to 19. The minority
were--Dukes: Cumberland, Gloucester, Brandon, Richmond, Newcastle;
Marquises--Salisbury, Clanrickarde; Earls--Winchelsea Malmesbury, O'Neil;
Lords--Falmouth, Penrhyn, Boston, Grantley, Glenlyon; Earl Digby, Earl
Romney.
The Duke goes to Windsor on Saturday to get the King to consent to give the
Royal assent on Thursday, the day before Good Friday. The Duke of
Cumberland has been mischievous at Windsor. The King fancies he is in the
situation of Louis XVI. That he shall run down by Liberalism. The Duke of
Cumberland swears he will turn us out, let who will be Ministers.
_April 7._
Lord Eldon and others opened afresh the question as to the principle of the
Bill on the first clause. We divided with more than 2 to 1.
The Bishops and Lord Eldon got into a theological discussion.
The Chancellor made a strong attack upon Lord Eldon, who really spoke very
childishly.
We had as many women as ever, but a new set, and some of the prettiest
girls in London--Miss Bagot, Miss Sheridan, and others.
At Windsor, last Sunday, the Duke of Cumberland spoke very warmly indeed to
Aberdeen about the Duke of Wellington. He said he had sat by us as our
friend, till the King's Ministers joined in the _hoot_ against him. (This
was particularly Lord Bathurst, who shook his head at him and cheered
offensively.) He seems in speaking of the Duke of Wellington to have used
terms hardly to be expected.
He told the Chancellor to-day that he should, before the Bill passed,
declare he never could again feel confidence in His Majesty's Ministers;
that the country was ruined; and that he should leave it and never return.
The Chancellor told him he advised him not to make the last promise. I hope
he will make it and keep it.
I observed him afterwards address the Chancellor very warmly, after he had
attacked Eldon.
A man of the name of Halcomb has advertised for a meeting on Friday, on the
road to Windsor, to carry petitions to the King.
April 8.
Committee on Relief Bill. No division. Several amendments. Those of Lord
Tenterden very silly.