CHAPTER XII

SCANDINAVIAN INFLUENCE IN THE EMPIRE AND ICELAND

Considering the long and devastating campaign of the Vikings within

the Frankish empire and more especially within its western portion, it

is surprising that they only formed permanent settlements in one small

area, leaving practically no marks of their presence elsewhere. Great

portions of the Low Countries were in almost continuous occupation by

them during the 9th century, but the opportunity was lost, and beyond

an important share in the development of the trade of Duurstede, the

Vikings hardly left a sign of their influence behind them.

The case of Normandy is different. Here we have a definite district

assigned to the invaders, just as the Danelagh was given to them in

England, and the whole of that territory is deeply impregnated with

their influence. Many of the Norman towns in -_ville_ contain as the

first element in their name a Norse personal name, e.g. Catteville,

Cauverville, Colleville, Fouqueville, Hacqueville containing the names

_Káte_, _Kálfr_, _Kolr_, _Fólki_, _Hákon_, while the suffixes -_bec_,

-_beuf_, -_dale_, -_ey_, -_gard_, -_londe_, -_torp_, -_tot_, -_tuit_,

-_vic_ as in Bolbec, Elbeuf, Saussedalle, Jersey, Eppegard, Mandelonde,

Torgistorp, Abbetot, Bracquetuit, Barvic go back to O.N. _bekkr_, _búð_

(booth), _dalr_, _ey_ (island), _garðr_, _lundr_, _þorp_, _topt_,

_þveit_, _vík_ (_v. supra_, pp. 124-5). The dialect of Normandy to this

day contains a good number of Scandinavian words, and others have been

introduced into the standard language. Some of these have also found

their way into English through our Norman conquerors, e.g. _abet_,

_baggage_, _elope_, _equip_, _jolly_, _rubbish_, _scoop_, _strife_

just as the _Bulbeck_ in Swaffham Bulbeck (Cambs.) and Bulbeck Common

above Blanchland in Northumberland is from the great Norman barony of

Bulbeck, so named after Bolbec in Normandy, of which they once formed

part. Norman law and customs also show many traces of Scandinavian

influence and so does Norman folk-lore.

The Normans still looked to Denmark as their home-land down to the end

of the 10th century, and at least twice during the reign of Harold

Bluetooth their Dukes received help from that country. The nobles soon

ceased to speak their old northern language, but it is probable that it

remained current on the lips of the people for some considerable time

longer.

The Vikings always showed themselves keenly sensitive to the influence

of a civilisation higher or more developed than their own, and this is

nowhere more apparent than in Normandy. Heathenism found a champion

as late as 943 when, on the death of William Longsword, a rising of

heathen Normans was crushed with the aid of the Frankish king, but

for the most part the Normans soon showed themselves devout sons of

the Church and were destined in the 11th century to be numbered among

the most ardent supporters of the Crusades. With the adoption of

Christianity they learned to respect and honour those homes of learning

which they had once devastated for their wealth of hoarded treasure,

and the famous school at Bec, whence came Lanfranc and Anselm, was only

one among many which they richly endowed and supported.

Their religious and artistic feeling found expression in that

development of Romanesque architecture which we know as Norman and

which has given so many famous buildings not only to Normandy but to

England, to Sicily and to Southern Italy generally. In literature the

Norman-French _trouvères_ did much towards popularising the romances

of war and adventure which play so important a part in medieval

literature, and when they settled in England it was largely due to

Anglo-Norman poets that 'the matter of Britain' became one of the great

subjects of romance for all time.

In its social organisation Normandy seems speedily to have been

feudalised. Rollo divided the land among a comparatively small number

of large landholders and the system of land tenure was quite different

from that in the English Danelagh with its large number of small

freeholders. On the other hand it was probably due to Norse traditions

of personal freedom that serfdom disappeared earlier in Normandy than

in any other of the French provinces.

Trade and commerce were fostered here as everywhere by the Vikings.

It was the Normans who first taught the French to become a power at

sea, many French naval terms are of Norman origin and from the Norman

province have come some of France's greatest sea-captains.

The Vikings like the Franks before them threw off their old speech

and submitted to the all-embracing power of Latin civilisation, and

the result was a race endowed with vigorous personality, untiring

activity, and the instinct for ruling men. The Normans may have become

largely French but they lost none of their old enterprise and spirit of

adventure. In the 11th century they conquered England and founded great

kingdoms for themselves in Sicily and South Italy. No Viking stock was

more vigorous than that which resulted from the grafting of Gallo-Latin

culture on the ruder civilisation of the Teutonic north.

Their influence on France as a whole is not nearly as great as the

influence of their kinsmen in England, probably because English

government was centralised (under Norman rule) much sooner than French

government, and their influence was thus able to make itself felt

outside the actual districts in which they settled. The settlement of

Normandy helped however towards the consolidation of power in the hands

of Charles the Bald and his successors, much as the settlement of the

Danelagh helped in establishing the final supremacy of Wessex.

It remains to speak of one great home of Viking civilisation to

which more than one reference has been made in previous chapters,

viz. Iceland. The story of its settlement is a very simple one. It

commenced about 870, when many great Norwegian noblemen sought there

for themselves and their followers a freer life than they could obtain

under the growing power of Harold Fairhair. It was greatly strengthened

by settlers both from Norway and from Ireland and the Western Islands

when that power was firmly established by the battle of Hafrsfjord,

and by the year 930 the settlement was practically complete. Iceland

was more purely Scandinavian than any other settlement made during the

Viking age. Here we have not the case of one civilisation grafted on

another and earlier one as in England, Ireland or the Frankish empire,

but the transference of the best and finest elements in a nation to

new and virgin soil where, for good or ill, they were free to develop

their civilisation on almost entirely independent lines. Settlers from

the Western Islands and from Ireland may have brought Celtic elements,

and Christianity was not without influence, when it was introduced

from Norway at the close of the 10th century, but on the whole we see

in Iceland just what Viking civilisation was capable of when left to

itself.

At first the settlers lived in almost complete isolation, political

and religious, from one another, but they soon found that some

form of organisation was necessary and groups of settlers began by

choosing from among their number a _goði_, or chieftain, half-priest,

half-leader, who was the speaker at their moot and their representative

in negotiation with neighbouring groups. Then, continued disputes and

the lack of a common law led to the establishment of a central moot

or _alþing_, with a speaker to speak one single law for all. But the

Norsemen were much better at making constitutions and enacting laws

than they were at observing them when instituted, and the condition of

Iceland has been vividly if roughly summarised as one of 'all law and

no government.' The local _þings_ or the national _alþing_ might enact

perfect laws, but there was no compelling force, except public opinion,

to make them be obeyed. Even the introduction of Christianity made no

difference: the Icelanders quarrelled as bitterly over questions of

ecclesiastical as of civil law and the authorities of the medieval

Church were scandalised by their anarchic love of freedom. In the words

of Professor Ker 'the settlers made a commonwealth of their own, which

was in contradiction to all the prejudices of the middle ages and of

all ancient and modern political philosophy; a commonwealth which was

not a state, which had no government, no sovereignty.' 'It was anarchy

without a police-constable.' The result was that the rich men grew

richer, the poor became poorer, the smaller gentry died out and the

large estates fell into fewer and fewer hands. The great men quarrelled

among themselves, intrigued against one another and played into the

hands of the Norwegian kings who were only waiting their opportunity.

It came in the days of Hákon the Old. 'Land and thanes' were sworn into

subjection to that king at the Althing in 1262, and in 1271 the old

Icelandic common law was superseded by a new Norse code.

The failure of the Icelandic commonwealth is amply compensated for

by the rich intellectual development of Icelandic literature, which

owed many of its most characteristic features to the fact that it was

written in a land almost completely isolated and detached from the

main currents of Western medieval thought and the general trend of

European history, but in itself that failure is full of deepest import

for a right understanding of the part played by Viking civilisation in

Europe. Powerful and highly developed as that civilisation was in many

ways, it only reached its highest and best expression when brought into

fruitful contact with other and older civilisations. There it found

the corrective for certain inherent weaknesses, more especially for

certain tendencies of too strongly individualistic character leading

to political and intellectual anarchy, while at the same time by its

own energy and vigour it quickened the life of the older civilisations

where they were tending to become effete or outworn. The Germanic

peoples had done much for the development of European civilisation in

the time of the wanderings of the nations, but by the end of the 8th

century they had lost much of their pristine vigour through contact

with the richer and more luxurious civilisation of the Roman world. It

was reserved for the North Germanic peoples, or the Northmen as we can

more fitly describe them, in the 9th and 10th centuries to give a yet

more powerful stimulus to European life, if not to European thought,

a stimulus which perhaps found its highest expression in the great

creations of the Norman race in the world of politics, the world of

commerce, the world of architecture and the world of letters.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

[The appended bibliography does not attempt to deal with primary

authorities, with the large mass of valuable periodical literature

which has been published within the last thirty years, or with books

only incidentally concerned with the movement. It is much to be

regretted that so few of the important Scandinavian books on the

subject have been translated into English.]

BJÖRKMAN, E. Scandinavian Loan-words in Middle English.

Halle. 1906.

BUGGE, A. Vikingerne. 2 series. Christiania. 1904-6.

(German trans. of 1st series. Leipzig. 1896.)

---- Vesterlandenes Inflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden.

Christiania. 1905.

---- Norges Historie. Vol. I, Pt. II.

Christiania. 1910.

COLLINGWOOD, W. G. Scandinavian Britain. London. 1908.

CRAIGIE, W. A. The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia.

London. 1906.

DIETRICHSON, L. and MEYER, S. Monumenta Orcadica.

Christiania. 1906. (Abridged English edition.)

DU CHAILLU, P. B. The Viking Age. 2 vols. London. 1889.

GUSTAFSON, G. Norges Oldtid. Christiania. 1906.

HENDERSON, G. The Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland.

Glasgow. 1910.

KEARY, C. F. The Vikings in Western Christendom. London.

1891.

KERMODE, P. M. C. Manx Crosses. London. 1907.

MAURER, K. Die Bekehrung des Norwegischen Stammes. 2 vols.

Munich. 1855-9.

MONTELIUS, O. Sveriges Historia. Vol. I.

Stockholm. 1903. (German tr. Kulturgeschichte Schwedens. Leipzig.

1906.)

MÜLLER, S. Vor Oldtid. Copenhagen. 1897. (German tr.

Nordische Altertümskunde. 2 vols. Strasburg. 1897-8.)

OLRIK, A. Nordisk Aaandsliv i Vikingetid. Copenhagen.

1907. (German tr. Nordisches Geistesleben. Heidelberg. 1908.)

STEENSTRUP, J. C. H. R. Normannerne. 4 vols. Copenhagen.

1876-82.

---- Danmarks Riges Historie. Vol. I. Copenhagen. 1876-82.

THOMSEN, V. The Relations between Ancient Russia and

Scandinavia. Oxford. 1877.

VOGEL, W. Die Normannen und das Fränkische Reich.

Heidelberg. 1906.

VOGT, L. J. Dublin som Norsk By. Christiania. 1906.

The Publications of the Viking Club (Saga-Book and Year Book) include

papers on various aspects of the movement and notices of the literature

of the subject as well as descriptions of various archaeological

discoveries.

INDEX

Aethelflæd of Mercia, 29, 32, 57

Aethelstan, 35-6

Alfred the Great, 25-8

Altar-ring, 26, 89

_Althing_, 116

Anlaf Godfreyson, 35;

Sihtricsson (Cuaran), 34, 36, 56, 60-1, 90

Arabic historians, references in, 20, 76, 109

Auðr the deep-thoughted, 20, 66, 68, 85, 89

_bautasteinar_, 110

Björkö, 86, 96, 98

Björn Ironside, 22, 44, 46

Black Foreigners, 10

Brian Borumha, 56, 62-4

Brunanburh, 35, 61, 64

Burial ceremonies, 99-100, 108-10

_carucates_, 132-3

Christianity, 16, 37, 41, 83, 86-93

Clontarf, 63-4, 67, 98, 120

Cnut, 41-2, 87, 101

_Daci_, 10, 134

Danegeld, 38-9, 48

Danelagh boundaries, 27, 128-9;

reconquest, 29-32

Danes, _passim_

Denmark, 5, 16, 22-3, 44, 86-7

_drengs_ 135-6

_Dubh-gaill_, 10

Dublin, 15, 23, 33-4, 55, 59-60, 64, 89, 103, 120-2

East Anglia, 11, 14, 27-8, 32, 134-5

Eddaic poems, 2, 93-4

Edmund Ironside, 40-1

Edward the Elder, 29, 31

England, invasion of, 12, 22-43;

influence in, 123-37

Eric Blood-axe, 36-7

Ethelred the Unready, 37-40

Faroes, 6, 98

_Fin-gaill_, 10

Five Boroughs, 11, 30, 36, 134-6

Frisia, 15-8, 49

France, invasions of, 17-21, 43-53;

influence in, 138-42

Frisians, 8

_Gaill-Gaedhil_, 56, 65, 67

Galloway, 65, 116

Gokstad ship, 99

Greenland, 99

Guthrum of East Anglia, 26-7

Hásteinn (Hastingus), 28, 44, 46, 50

Hafrsfjord, 7, 56

Hákon Aðalsteinsfóstri, 35-6, 88

Halfdanr, 22, 25, 33, 58

Harold Bluetooth, 37, 70-2, 87

Harold Fairhair, 7, 35, 58, 67, 142

Harold Hardrada, 42, 81, 99

Harold of Mainz, 16, 18-9, 86

Heathenism, 83, 86-93

Hebrides, 5, 60, 65, 67-8, 114

_Hiruath_, 11

_holds_, 135

Hörðaland, Hörðai, 5, 11

_hows_, 108

Iceland, 83, 85, 117, 142-4

Ireland, attacks on, 12-13, 15, 54-64;

Danes and Norsemen in, 54-8;

influence in, 116-23

Ívarr the boneless, 22, 24-5, 57-8

_jarls_, 103, 134

Jellinge stone, 111

Jómsborg, Jómsvikings, 70-2, 98, 102

jury, presentation by, 136

Ketill Finn, 67

Ketill Flatnose, 56, 67

_lawmen_, 103, 116, 136

Limerick, 59, 62, 98, 120

_Lochlann_, 10

_Ludwigslied_, 47

_Madjus_, 20

Maeshowe, 23, 113

Maldon, battle of, 38

Man, Isle of, 12, 39, 63, 65-8, 114-5

_nithing_, 137

Noirmoutier, 17, 19, 21

Norsemen, Norwegians, _passim_

Northumbria, 11, 24-5, 28, 83-4, 37, 41, 60, 63, 126-8

Normandy, 52-3, 138-42

Norway, 7, 16;

Christianity in, 88-9

Odin, 88, 95, 115

Ohthere, Óttarr, 96, 99

Olaf Tryggvason, 4, 38, 87, 89, 101

Olaf the White, 20, 57-8, 66, 68

_ore_, 133

Orkneys, 23, 63, 65, 112-3, 117

Ornamentation, style of, 79, 106-7

Ornaments, 104-6

Oseberg ship, 99-100

_Ostmen_, 122

_Oðal_, 67, 113

Paris, 21, 49-50

Place-names, influence on Scottish, 114;

Irish, 118-9;

English, 123-9

_prime-signing_, 91

Ragnarr Loðbrók, 21-4, 44, 57, 102

Rhôs, 19, 47, 73-4

_ridings_, 131

Rollo, 9, 53, 103

Runic inscriptions, 23, 81, 85-6, 110-1, 113-5

Rus, 73-9

Russia, founding of, 73-80

St Anskar, 70, 86

St Edmund, 25

St Olaf, 41, 89

_Scaldingi_, 11

Scandinavian loan-words in English, 130-1

Sculptured stones, 91, 111, 114-5

Seven Boroughs, 40

Shetlands, 5, 6, 65, 112-3, 117

Ship-burials, 99-100

Ships, 29, 98-100

Shires, origin of, 31 _n_., 134

Sigurd of the Orkneys, 63, 66-7

Slesvík, 15, 87, 96

Sodor and Man, 65

Stamford Bridge, 42

_Suðreyjar_, 65

Svein Forkbeard, 37, 39, 40, 87

Sweden, 7, 96

Swedes, 9, 19, 72-9

_thing_, 103, 115-6

Thor, 89, 95, 115

Trade, character of, 96-8;

Oriental, 71, 79-80;

Russian, 75-80;

Irish, 120

Turf-Einar, 67

Turges, 13, 20

Tynwald Court, 115

_udal_ and _udaller_, 113

Varangians, Variags, 73, 77-9

Vestfold, 11, 16

Viking, the term, 1

Viking movement, causes of, 4-11

Vinland, 99

_Wapentake_, 132

Weapons, 101-2

Wedmore, peace of, 27

_Westfaldingi_, 11

White Foreigners, 10

Women, position of, 54-6, 94

York, 24, 31, 33

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Transcriber's Notes

Obvious errors of punctuation and diacritics repaired.

Inconsistent hyphenation fixed.

P. 67: Murray -> Moray.

P. 147: Nordisk Aaandsliv -> Nordisk Aandsliv.

P. 148: Cnut, 42-2 -> Cnut, 41-2.

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