carrying supplies, but none came. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 450.
Bernal Diaz relates that the warriors returned to the attack
after the flight, only to lose eight men. They now came to
sue, and Cortés offered to release the captives if they sent
down provisions to the vessel. This they did, but Cortés
nevertheless insisted on retaining three families, whereupon
the Indians attacked and wounded twelve Spaniards, including
the general. _Hist. Verdad._, 205. This writer was not with
the expedition, however, but at Naco, so that his account is
doubly doubtful.
[XIX-9] 'Quimistlan y Zula y Cholome, que el que menos destos
tiene por mas de dos mil casas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 456.
Bernal Diaz also names some places. _Hist. Verdad._, 207.
[XIX-10] He had been buffeted off the coast for nine days,
while the land party arrived long before him, over a good
road.
[XIX-11] 'Murieron ochenta Españoles sin algunos Indios en
este viaje.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 269. Licenciado Lopez
escaped to spread the news of Cortés' being alive. _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 208.
[XIX-12] Together with Moreno 'in chains.' 'Although I fear
that he acted by order of the oidores, and that no justice
will be given.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 465-6. He praised the
wealth of Honduras, and asked for soldiers. 'Y para dar
credito que auia oro, embiò muchas joyas, y pieças ... de lo
que truxo de Mexico,' says _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
208. But he is by no means to be relied on.
[XIX-13] Bernal Diaz assumes, contrary to Cortés' clear
statement, that Zuazo sent a vessel from Habana with the
letter, and that two days before her arrival at Trujillo
came two vessels laden with merchandise from the oidores
and merchants of Santo Domingo, who had learned of Cortés'
whereabouts through a letter from one of the survivors of
Ávalos' wrecked ship. _Hist. Verdad._, 208. Gomara states that
the vessel from the oidores, laden with thirty-two horses,
saddlery, and other useful material, was turned back from Cuba
by the survivors of Ávalos' expedition. She touched at Santo
Domingo on her way to Honduras. _Hist. Mex._, 270. Cortés
shows that the news of Ávalos' shipwreck did not reach him
till some time later. _Cartas_, 468-471.
[XIX-14] The staff did all they could to cheer him, and among
other efforts to dispel his gloom, Mañueco, the maestresala,
made a wager that he would ascend in full armor the steep hill
to the new gubernatorial building. Before he could reach the
top he fell dead. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 211.
[XIX-15] 'Dejé en aquella villa hasta treinta y cinco de
caballo y cincuenta peones.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 470.
[XIX-16] He places this just before the arrival of Zuazo's
letter, _Hist. Verdad._, 209, but Cortés now for the first
time complains of feeling very ill, from the tossing at sea.
_Cartas_, 471.
[XIX-17] 'Martin Dorantes su lacayo.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
271. On October 23, 1525, it seems from a letter of Cortés.
_Cartas_, 395. Bernal Diaz intimates that a fear of being
seized by his enemies had to do with Cortés' disinclination
to go in person. _Hist. Verdad._, 212.
[XIX-18] In concluding the reply to their expostulations,
Cortés had observed that he could find plenty of soldiers in
Spain and elsewhere to do his bidding. The men commissioned
Sandoval to plead their cause in person; to urge the leader to
depart, and to hint that they could find governors in Mexico
to right them. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 212.
[XIX-19] 'É dos leguas el uno del otro ... el de Papayeca
tiene diez y ocho pueblos subjectos, y el de Champagua
diez.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 465. The names are also given as
Chapaxina, Papaica, etc.
[XIX-20] The two colleagues had been usurping guardians. They
were to be taken to Mexico to be impressed with the extent
of Spanish power, and to learn submission from its natives.
Pizacura died before leaving Honduras. _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
473; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 272.
[XIX-21] 'Era temido, y acatado, y llamauanle en todas
aquellas Provincias: El Capitan Hue, Hue de Marina, q̃ quiere
dezir el Capitan viejo que trae a doña Marina.' _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 207.
[XIX-22] They asked for a Spaniard to settle on each island,
as a guardian, but this could not be granted. _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 273. Bernal Diaz says that the vessel escaped, and that
she was commanded by Moreno.
[XIX-23] Huilancho, Huilacho, Huyetlato, etc.
[XIX-24] Cortés claims that the province had submitted to
him some time before, but he probably received the proffer
only now, though pleading a previous allegiance to excuse the
interference.
[XIX-25] To assist him against two officers who opposed
his attempt to become independent of Pedrarias. _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 476. According to Herrera, Sandoval returned without
achieving anything, pleading that he had not enough men,
dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz, who was present,
states, on the other hand, that Sandoval appeared against
Rojas with sixty men, but made friends with him. Just then
came letters from Cortés ordering him to join in returning
to Mexico, and he hastened back, Rojas departing at the same
time. _Hist. Verdad._, 208. Gomara, following Cortés, assumes
that Rojas obeyed a mere message from Trujillo to leave
Olancho. _Hist. Mex._, 272.
[XIX-26] Cereceda writes Gaona. _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._,
xx. 61.
[XIX-27] 'Escribí al dicho Francisco Hernandez y á toda la
gente que con él estaba en general, y particularmente á
algunos de los capitanes de su compañía que yo conoscia,
reprendiéndolos la fealdad que en aquello hacian,' etc.
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 474. Bernal Diaz states, on the other
hand, that he promised to do his best for him, _Hist.
Verdad._, 211, and in this was probably a little truth, as
will be seen.
[XIX-28] 'Hernandez ... sent to invite the Marquis to come
and receive the province from him.' _Andagoya's Narrative_,
37; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii. Cortés became
a marquis a few years later.
[XIX-29] 'Quise luego ir á Nicaragua, creyendo poner en ello
algun remedio.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 476.
[XIX-30] Bernal Diaz assumes that when Sandoval was setting
out for Mexico, shortly before this, as stated, he received
orders to pass through Nicaragua, 'para demandalla a su
Magestad en Gouernacion.' _Hist. Verdad._, 212.
[XIX-31] _Id._, 215. 'Para este efeto fletó un navio en la
Villa de Medellin.' _Oviedo_, iii. 523. He came in the vessel
which had carried the messenger. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 476.
[XIX-32] Lordship, a title which pertained only to the higher
nobility and to the highest offices, and which Cortés, even
as governor and captain-general, had not the slightest right
to assume.
[XIX-33] Seat of honor for princes and prelates and for the
ruling men in a province.
[XIX-34] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 273; _Herrera_, dec. iii.
lib. viii. cap. vii.
[XIX-35] Messengers were sent to the pueblos en route ordering
them to put the road in order and prepare for his reception.
Some of the Mexican auxiliaries were also appointed for the
work, says Ixtlilxochitl, but their remaining prince stayed
with Cortés. _Horribles Crueldades_, 110.
[XIX-36] 'Recibió el cuerpo de Christo vna mañana porque
como estaua tan malo, temia morirse.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 215. Prescott ignores the friar, and assumes that
Sandoval persuaded him to leave. But this is only one of
the many errors into which he has fallen concerning this
expedition, _Mex._, iii. 302.
[XIX-37] The natives were to be punished for persevering in
idolatry; although Indians must not be enslaved, yet slaves
held lawfully by them might be purchased as such by the
colonists. The instructions contain a number of minor rules
for the good government of province and towns. _Cortés_,
_Escritos Sueltos_, 75-95. Saavedra did not perhaps relish
the idea of being left with a comparatively small force,
for Bernal Diaz complains that he purposely withheld for
some time the order permitting the Naco company to leave for
Mexico. _Hist. Verdad._, 215, 219. The leading authorities
for Cortés' different expeditions to Honduras are: _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 338, 351, 369, et seq.; _Id._, _Escritos Sueltos_,
70-95, 318; _Id._, _Carta al Rey_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col.
Doc._, i. 481-2; _Albornoz_, _Carta_, in _Id._, i. 484-6;
_Peter Martyr_, dec. viii. cap. x.; _Oviedo_, iii. 188-9, 446,
458-9, 517-18; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233-4, 243-6, 250-74;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 159, 176-7, 193-216; Letters
and Reports by Cortés and other officers to the Emperor
and Council, in _Doc. Inéd._, i. 521-4, iv. 226-7, et seq.,
and in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 268-77,
362-7, 386-403; xiii. 46-7, 108-9, 293-4, 397; xiv. 25-43,
et seq.; _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 61;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles Crueldades_, 78-110; _Chimalpain_,
_Conq. Mex._, ii. 106-53; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap.
vii.-viii. xii.-xiii.; lib. vi. cap. x. xii.; lib. vii.
cap. viii.; lib. viii. cap. iii.-vi.; lib. x. cap. xi. Less
important books, which add little or nothing to the preceding,
are: _Torquemada_, i. 574-6; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_,
164; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 44-58; _Villagutierre_,
_Hist. Conq. Itza_, 39-50; _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii.
521-2; _Pinelo_, _Relacion_, 2; _Vazquez_, _Chronica de
Gvat._, 18-20; _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, 351-2, 367-9;
_Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 108-16; _Galvano's
Discov._, 160-4; _Twee Onderscheydene Togten_, 52-80, 95-107,
in _Aa_, _Naaukeurige Versameling_, xi.; _Twee Verscheyde
Togten_, 19-76, 94, in _Id._; _Gottfried_, _Reysen_, iv.;
_Ogilby's Am._, 91-2; _Salazar_, _Conq. Mex._, 154-8, 211-311;
_Revilla_, in _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._ (ed. Mad., 1843), 463-9;
_Beaumont_, _Cron. Mich._, iii. 189-92; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
55, 123, 324-7; _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, i. 29-30, 46-8;
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Méj._, iii. 420; _Laet_, _Nov. Orb._,
318; _Voyages_, _New Col._, i. 347; _World Displayed_, ii.
251; _Lardner's Hist. Discov._, ii. 62; _Gordon's Hist. Ant.
Mex._, ii. 203, 209-15, 240-1; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, 39;
_Squier's States Cent. Am._, 66; _Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, i.
44; _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, i. 42; _Alaman_, _Disert._,
i. 196-7, 203-23, 234-5; append., 129-37; ii. 17-18; _Rivera_,
_Gob. Mex._, i. 17; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, iv. 178-9,
236-326, 349-53, 369, 739-56; _Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._,
285-9; _Prescott's Mex._, iii. 276-302; _Helps' Cortés_,
ii. 183-228; _Id._, _Span. Conq._, iii. 30-61; _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 573-617; _Bussierre_,
_Mex._, 339-49, 380; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Guat._, 136-7;
_Monglave_, _Résumé_, 138; _Armin_, _Alte Mex._, 351-61;
_Mayer's Mex. Aztec._, i. 86; _Abbott's Cortés_, 305-29;
_Wells' Honduras_, 449-57; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 53-4.
[XX-1] The reader will remember how, in the last chapter,
Cortés treated the messengers bearing this petition.
[XX-2] 'No los osó acometer porque tenia por cierto que habian
de matar á él ántes que á nadie.' _Andagoya_, _Rel._, in
_Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 417.
[XX-3] Within the bay formed by Punta de Burica, into which
flows, among other small streams, the river known at present
as Fonseca. _Cartography Pac. Coast_, MS., ii. 79.
[XX-4] It certainly appears strange that Córdoba, knowing
so well the character of his master, should so tamely have
delivered himself into his hands. The chroniclers sympathize
with any victim of the abhorred governor. 'Estaba muy bien
quisto comunmente,' says Oviedo, 'de todos los españoles ...
culpaban ... á Pedrarias de inconstante é acelerado é mal
juez.' iii. 165-6. His rebellion 'parecio siempre incierto,'
is the unstudied qualification of Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_,
164.
[XX-5] Juan Carrasco and Christóbal de la Torre. _Herrera_,
dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. vii.
[XX-6] News coming of the approach of a royal governor,
Saavedra would send nothing but advice.
[XX-7] 'Estando de acuerdo ciento y cincuenta Caziques.'
_Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. x.
[XX-8] His achievements are related in vol. i. chaps. ii. and
iii. of the _History of Mexico_, this series.
[XX-9] Herrera, who is somewhat contradictory on this point,
names Gabriel de Rojas, Garabito, and Diego Álvarez among the
ruling men. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. Salcedo, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 47 et seq., gives also a
list of the Leon city officials.
[XX-10] The two months' voyage had proved pleasant, being
marred only by the death of two men during an attack by the
natives of Dominica Island, where they had entered to repair
a leaky vessel. _Oviedo_, iii. 116.
[XX-11] 'Por manera que estas mudanças de gobernadores es
saltar de la sarten en las brasas.' _Oviedo_, iii. 123.
[XX-12] 'É como era hombre ydiota é sin letras, el se movió
por consejo de aquel bachiller Corral, para me haçer matar á
trayçion.' _Oviedo_, iii. 122.
[XX-13] See, for instance, _Castilla_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 85.
[XX-14] Sandoval, indeed, speaks of the governor as a
meritorious servant of the king, traduced by envious persons.
_Hist. Carlos V._, i. 218.
[XXI-1] The bitter complaints of Cortés against his rebellious
lieutenant evoked from the king merely instructions for Olid
to maintain friendly relations with Cortés, and to report to
the crown regarding the progress of his conquest. 'El Rey ...
no hizo mas demostracion que escriuir á Christoual de Olid,
que con Cortes tuuiese toda buena correspondencia, y fuesse
dando cuenta a su Magestad, de lo que passaua en aquella
tierra, pareciendo que no era mal consejo, la diuision de tan
gran gouierno como tenia.' _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap.
xiii.
[XXI-2] His commission is dated November 20th. _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 52.
[XXI-3] Cortés' complaints were numerous and bitter, as may
be imagined. In a letter of 1532, for instance, he represents
to the king the many valuable services rendered, and the
hardship and danger suffered. He had discovered the province
of Honduras at his own expense, amounting to over 30,000
castellanos, and the expedition to suppress the revolt of Olid
had cost him over 50,000 castellanos, a like amount being also
expended by his followers. He had conquered, pacified, and
settled over 200 leagues of territory, founding three towns
on the best parts of the coast; he had expended over 25,000
castellanos for horses, arms, and provisions, imported from
Española and Cuba, and before leaving the country had left
a competent captain in charge of the new colonies. _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 6-7.
[XXI-4] For this they were afterward censured. _Herrera_, dec.
iii. lib. x. cap. xi.
[XXI-5] The royal commission, with the ceremonies attending
its reception, is given in _Traslado de una Cédula_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 47 et seq.
[XXI-6] Orders came for investigation and punishment,
_Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., but the distant Indies
possessed as yet too many loop-holes and corners for blind
justice.
[XXI-7] Oviedo, iii. 189, states that Diego Mendez de
Hinestrosa was left in charge at Trujillo, that Salcedo had
already marched out of Trujillo for Nicaragua when the envoys
of Pedrarias came up, and that he sent them at once to the
audiencia. But he is not well informed.
[XXI-8] Herrera would have us believe that starvation was over
the whole country, in all its ghastly horrors, making it a
question of life and death between Spaniard and Indian, who
devoured each other. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vii. But this is
clearly exaggeration.
[XXI-9] According to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.,
Gabriel de Rojas was offered the government, but declined to
hold the province except for the king direct; whereupon he was
arrested and Garabito given the command. He seems confused,
however, while Cereceda's account is most clear on all these
points. _Carta_, MS., 3-6. Oviedo is quite brief. iii. 190.
[XXI-10] The present treasurer, Rodrigo del Castillo, was
under indictment by the inquisition at Panamá. With Pedrarias
came a friar empowered to try his case, by whom he was
acquitted, and he thereupon resumed office till Tobilla
arrived. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, MS., 10-11.
[XXI-11] Herrera's lucid definition of the limits reads:
'Desde Leon al puerto de Natiuidad, cien leguas Nortesur,
y desde Chorotega, por otro nombre Fõseca, hasta puerto de
Cauallos, Nortesur, que auia setenta leguas, y cien leguas
de costa por el mar del Norte, y otras tantas por el Sur con
mas lo q̃ se le renunciaua, y lo que para adelante pudisse
ensancharse descubriendo,' including Nequepia province, or
Salvador, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.
[XXI-12] Besides the usual humane injunctions it was ordered
that towns should be founded near the Indians, so that they
might be brought by example and gentle means to a knowledge of
the true faith, and be led to adopt the manners and customs of
Christians. To promote this desirable end the royal officers
were enjoined to watch strictly over the moral and economic
features of the Spanish settlements. The revolted Chorotegas
were to be pacified by kindness, and the native slaves brought
from Panamá were to be returned. _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. i.
cap. viii. See chap, v., note 5, this volume.
[XXI-13] 'Lleuando los Indios cargados, y encadenados, cõ
argollas, porq̃ no se boluiessen: y porq̃ vno se canso, por
no quitarle el argolla le quitaron la cabeça, y lo dissimulo.'
_Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.
[XXI-14] Ponce de Leon and Hernando de Soto, for instance,
took two cargoes at one time, according to Pizarro,
_Relacion_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, v. 209.
[XXI-15] 'Ellos matarõ a los Castellanos q̃ acertaron a hallar
fuera del lugar, y los comieron.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib.
iii. cap. ii.
[XXI-16] 'Los quales eran del valle de Olocoton é de su
comarca.' _Oviedo_, iv. 100.
[XXI-17] Despite his want of success, says Oviedo, iv. 61,
Estete received from Pedrarias another important command,
to the prejudice of another officer. The details of the
expedition will be given in connection with Salvador.
[XXI-18] Soto alone brought about 100 men to Peru. _Pizarro_,
_Rel._, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, v. 211-15; _Herrera_, dec. iv.
lib. vi. cap. iii.; _Oviedo_, iii. 119-20. This conquest will
be spoken of in a later volume of this history.
[XXI-19] In 1527, as has been intimated, there was an outcry
for his removal, but with the aid of influential friends
he managed to retain his seat. Castillo states that one
expedition alone, under Córdoba, had brought over 100,000
pesos de oro into Leon, none of which reached the crown. After
beheading Córdoba he had conjured up a partner for him, named
Tellez, into whose hands was placed the confiscated estate, so
that it might with better pretence be appropriated. _Carta_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 84-6.
[XXI-20] 'En fin de Iulio.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap.
xv.
[XXI-21] Oviedo, iii. 172, attributes to Pedrarias the release
of two millions of souls from dusky bodies during a period of
sixteen years. 'Ni han tenido más largas jornadas que caminar
dos millones de indios que desde el año de mill é quinientos
y catorçe que llegó Pedrarias á la Tierra-Firme hasta quél
murió.' Two million murders!
[XXI-22] Additional authorities for the preceding two
chapters are: Various documents in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, v.
209, 211-12, 215; also in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, vii. 556-7; xii. 84-6; xiv. 54; xvi. 324; _Squier's
MSS._, iv. xx. 2-5, 11-43; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 164;
_Andagoya_, _Narr._, 32-9; _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._,
ii. 181; _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 416-17; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apolog._, MS., 29; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._,
i. 54-9; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mech._, MS., 322-3; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 616; _Belly_, _Nicaragua_,
i. 171-2.
[XXII-1] _Cartas_, 259.
[XXII-2] See p. 493, this volume.
[XXII-3] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 289-90. But this state of things
did not last long. Ixtlilxochitl includes Soconusco in a
list of provinces which were in revolt in 1523. _Horribles
Crueldades_, 65.
[XXII-4] According to Fuentes y Guzman, derived from
_Coctecmalan_—that is to say, _Palo de leche_, milk-tree,
commonly called _Yerba mala_, found in the neighborhood of
Antigua Guatemala. See also _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 257-8.
In the Mexican tongue, if we may believe Vazquez, it was
called _Quauhtimali_, 'rotten tree.' _Chronica de Guat._,
68. Others derive it from _Uhatezmalha_, signifying 'the
hill which discharges water;' and Juarros suggests that it
may be from _Juitemal_, the first king of Guatemala, by a
corruption, as _Almolonga_ from _Atmulunga_, and _Zonzonate_
from _Zezontlatl_. The meaning of the word would then be 'the
kingdom of Guatemala.' _Guat._, i. 4; ii. 259-60.
[XXII-5] See _Native Races_, v., passim.
[XXII-6] There were two royal families among the Cakchiquels.
The succession alternated between them. The king's title
was Ahpozotzil, while that of the heir of the other branch
was Ahpoxahil. The eldest sons of these had respectively the
titles of Ahpop Qamahay and Galel Xahil. _Native Races_, ii.
640.
[XXII-7] This Mexican name of Cortés was already known to the
natives from sea to sea, and from the far north to the far
south; in fact, to them it was almost his only name.
[XXII-8] Gomara surmises that the ships of Andrés Niño were
referred to, _Hist. Ind._, 266, while Peter Martyr believes
them to have been those of Gil Gonzalez, seen off the coast
of Yucatan.
[XXII-9] 'El qual pregunto, si eran de Malinxe, ... Dios caydo
del cielo.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 266.
[XXII-10] A carver in wood, and no ordinary pilot, Peter
Martyr says, dec. viii. cap. v., while Gomara's words are,
'Treuiño, y era carpintero de naos.' _Hist. Ind._, 266.
[XXII-11] One of the messengers sought to appropriate
to himself a quantity of the gold, while his comrade,
disapproving, first admonished him, then held his peace,
dissembling, and accused him to Cortés of theft. The culprit
was convicted, publicly flogged, and banished from New Spain.
_Peter Martyr_, dec. viii. cap. v. 'Esta fue la primera
entrada, y noticia de Quauhtemallan.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._,
267.
[XXII-12] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 289; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._,
267; _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 4; _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 2-3. Gomara erroneously gives 1523 as the year of
this embassy, as well as Alvarado's expedition to Tututepec.
[XXII-13] Or Tuzapan, on the coast of Vera Cruz, some leagues
south of Tampico.
[XXII-14] Gomara says 200 men, to ratify the treaty of peace
with a reasonable present. _Hist. Ind._, 266-67. Remesal
states that the embassadors from Guatemala found Cortés
at the port of Villa Rica [Vera Cruz] in high good humor,
having received the news of his appointment as governor and
captain-general of New Spain. _Hist. Chyapa_, 3.
[XXII-15] Vazquez makes no mention of embassadors from the
lord of Utatlan; on the contrary, he states that the king
of the Cakchiquel nation had invested with independent
sovereignty over a portion of his kingdom his brother
Ahpoxahil, who held his court at Tecpanatitan [Tzolola]; and
that these two rulers, without informing the neighboring lords
of their intention, conjointly sent embassadors to Cortés
with offers of peace and submission. _Chronica de Gvat._, 68.
Brasseur de Bourbourg takes this view, and states that when
the secret alliance became known the indignation was general.
A confederation for the destruction of the Cakchiquels was
formed, and a struggle of fearful bloodiness had been carried
on for some months when the confederates received the news
that the Tonatiuh was advancing through Soconusco against
them. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 630.
But Cortés distinctly states that he both sent messengers to
Utatlan and received envoys from that city. _Cartas_, 289. See
also _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 174.
[XXII-16] Gomara states that at the time of their overtures
to Cortés the Guatemalans were at war with Soconusco, and
now, encouraged by their alliance, pressed hostilities with
increased vigor. _Hist. Ind._, 267. Ixtlilxochitl claims that
in 1523 the Mexican princes Ixtlilxochitl and Quauhtemoctzin
learned that the provinces of the south coast, among which he
includes Soconusco, had risen against those who were friendly
to the Christians, and they straightway informed Cortés.
_Horribles Crueldades_, 65-6.
[XXII-17] 'Y porque ya yo tenia mucha costa hecha ... y porque
dello tengo creido que Dios nuestro Señor y V. S. M. han de ser
muy servidos.' _Cartas_, 304.
[XXII-18] For more concerning his character see _Hist. Mex._,
i. 73-5, this series.
[XXII-19] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 304. With regard to both date
and number authorities differ. Bernal Diaz assigns December
13th as the day of departure; Ixtlilxochitl, December 8th.
_Horribles Crueldades_, 71; Fuentes, November 19th, and
Vazquez, November 13th. Vazquez states that this last is
the date given in the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz,
though the printed copy gives December 13th. _Chronica de
Gvat._, 523. The number of forces at the second mustering
is stated by Cortés to have been 120 horsemen, with 40
spare animals, and 300 foot-soldiers, of whom 130 were
cross-bowmen and arquebusiers. There were also several
persons of high rank from Mexico and the neighboring cities
with the native troops; but the latter were not numerous,
on account of the distance of the proposed scene of action.
A park of four pieces of artillery completed the equipment.
Oviedo follows Cortés. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 174,
gives the number of arquebusiers and cross-bowmen as 120,
and that of the horsemen 135, with above 200 Tlascaltecs
and Cholultecs, besides 100 picked Mexicans. Herrera, dec.
iii. lib. v. cap. viii., assigns 300 Spaniards, 100 of whom
were arquebusiers, with 160 horses. Vazquez, _Chronica de
Gvat._, 4, says the force consisted of 300 Spaniards with
Tlascaltec, Mexican, and Cholultec allies. Without making
any mention of the guns, which the above authorities do not
omit, Fuentes says the force was composed of 750 hombres
de calidad, as follows: 300 foot-soldiers, arquebusiers,
and cross-bowmen, 135 horsemen, and four guns under the
artilleryman Usagre, written in Bernal Diaz as Viagre; but
750 must be an error, since the artillerymen would thus
number 315; 450 is probably the intended number. To these
were added 200 Tlascaltec and Cholultec bowmen, and 100
picked Mexicans. This author, moreover, gives a list of the
names of nearly 200 conquistadores. _Recordacion Florida_,
MS., 25-7. Gomara has 420 Spaniards, with 170 horses, four
pieces of artillery, a great quantity of stores, and a large
number of Mexican troops. 'Mucha gente Mexicana.' _Hist.
Ind._, 267. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the forces as 300
foot-soldiers, 120 of whom were arquebusiers or cross-bowmen,
135 horsemen, with four pieces of artillery, 200 warriors of
Tlascala and Cholula, 10,000 each of Mexico and Acolhuacan,
besides a large number of porters and carriers. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, 632. This last author is supported by Ixtlilxochitl,
who states that Ixtlilxochitl and Quauhtemoctzin supplied
Cortés each with 10,000 warriors, under the command of able
captains. _Horribles Crueldades_, 65-6. And with regard to the
native contingent troops, we have additional evidence that
they were far more numerous than Cortés chose to represent
them to the Spanish monarch. The Xochimilco Indians, whose
city lay five leagues from Mexico, sent in a petition for
redress of grievances, dated 2d May, 1563, in which they
claim to have furnished Alvarado, their encomendero, with
2500 warriors for the conquest of Honduras and Guatemala.
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 293-4. By royal
edict the employment of natives beyond their own borders
had been forbidden; hence, to diminish the magnitude of the
disobedience, the number was diminished.
[XXII-20] The former were Franciscans, named Juan de Torres
and Francisco Martinez de Pontaza, according to Vazquez,
_Chronica de Gvat._, 524. This writer enters into a long
argument to prove that Bartolomé de Olmedo, of the order
of Nuestra Señora de la Merced, could not have accompanied
the expedition, as stated by Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._,
174. Vazquez, with the aid of two other friars, compared
the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz with the printed work
published in 1632, and found the last mention of Olmedo in the
manuscript to be in chapter clvii. He had a suspicion that the
passages in later chapters where Olmedo's connection with the
expedition is mentioned may be interpolations by the Friar
Alonso Remon, who was of the same order as Olmedo, and who
first published the _Historia Verdadera_. The two clergymen
were Juan Godinez, _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 4, and Juan
Diaz, _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 128.
[XXII-21] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 3. This authority
also states that Cortés conferred on Alvarado the title of
lieutenant-governor and captain-general. Cortés, in his letter
to the king, expresses great confidence in the expedition,
and regrets that inopportune circumstances in connection with
the fleets had retarded the discovery of many secrets, and
the collection of gold and pearls for the royal treasury.
_Cartas_, 305.
[XXII-22] In some rocky fastnesses, _peñoles_, called the
Peñoles de Guelamo, being in the encomienda of a soldier of
that name. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 174; _Fuentes_,
_Conq. Guat._, MS., 1.
[XXII-23] Larrainzar finds no difficulty in looking beyond the
myths to a time when this people was included in the Chiapanec
nation. _Hist. Soconusco_, 7.
[XXII-24] Bernal Diaz assumes that the province contained
only 15,000 families, estimated by Fuentes to represent a
population of 60,000 inhabitants. _Hist. Verdad._, 174.
[XXII-25] _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 45; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 229; _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 4; _Herrera_, dec.
iii. lib. v. cap. viii. Bernal Diaz, followed by Fuentes,
states that in Soconusco Alvarado was peaceably received,
and that the natives presented offerings of gold. _Hist.
Verdad._, 174. This idea may have arisen from the fact that
some towns did submit without active opposition, as recorded
or implied by Gomara and Herrera. Remesal says that Alvarado
passed on like a thunderbolt, conquering by force of arms and
exciting great terror by reason of the carnage at Soconusco.
That the destruction was great is evident from the ruins to be
seen at the entrance into Guatemala, in the locality called
the Sacrificadero. _Hist. Chyapa_, 3. Brasseur de Bourbourg
affirms that Alvarado, as he passed through this district,
founded a Spanish colony at Huehuetan, which was long the
capital of the territory after the destruction of the city
of Soconusco. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 633-4. This could have
been only a concentration of the already resident Spaniards,
for Alvarado would scarcely have left behind him, at this
juncture, many of his own men.
[XXII-26] Fuentes and Guzman, MS., 2, give the later name of
Zapotitlan as Suchitepeque, which signifies Hill of Flowers.
[XXII-27] Place of zapotes, a plum-like fruit abounding in
the neighborhood. _Niebla_, _Mem. Zapotitlan_, MS., 7-8.
Its ancient name was Xetulul. It is now abandoned, and the
inhabitants are dispersed among the neighboring villages.
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 635.
[XXII-28] The Zamalá, bearing at its source the name Seguilá,
and lower that of Olintepec. Near the village of this latter
name it is joined by the Tziha, from which junction down to
the sea it is called the Zamalá. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 635.
[XXII-29] The loss to the natives was of course severe. Of
the Spaniards two only were killed, but many were wounded.
The allies were greater sufferers, and a number of the horses
were badly injured. See further _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, in
_Barcia_, _Hist. Prim._, i. 157-8; _Oviedo_, iii. 475-6;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 174; _Salazar_, _Conq. Mex._,
125-6; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles Crueldades_, 66; _Fuentes
y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS. 2; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
ii. 250.
[XXIII-1] With whom the king of the Quichés was actually at
war, and who with sneers and insults affirmed that without
aid he could defend his kingdom against a greater army than
that which the strangers were bringing against the Quichés.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 247.
[XXIII-2] That is to say, 'Under the government of Ten.'
The city was ruled by ten lords, each having under him a
_xiquipil_, or 8000 dwellings. Fuentes estimated that this
city contained 300,000 inhabitants. So strongly was it
fortified that it had never been taken, though attempts had
often been made. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 240.
[XXIII-3] The most powerful of the Quiché monarchs, said
to have reigned about the time of Julius Cæsar. For list of
Quiché kings see _Native Races_, v. 566.
[XXIII-4] Juarros states that Tecum Umam set out with 72,000
fighting men. At Chemequena, now Totonicapan, the number
was increased to 90,000 by the forces of eight fortified
places and eighteen towns; on the plains of Xelahuh ten
lords joined him with 24,000 men, and 46,000 arrived from
other quarters, so that in all his army amounted to 232,000
warriors. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 248. Vazquez affirms that
these forces came from more than 100 populous towns, which
owed allegiance to the Quiché monarch, and that no aid was
given by the Cakchiquels or Zutugils. _Chronica de Gvat._, 5.
[XXIII-5] Vazquez describes both the natural difficulties and
the artificial defences of this pass as offering the greatest
obstacles to the invaders. The gorge had been protected by
palisades and ditches, and only by the most indefatigable
exertions, now destroying trenches and stone barricades,
now climbing rugged steeps by help of feet and hands, were
the Spaniards able to reach the plain above. Moreover, the
devil was at hand to help his own, and he wrought against
the good Spaniards by means of diabolical transformations in
lightning and whirlwinds, and otherwise convulsed elements;
and by fearful apparitions and transformations into wild
beasts. _Chronica de Gvat._, 5. This, from Fray Francisco's
description, will enable the reader to form some opinion
of the religio-historical narration representing this
achievement.
[XXIII-6] Bernal Diaz states that the Spaniards had three men
and two horses wounded in this struggle. Fuentes says six men
and two horses were wounded. _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion
Florida_, MS., 3.
[XXIII-7] _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, in _Barcia_, i. 158;
_Oviedo_, iii. 476; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 174;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 229.
[XXIII-8] 'I aqui hicimos otro alcance mui grande, donde
hallamos Gente, que esperaba vno de ellos à dos de Caballo.'
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, in _Barcia_, i. 158. See also for a
description of this engagement, _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. ix.
[XXIII-9] 'La mucha sangre de Indios que avia corrido en
Rios en _Xequikel_ (que por esso se llamó assi).' _Vazquez_,
_Chronica de Gvat._, 524. '_Xequiqel_, que quiere decir rio de
sangre.' _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 250. This last author states
that from the river Zamalá to the Olintepec six battles were
fought, but that this was the most strongly contested and
the most bloody. Compare _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, in _Barcia_,
158; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 174; _Fuentes y Guzman_,
_Recordacion Florida_, MS., 3-4; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 229.
[XXIII-10] 'Murió vn señor de quatro que son en Vtatlan.'
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 229. Besides Prince Ahzumanche, two
principal lords of Utatlan were slain in the battles of the
pass—the one Ahzol, a great captain, and a relative of the
king, and the other Ahpocoh, his shield-bearer, whose office
in the army was of the highest. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 250;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 174. The words Ahzol and
Ahpocoh are not, however, patronymics, but titles.
[XXIII-11] The district is called El Pinar by Juarros,
_Guat._, ii. 248; and El Pinal by Vazquez, _Chronica de
Gvat._, 524.
[XXIII-12] 'Corriendo la Tierra, que es tan gran Poblacion
como Tascalteque, i en las Labranças, ni mas, ni menos, i
friisima en demasia.' _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, in _Barcia_, i.
158.
[XXIII-13] Vazquez visited this hermitage at Zacaha in 1690,
and there saw a picture of the virgin, which had been brought
by the conquerors, and was known as La Conquistadora, for
a description of which the reader can consult _Chronica de
Gvat._, 9. In his time the shrine was a place greatly revered.
It was a current belief that some member of the priestly
order, the object of devotion, was interred there, a strong
supposition prevailing that the remains were those of the
first bishop of Guatemala; but this is wrong, for Bishop
Marroquin died in the Episcopal palace at Guatemala. The
remains were probably those of the priest Pontaza. _Chronica
de Gvat._, 8-10, 526.
[XXIII-14] The descendants of this conquistador were still
living in the same locality in the time of Vazquez, who
describes them as raisers of small stock, as poverty-stricken
as the descendants of the conquered natives. _Id._, 8-9.
[XXIII-15] Four years later the town was removed to the
present site. _Id._, 7-8; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 241.
The meaning of the term Quezaltenango is the 'place of the
quetzal,' the American bird of paradise, called 'trogon'
by the naturalists. The name was of Mexican origin, and was
probably applied not only to the district but to the city of
Xelahuh.
[XXIII-16] During a stay of two to three days. _Fuentes y
Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS.
[XXIII-17] Four years later the inhabitants were removed to
the new town of Quezaltenango, which the Indian population
still call Xelahuh.
[XXIII-18] On the authority of a manuscript of sixteen leaves
found at San Andrés Xecul, a town not far from Quezaltenango,
Juarros states that on the second day four caciques humbly
surrendered themselves, and owing to their influence the
inhabitants peaceably returned and tendered allegiance.
_Guat._, ii. 240-1. No mention of such an event is made by
Alvarado, Bernal Diaz, or Herrera; and Vazquez distinctly
states that these four chiefs were won over, with some
difficulty, after the final battle and the death of Tecum.
Though Brasseur de Bourbourg follows Juarros, I incline to
the opinion that the pacification of Xelahuh was subsequent
to the battle which is yet to follow.
[XXIII-19] Twelve thousand of whom were from the city of
Utatlan. _Relacion_, i. 158. Juarros says the first contingent
contained 16,000 men. _Guat._, ii. 251. Bernal Diaz gives
the whole number as more than 16,000. _Hist. Verdad._, 174.
Herrera uses the indefinite but safe expression 'vn gran
exercito de Quazaltenalco.' dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.
[XXIII-20] The numbers are differently given. Alvarado says
there were 90 horsemen; Juarros, 135 horse; Herrera, that the
whole force consisted of 80 horse, 200 infantry, and a strong
body of Mexicans. Bernal Diaz uses the general expression,
'with his army.'
[XXIII-21] Such is the legend long retained among the Quichés.
_Guatemala_, _Chronica de la Prov._, i. 13; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 641.
[XXIII-22] 'I nuestros Amigos, i los Peones hacian vna
destruccion, la maior del Mundo, en vn Arroio.' _Alvarado_,
_Relacion_, i. 158.
[XXIII-23] Vazquez asserts that this engagement took place
on the 14th of May, 1524, while the despatch by Alvarado
reporting the event to Cortés is dated more than a month
earlier, April 11th.
[XXIII-24] It is difficult to arrive at any approximation
to the number of slain during the series of engagements on
the Pinar. Vazquez is the only authority who ventures to put
down figures. 'Viniendo sobre el Exercito Christiano ... de
trece mil, en trece mil, cada dia, aquellos.... Barbaros tan
imperterritos â la muerte, y al estrago que las Catholicas
armas hacian en su numeroso Exercito, quedando muertos mas
de diez, y doze mil infieles, encendiendo en los que quedauan
viuos ... que acoradas con la vertida sangre de sus compañeros
avivaban mas su rabia, para embestir con irracional despecho
â las Españoles.' _Chronica de Gvat._, 5. See also _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 159.
[XXIII-25] The names of these caciques, given by Juarros,
were Calel Ralak, Ahpopqueham, Calelahau, and Calelaboy, as
supplied by the manuscript previously mentioned in note 17,
this chapter.
[XXIII-26] So they called the Spaniards, as the soldiers
of Alvarado, generally known by the name of Tonatiuh, the
initial 'T' being changed by the Quichés into 'D.' _Vazquez_,
_Chronica de Gvat._, 524.
[XXIV-1] Also called Gumarcaah. It is represented to-day by
the town of Santa Cruz del Quiché, which is situated so near
the ruins of the ancient city that it might be considered an
outlying suburb. About the middle of the sixteenth century
Utatlan was entirely abandoned and the inhabitants removed
to Santa Cruz. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 66; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 647.
[XXIV-2] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 66-7; _Alvarado_, _Relacion_,
i. 159; _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 32. See also
_Native Races_, ii. 744, 788-9. Atalaya and Resguardo are
Spanish terms, the first signifying 'Watch-tower' and the
other 'Guard.'
[XXIV-3] _Torquemada_, i. 311. The frontage of the palace was
376 paces, while its depth reached 728 paces. The chronicler
Fuentes visited Santa Cruz del Quiché for the purpose
of investigating the ruins, from which, as well as from
manuscripts, he gathered much information.
[XXIV-4] Juarros calls him Chignauivcelut.
[XXIV-5] Francisco Flores claims that he and Juan de Oriza
made the discovery. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 32,
34.
[XXIV-6] Bernal Diaz states that some Indians of Quezaltenango
warned Alvarado that they intended to kill them all that
night if they remained there, and that they had posted in the
ravines many bands of warriors, who, when they saw the houses
in flames, were to unite with those of Utatlan and fall on
the invaders at different points.
[XXIV-7] It is possible that Oxib Quieh was hanged, and not
burned, though Alvarado makes no mention of such weakness on
his part, but states distinctly 'Yo los quemé.' _Relacion_,
i. 159. Bernal Diaz, however, asserts that through the
intercession of Fray Bartolomé Olmedo a respite of two days
was granted the unfortunate king, during which time he was
converted and baptized, and that his sentence was commuted to
hanging. _Hist. Verdad._, 175. This view is taken by Salazar
y Olarte, _Conq. Mex._, 125-6, and Juarros, _Guat._, ii. 253,
but not by Ixtlilxochitl, _Horribles Crueldades_, 67. At the
trial of Alvarado this act of barbarity constitutes one of the
charges, and the testimony tends to prove that no exception
was made in favor of any one of the victims. The witness
Francisco Flores, mentioned in note 5, this chapter, states
that one of the nobles was spared, because he had disclosed
the plot. His testimony may, however, be founded on a respite
granted to Oxib Quieh, incorrectly understood by Flores.
_Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 32. Alvarado informed
Cortés that the victims made full confession of the plot
before they were put to death, and his use of the expression
'Como parecera por sus confesiones' would seem to indicate
that the confessions were taken down in writing and forwarded
to Cortés. _Relacion_, i. 159. In conclusion, Brasseur de
Bourbourg says that only the monarch and the heir presumptive
were burned, which is at variance with Juarros' expression,
'Ni las muertes de sus primeros capitanes, ni las de sus dos
Reyes, executadas por los Castellanos,' _Guat._, ii. 253, and
also with the testimony of Flores, who says, 'E los prendio a
todos ... e despues los quemo.' _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra
Alvarado_, 32. Las Casas affirms they were burned alive
without any form of trial. _Regio. Ind. Devastat._, 35.
[XXIV-8] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 253. Alvarado never alludes
to his artillery in this or any future campaign of the year,
though he repeatedly speaks of the arquebusiers. Juarros, so
far as I can discover, is the only author except Brasseur de
Bourbourg who mentions artillery.
[XXIV-9] 'I es la Tierra tan fuerte de quebradas, que ai
quebradas que entran docientos estados de hondo, i por
estas quebradas no pudimos hacerles la Guerra.' _Alvarado_,
_Relacion_, i. 159.
[XXIV-10] His object in making this demand was twofold: he
wished to test the Cakchiquel king's feelings toward him, and
at the same time to increase his native forces, who would be
useful in this work. _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 159. According
to Brasseur de Bourbourg the princes of the Cakchiquel nation
met with much opposition from their subjects in supporting
the Spaniards, and the nobles refused to supply the troops
demanded by Alvarado. In this embarrassment the Ahpozotzil
raised 4000 warriors in his capital. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, 648.
Bernal Diaz, followed by Juarros, gives a different account
from that of Alvarado, which is followed in the text. It is to
the effect that the people of Guatemala, hearing of Alvarado's
repeated victories, and learning that he was stationed at
Utatlan, sent an embassy with presents of gold, offering
their services against the Quichés, with whom they were at
enmity. These were accepted by Alvarado, who, to test their
sincerity, and also because he was ignorant of the road, asked
and received assistance across the many gullies and through
the difficult passes. _Hist. Verdad._, 175.
[XXIV-11] 'Mandè quemar la Ciudad, i poner por los cimientos.'
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 159.
[XXIV-12] Derived from _cé_, 'one,' and '_quechutl_,' a
bird similar to the flamingo, for a description of which
see _Native Races_, iii. 374. His native name was Tepepul,
_Id._, v. 566, but I have preferred to use his Mexican name
in order to avoid confusion, as another Tepepul, king of the
Zutugils, will appear later in the narrative. The date of
this submission of the Quichés must have been a day or two
before the 11th of April, on which day Alvarado wrote his
despatch to Cortés, stating that he would leave for the city
of Guatemala on the same day, which was a Monday. Juarros
states that Alvarado remained eight days, Bernal Diaz seven
or eight, in Utatlan, occupied in the pacification of the
surrounding tribes. _Guat._, ii. 254. Herrera states that
the war terminated on the 25th of April, which can only be
explained by supposing that Alvarado did not leave Utatlan on
the 11th, as he intended. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.
[XXIV-13] 'Estamos metidos en la mas recia Tierra de Gente
que se ha visto.' _Relacion_, i. 160.
[XXIV-14] _Relacion_, i. 159; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
175.
[XXV-1] Alvarado's line of march on this occasion seems to
have been confounded by different authors with routes followed
by him at later dates. Juarros says that he did not pass
through the towns of the coast, but along the Itzapa road; for
in a land title possessed by the Indians of Parramos, extended
in the year 1577, on the 10th of November, in a reference to
a plain on said road, this expression occurs: 'Where they say
the camp of the Spaniards was pitched when the Adelantado
D. Pedro de Alvarado came to conquer this land.' _Guat._,
ii. 255. By these remarks Juarros supports Fuentes' opinion
that the capital of the Cakchiquel nation was situated on the
slopes of the Volcan de Agua. I am, however, persuaded that
the encampment mentioned in the land title took place later,
on the occasion of Alvarado's campaign southward.
[XXV-2] Vazquez calls this ruler King Ahpotzotzil, _Chronica
de Gvat._, 68, which was only his title. His proper name was
Sinacam, by which he was called in the books of the cabildos
of Guatemala. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 256. Brasseur de
Bourbourg gives his name as Belehé Qat.
[XXV-3] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 254-5. The account given
by the Cakchiquel manuscript of this conversation differs
somewhat from the above, stating that it took place in the
palace; that the martial aspect of the population, and the
number of warriors, excited the suspicions of Alvarado;
and that on the night after his arrival, agitated by his
apprehensions, he suddenly entered the royal apartments,
followed by his officers. His unexpected presence caused
great confusion, and the nobles in waiting rallied round their
sovereign. The conversation then followed, when Sinacam spoke
thus: 'Would I have sent my warriors and braves to die for
you and find a tomb at Gumarcaah if I had such treacherous
intentions?' In his explanation, also, the king states that
the armed troops were intended to be directed against the
provinces of Itzcuintlan and Atitlan, with which nations the
Cakchiquels were at war. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, 650-1.
[XXV-4] Bernal Diaz, or his editor, here introduces Friar
Bartolomé de Olmedo. His story is this: When the Spaniards
arrived at Guatemala, Alvarado told the friar that he had
never been so hard pressed as when fighting with the Indians
of Utatlan, describing them as most brave and excellent
warriors, and at the same time claimed to himself the merit
of having done a good work. The friar chided him, and said it
was God who had wrought the deed; and in order that he might
regard it as good, and aid them in future, it would be well
to give thanks to him, appoint a holiday, celebrate mass, and
preach to the Indians. This injunction was carried out, and
resulted in the baptism of more than 30 natives in two days.
Others also were anxious to be baptized when they perceived
that the Spaniards held intercourse more freely with the
converts than with others. _Hist. Verdad._, 175.
[XXV-5] Patinamit, or Iximché, called by Alvarado the city
of Guatemala. Juarros is in doubt as to the site of the
ancient Cakchiquel capital. Remesal makes no mention of it,
though he speaks of the founding of the Villa de Guatemala.
Fuentes argues that it was not Patinamit, but a city on the
slope of the Volcan de Agua, occupying the same position that
San Miguel Tzacualpa occupied when he wrote. His reasons
are, first, the preservation of the Indian name Guatemala,
indicating that the Spaniards did not found a new town, but
occupied the existing city; the custom of the Spaniards being
to give Spanish names to cities founded by them, as Trujillo,
Granada, Cartago, and others, while those cities which were
already founded retained their native names, as Mexico, Cuzco,
Tlascala, and the like. Again, as observed elsewhere, the word
Guatemala is derived from _Coctecmalan_, which means _Palo
de leche_, milk-tree, commonly called _Yerba mala_. This is
found only at Antigua Guatemala, and within a league around,
in which space, therefore, the capital must have stood. But
it was not situated where Antigua Guatemala stands, because
that place was always called _Panchoy_, or Great Lagoon;
nor where the Pueblo of Ciudad Vieja stands, which locality
was called _Atmulunca_, meaning Gushing Water. Therefore
it must have been on the spot where stood the city of the
Spaniards, which was destroyed in 1541, and where now exists
the little village of Tzacualpa, which name in itself is an
additional argument in favor of this supposition, inasmuch
as its meaning is Old Town. The third argument of Fuentes is
based on the improbability that the Spaniards would found a
city in an unpopulated district when the court and capital
of the Cakchiquels were at their command. Consequently the
court of King Sinacam was situated where the Spaniards first
established themselves, that is where Tzacualpa stands. See
also _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 255-9. Vazquez maintains that
this capital was the city Patinamit, antonomastically so
called, meaning the 'metropolis' or 'the city' par excellence.
The locality on which it was built was called 'Iximché,'
and in his own time Ohertinamit, which means Old Town. The
Mexicans who came with the Spaniards called it Quauhtemali,
meaning rotten tree, from an old worm-eaten Iximché tree.
To distinguish it from the Ciudad de Santiago founded by
the Spaniards, it was afterward named Tecpan Guatemala, that
is, Palace or Royal House of Guatemala, a meaning different
from that given by Fuentes, who says that Tecpan means
'above,' _encima_, as Tecpan Atitlan, a town situated on a
more elevated site than Atitlan. The city Tecpan Guatemala
still exists about half a league distant from the old site.
Vazquez, moreover, supports his opinion on the extent and
magnificence of the palace and public buildings indicated
by the ruins, which he visited in person; and also on the
fortified position of the place. _Chronica de Gvat._, 7,
10, 68, 73; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 243, 256-7. That the
arguments of Fuentes are fallacious, and that Vazquez is
right, Alvarado's own despatches prove almost to a certainty.
In his report to Cortés, dated 11th April, at Utatlan, he
says, 'Embiè à la Ciudad de Guatemala, que està diez Leguas
de esta,' and afterward informs Cortés that on that day he
will leave for the city of Guatemala, 'Yo me parto para la
Ciudad de Guatemala Lunes once de Abril.' At the commencement
of the next despatch he writes, 'Yo, Señor, partì de la Ciudad
de Uclatan, í vine en dos Dias à esta Ciudad de Guatemala.'
Now this 'city of Guatemala' was the capital of the king of
the Cakchiquels, and where Alvarado was entertained by him,
as will be told in the text, and it was ten leagues from
Utatlan, a distance which would occupy the army two days, as
stated by Alvarado; for it was difficult ground to march over,
being intersected by numerous ravines. _Vazquez_, _Chronica
de Gvat._, 7. The site proposed by Fuentes is nearly twice
the distance from Utatlan, and could not have been reached by
the Spaniards in the short period of two days, except by very
exhausting and forced marches, to which it is most improbable
that Alvarado subjected his men when on a visit to a friendly
power. Again, Alvarado reports that when on his expedition
against Atitlan he left the city of Guatemala and by a forced
march entered that territory the same day—'I anduve tanto,
que aquel Dia lleguè a su Tierra'—a distance that could
be accomplished from the existing ruins of Patinamit, but
apparently not from the Volcan de Agua.
[XXV-6] Juarros calls it 'chay.'
[XXV-7] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 243-4. This author adds that
Bishop Marroquin, having heard of this stone, caused it to be
cut into a square and consecrated as part of the high altar
in the church of Tecpan Guatemala. Stephens saw it and says
that it is a piece of common slate. _Incid. of Travel in Cent.
Am._, ii. 150.
[XXV-8] 'Donde fui mui bien recibido de los Señores de ella,
que no pudiera ser mas en Casa de nuestros Padres; i fuimos
tan proveidos de todo lo necesario, que ninguna cosa hovo
falta.' _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 161.
[XXV-9] On this occasion Friar Juan de Torres converted and
baptized many. _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 7.
[XXV-10] Atitlan, in the Pipil language 'Correo de Agua,' or
'Water Courier.' This is according to Juarros, who states that
the place was also called Atziquinixal, which in the Quiché
language signifies 'House of the Eagle,' from the device of
the kings, who wore as their royal emblem an eagle fashioned
from the plumes of the quetzal. _Guat._, 245. Ternaux-Compans
wrongly interprets it 'watercourse,' 'cours d'eau.' _Voy._,
série i. tom. x. 416.
[XXV-11] Its real meaning, however, is 'heroes' or 'demigods.'
[XXV-12] An insurrection of the principal cities of the
monarchy had been promoted by this cacique. These cities,
according to Vazquez, were Tecpan Atitlan and others of that
province, while Fuentes believes them to have been Tecpan
Guatemala and its dependencies. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 277.
[XXV-13] _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 160.
[XXV-14] 'Le dieron muchos presentes de oro y plata y joyas
en gran cantidad.' _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 7,
25, 28 et seq.
[XXV-15] 'À los quales mataron sin temor ninguno.' _Alvarado_,
_Relacion_, i. 161. Bernal Diaz states that Alvarado sent
messengers on three several occasions. _Hist. Verdad._, 175.
[XXV-16] Bernal Diaz affirms that Alvarado took with him
more than 140 soldiers, of whom twenty were cross-bowmen
and arquebusiers, and 40 horsemen, with 2000 Guatemalans. It
must, however, be concluded that the statements of the 'true
historian' with regard to the conquest of Guatemala cannot be
relied on as exact, since he admits that he was not present:
'Y esto digo, porque no me halle en estas Conquistas.' _Hist.
Verdad._, 175-6. Brasseur de Bourbourg also states that 2000
Cakchiquels, commanded by the Ahpotzotzil and the Ahpoxahil,
accompanied the Spaniards. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 652.
Juarros gives the forces as consisting of 40 horse, 100 foot,
and 2000 Guatemalans. It is quite evident that this author
never consulted Alvarado's despatches, judging from the many
instances of chronological, numerical, and other differences.
Alvarado says he marched so rapidly that he reached the
territory of the Zutugils the same day on which he left the
city of Guatemala. Juarros writes, 'Caminaba á convenientes
jornadas.' _Guat._, 278. Salazar follows Bernal Diaz. _Conq.
Mex._, 131.
[XXV-17] Juarros states that these forces were stationed
upon the peñol, or insular rock, but were so harassed by the
cross-bowmen that they sallied and gave fight to the Spaniards
on the plain. _Guat._, ii. 278.
[XXV-18] 'I por la mucha agrura de la Tierra, como digo, no
se mato mas Gente.' _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 162.
[XXV-19] About the middle of May, according to the Cakchiquel
manuscript. Bernal Diaz states that Olmedo preached the gospel
to the Indians, and celebrated mass on an altar which they
erected. The friar also put up an image of the virgin, which
Garay had brought and given him when he died. _Hist. Verdad._,
176.
[XXV-20] _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, in _Barcia_, i. 161-2;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 175; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
230-1; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; _Oviedo_,
iii. 480-1; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 277-80; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 652-5. In a memorial
addressed by the chiefs of Atitlan to Philip II., and dated
February 1, 1571, it is stated that when Alvarado came into
the country he was received in a friendly spirit at Atitlan;
that no one took up arms against him, but that valuable
presents were made, while each town and village paid tribute
according to its means. Numbers of their principal men
accompanied him on his future campaigns, and lost their lives
in his service. _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x.,
419-20. Though the Atitlan campaign was less sanguinary than
the previous ones, this contradiction of all accounts, in
stating that the Spaniards were peaceably received, must have
proceeded from anxiety on the part of the natives to gain some
favor or obtain some redress.
[XXV-21] One witness at the trial of Alvarado in 1528-9 states
that he heard this person was a sister of the king, but from
the statement contained in the charge, and supported by many
witnesses, it can only be inferred that she was one of the
wives of the monarch. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_,
7, 22, passim. Brasseur de Bourbourg's version is that Suchil
was the wife of one of the highest dignitaries of the crown.
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 656.
[XXV-22] The defence set up by Alvarado when charged with
this outrage is exceedingly weak. He had been deceived by
the Cakchiquel nobles, he said, who, not wishing him to
march farther south, made false representations regarding
the difficulties he would meet with. A Spanish soldier named
Falcon reported that a slave girl described the country as
fair and rich; upon which Alvarado commanded her to be brought
forward. This was persistently refused by the chiefs, until he
seized one; then an Indian girl of noble birth was produced,
but not the right one. 'He, however, importuned them much,'
and finally Suchil was delivered up to him. The reader will
appreciate the probability of this story when he considers
how likely it was that the Cakchiquel nobles would seek to
deter Alvarado from proceeding against their national enemies.
_Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_. See question and charge,
xvii. and xix., pp. 7 and 57, Alvarado's reply, p. 77-8, and
testimony.
[XXVI-1] The native name of the chief town, Panatacat,
was known in the time of Vazquez as _Isquintepeque_.
Alvarado calls it _Iscuyntepeque_, _Relacion_, i. 162;
Herrera, _Yzquintepec_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Gomara,
_Izcuintepec_, _Hist. Mex._, 231. Its modern appellation is
Escuintla. See also _Native Races_, v. 607.
[XXVI-2] 'Diciendoles, què adonde iban, i que eran locos, sino
que me dejasen à mi ir allà, i que todos me darian Guerra.'
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 162; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. x.; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 231.
[XXVI-3] Juarros, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg, states
that the army, when in Itzcuintlan, consisted of 250 Spanish
infantry, 100 cavalry, and 6000 Guatemalan and other Indians.
_Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 229. Now, Alvarado a little
later in this campaign states that he had 150 infantry, 100
horse, and 5000 or 6000 Indian auxiliaries. This number of
infantry is more probably correct than that given by Juarros.
Alvarado had only 300 infantry when he left Mexico, and,
though few had been killed, numbers were wounded, and he had
left garrisons at various places. _Relacion_, i. 163. That he
should leave Itzcuintlan with 250 Spanish foot-soldiers and
lose 100 of them in a few weeks is a supposition that cannot
be entertained. Juarros appears to have followed Gomara,
_Hist. Mex._, 232, who gives the above figures.
[XXVI-4] No summons of surrender was sent, which omission was
brought forward as a charge against the commander at a later
date. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 7, 57 et seq.
[XXVI-5] Juarros states that this was a night attack, and that
the inhabitants were asleep when the Spaniards entered; Bernal
Diaz says that it occurred in the morning.
[XXVI-6] 'Tambien me han dicho, que cinco Jornadas adelante
de vna Ciudad mui grande, que està veinte Jornadas de aqui,
se acaba esta Tierra ... si asi es, certisimo tengo que
es el Estrecho.' _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 160. Pelaez
erroneously makes this campaign follow the reduction of Mixco,
Sacatepeque, Mazatenango, etc. _Mem. Guat._, i. 45-46. Vazquez
thus describes it: 'Sin dejar las armas de las manos, ni dia
alguno de batallar en los Pueblos de la Costa, corrió como un
rayo, el y su Exercito.' _Chronica de Gvat._, 7.
[XXVI-7] Laet, Ogilby, and Kiepert write _R. Michatoya_.
[XXVI-8] Called _Atiepar_ by Alvarado; _Caetipar_ by Gomara;
_Atiquipaque_ by Juarros; _Aticpac_ by Brasseur de Bourbourg;
and by Ixtlilxochitl, in _Horribles Crueldades_, 69, _Cala_.
Alvarado states that both the language and race of people were
here different.
[XXVI-9] _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 7-8 et seq. The
account given by Juarros differs so much from Alvarado's that
I can give the former but little consideration in the text.
It is to this effect: After crossing the river the Spaniards
were attacked by a large body of Indians, and an obstinate
battle ensued, in which Alvarado was dismounted by a chief,
who wounded his horse with a lance. Alvarado then attacked
the Indian on foot and killed him. The victory was for some
time doubtful, but passed finally to the Spaniards. On the
following day they entered the deserted town, where before
long they were again attacked by a fresh body of the enemy.
Cooped in the narrow streets, the Spaniards could not act, and
retreated to open ground, where they soon threw the Indians
into disorder.
Alvarado's despatches to Cortés, _Relacion de Alvarado_, form
the base of that portion of the conquest of Guatemala which
begins with the departure of the Spaniards from Soconusco
and terminates with the founding of the Ciudad de Santiago at
Patinamit. Two only of these reports are extant; that there
was at least one more is certain from the opening line of
the first, wherein Alvarado states that he had written from
Soconusco; 'de Soncomisco escrivì à Vuestra Magestad.' It
might be supposed, from the expression 'Vuestra Magestad,'
that the letter was addressed to the king of Spain; the
conclusion, however, proves that such was not the case,
as Alvarado requests Cortés to report his services to his
Majesty. 'Magestad' is probably a misprint for 'Merced,' or
an incorrect reading of the manuscript. These despatches were
first published at Toledo, October 20, 1525, with the fourth
report of Cortés to the king of Spain. They were afterward
translated into Italian by Ramusio and published at Venice
in 1565. In 1749 Barcia, a member of the royal council,
reproduced them, in Madrid, in his collection of the works
of the chroniclers, and it may be remarked that Ramusio's
translation does not always agree with this Spanish edition.
Ternaux-Compans translated Ramusio's version into French and
published the letters at Paris, in 1838, in his Collection
of Voyages. Alvarado's style is clear and simple, terse and
vigorous, and his descriptions are vivid. That he did not
report all his proceedings to Cortés is evident from the
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, already frequently quoted, in
which numerous acts of cruelty, outrage, and embezzlement
are charged against him. Yet there is no just reason to doubt
the truthfulness of his narrations so far as they go, since
they are supported by good authorities. It is suppression and
not misrepresentation of facts that can be charged against
him. In these two despatches the writer has portrayed his
own character most clearly. His energy, recklessness, and
indomitable will, his bravery, religious superstition, and
ambition, are all distinctly displayed; but in bold relief,
prominent above all other traits, is recognized his cruelty:
whenever the carnage on the battle-field has been unusually
dreadful he delights to report it to Cortés, sometimes even
mentioning the matter twice; and when the natives have
managed to escape him with comparatively small loss, he
regretfully enters into explanations and gives the reasons why
so few lives were taken. These despatches are particularly
interesting for their evidence relative to the site of
the first city founded by the Spaniards in Guatemala. They
moreover correct many errors committed by Remesal, Fuentes,
and Juarros, who, strange to say, could never have seen
these reports, or even Oviedo's almost verbatim copy of them.
Another narrative of the conquest was written by Gonzalo de
Alvarado, which work Pelaez, _Mem. Guat._, i. 47, considers
that Herrera must have seen. It was never published; Juarros
thus describes it: 'MS. de Gonzalo de Alvarado, que paraba en
poder de D. Nicolas de Vides y Alvarado, su descendiente.'
[XXVI-10] _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 7-8 et seq.
[XXVI-11] 'Me recibieron de paz, i se alçaron dende à vna
hora.' _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 163.
[XXVI-12] Juarros states that the army halted near the city,
and was almost immediately attacked by three strong bands
of natives, one descending from the heights of Nextiquipac,
another from Taxisco, and the third from Guazacapan. It
required all the skill and strength of the Spaniards to resist
the combined onset. But the division from Guazacapan abandoned
the field, while that which came down from the mountains
was broken and put to flight; whereupon the Taxisco party
submitted, and the town remained in the possession of the
Spaniards. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 231.
[XXVI-13] Called by Alvarado _Nacendelan_, and _Necendelan_
by Gomara; in Mercator's Atlas, 1574, _Nacendelen_, and in the
_West-Indische Spieghel_, 64, _Nacedelan_. Its modern name is
Nancintla.
[XXVI-14] These consisted of cloth, cross-bow strings,
horseshoes, nails, and other iron articles. Alvarado states
at a later date that the nails and horseshoes were cast with
copper by the Indians, who believed that the iron would melt
with it. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 79-80. The
clothing, he says, could not be recovered, as it had been torn
up for breech-clouts. _Relacion_, i. 163; _Oviedo_, iii. 483.
[XXVI-15] Herrera affirms that they were from Nancintlan,
and had the custom of fighting with little bells, 'sendas
campanillas,' in their hands. Juarros states that all
inquiries to discover the reason of this practice have been
useless. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; _Juarros_,
_Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 232; also _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
232.
[XXVI-16] Referred to as Don Pedro, one of Cortés' most
trusted officers. See _Hist. Mex._, chap. vi., this series.
He is mentioned more than once by Alvarado, and important
commands were intrusted to him. _Relacion_, i. 163-4.
[XXVI-17] Juarros says this stay was made at Guazacapan, a
town passed on the way to Nancintlan. The army would have
been, thus far, about 25 days on the campaign of discovery:
Four days from Patinamit to Itzcuintlan, eight days at this
latter place, four days in passing through the towns of
Atiquipac, Tacuylula, and Taxisco, to Nancintlan, and eight
at this latter place.
[XXVI-18] _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 8, 58, 79 et
seq. Brasseur de Bourbourg is of opinion that only certain
of the chiefs were captured after having fled, and that they
were hanged. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 660. I give the narrative
as derived from the evidence in Alvarado's trial.
[XXVI-19] The present town of Pasaco, called _Pacoco_ by
Oviedo, iii. 483, and _Pazùco_ by Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. x., and Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 232.
[XXVI-20] These were placed slantwise, and projected two or
three fingers' width above the surface. They were smeared with
so noxious a poison that if but a drop of blood were drawn
the wounded man died insane, on the second, third, or seventh
day, suffering intense thirst. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. x.; _Native Races_, ii. 744.
[XXVI-21] _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. On a previous
occasion they had met with this indication of hostility,
but in this instance they seem to have had an opportunity of
witnessing the ceremony. _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 163.
[XXVI-22] 'I seguimos el alcance todo lo que se pudo seguir.'
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 163. Juarros states that this
victory did not decide the conquest of the district; some
towns submitted, but others retained their liberty. Among
those which sought for peace was the large town of Tejutla,
four leagues from Guazacapan, which was taken possession
of as an arsenal. After the conquest it gradually lost its
ancient importance, and was abandoned about the middle of the
seventeenth century.
[XXVI-23] Near Bay of Sonsonate. See maps of Colon, 1527, and
Ribero, 1529, having at or near this point _r. Ciego_; also
Kiepert's _Map of Central America_, 1858. _R. Paza_ forms the
boundary between Salvador and Guatemala. Paza is evidently
an abbreviation of the native name Pazaco, and Paz a Spanish
corruption of Paza.
[XXVI-24] Alvarado calls it _Mopicalco_; Herrera and Gomara,
_Mopicalãco_. Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks that it seems to
correspond with the present village of Nahuizalco, not far
from Sonsonate, in Salvador. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 661.
[XXVI-25] Mentioned by the conqueror as Acaxual, 'donde
bate la Mar del Sur en èl.' _Relacion_, i. 163. Gomara calls
it _Acaiucatl_; Herrera, _Cayacatl_; and Oviedo _Acarval_,
while Ixtlilxochitl gives it the name of _Acayncatl_. Its
modern appellation is Acajutla. Juarros incorrectly states
that Alvarado did not discover it before 1534. _Guat._,
i. 254. Fernando Colon, 1527, and Diego de Ribero, 1529,
write _las matas_. Mercator's atlas, 1574, town and bay
_Acaxutla_; Ogilby, 1671, _Pto d' Acaxutla_; Laet, 1633,
_Po de Acaxutla_; _West-Indische Spieghel_, 1624, _Caxulta_;
Jefferys, 1776, _Sonsonate_ or _Trinidad City_, _Rio St.
Jago_, and the southern point _Izalcos_, southern cape
_Pt. de los Remedios_, northern cape _Pt. Dacaxutla_,
on the coast near the latter point _Guacapa_, and in the
interior _Chiquimula_. A little north river and city _las
Esclavos_; Kiepert, 1858, _B. de Sonsonate_, also a like named
city on the _R. St. Jago_. On the coast, _Acajutla_ city,
and eastward, _P. de los Remedios_, _Puerto Libertad_, and
_Pt. de la Concordia_. The coast is called _Cuesta del
Balsamo_.
[XXVI-26] 'Parecian bien con los sacos como eran blancos, y de
colores, con muy buenos penachos q̃ lleuauan en las cabeças.'
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 232.
[XXVI-27] It is on this occasion that Alvarado gives the
number of his forces. Ixtlilxochitl says there were not more
than 7000 Mexicans and Tezcucans ... and Alvarado had not more
than 250 Spanish foot and 100 horse, and some few thousand
Quauhtemaltecs. _Horribles Crueldades_, 69.
[XXVI-28] Gomara states that Alvarado dared not attack them,
because they were so strong and well drawn up, but that the
Indians charged the Spanish army as it was moving by. _Hist.
Mex._, 232. Ixtlilxochitl's account is similar to that of
Gomara: 'Pasaron por un lado del ejército de los enemigos;
y como los vieron á la otra parte, envistieron con ellos.'
_Horribles Crueldades_, 69-70.
[XXVI-29] Brasseur de Bourbourg, misled by Ternaux's
translation from Ramusio of Alvarado's letter, says: 'Sans que
l'inégalité du terrain permît aux Espagnols de leur opposer
beaucoup de résistance.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 662. See also
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 164, and _Alvarado_, _Lettres_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, série i. tom. x.
[XXVI-30] For armor they wore a sack, with sleeves reaching
down to the feet, of hard twisted cotton, three fingers
in thickness. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 232; _Alvarado_,
_Relacion_, i. 164; _Native Races_, ii. 742.
[XXVI-31] He had been pierced through the thigh with an arrow,
which was shot with such force as to penetrate the saddle.
His leg was shortened in consequence to the extent of four
fingers' width, and he remained lame for life. _Alvarado_,
_Relacion_, i. 164. Remesal erroneously states that Alvarado
received this wound in Soconusco. _Hist. Chyapa_, 7.
[XXVI-32] This is Alvarado's own statement: 'I fue tan grande
el destroço, que en ellos hicimos, que en poco tiempo no havia
ninguno de todos los que salieron vivos;' and lower, 'I en
caiendo la Gente de pie, los mataba todos.' _Relacion_, i.
164. Gomara says, 'Y casi no dexaron ninguno dellos viuo.'
_Hist. Mex._, 232.
[XXVI-33] Tacusocalco. _Oviedo_, iii. 484.
[XXVI-34] The three brothers who accompanied Alvarado from
Mexico are now brought more into notice. There are three other
Alvarados mentioned by Fuentes in his list of conquerors, but
their names do not correspond to those of the other brothers
of the lieutenant-general. _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion
Florida_, MS., 25-7; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 14.
[XXVI-35] 'Que verla de lejos era para espantar, porque tenian
todos los mas lanças de treinta palmos, todas en Arboledas.'
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 164. Herrera adds that the spears
were poisoned: 'Las lanças eran mayores, con yerua.' dec. iii.
lib. v. cap. x.
[XXVI-36] 'Peleò despues con otro exercito mayor, y mas
peligroso.' _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.
[XXVI-37] Called by Alvarado, _Miaguaclan_; by Herrera,
_Mautlan_; by Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara, _Mahuatlan_.
[XXVI-38] Atehuan, _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 164; Lechuan,
_Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Atlechuan, _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 232; Athehuan, _Oviedo_, iii. 484.
[XXVI-39] 'Yo los recibí pensando que no me mentirian como
los otros.' _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 164. Oviedo, on the
contrary, says, 'Pensando que mentirian, como los otros.' i.
485.
[XXVI-40] 'Los mas de los pueblos fueron quemados e
destruidos.' _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 26 et seq.
[XXVI-41] Written _Cuitlachan_ by Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl.
Cuzcatlan, meaning Land of Jewels, _Juarros_, _Guat._, i.
23, was the ancient name of the province, as well as the
city represented by the modern San Salvador. _Native Races_,
v. xii. In _Ogilby's America_, 1671, is written town _S.
Salvador_, and south of it a town _La Trinidad_; Laet, 1633,
_S. Saluador_, and on the opposite side of the river _La
Trinidad_, and in the interior to the north a city _Gratias
a Dios_; Jeffreys, 1776, _San Salvador_ or _Cuzcatlan_, west
_Nexapa Guaymoco_, east _Chontales_, north _Istepec_; Kiepert,
1858, _San Salvador_, state, town and volcano.
[XXVI-42] The Spaniards entertained some suspicions of
treachery. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the prince and
all his suite were seized and kept prisoners. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 664. The testimony of Alvarado's letter tends on
the contrary to prove that they escaped from the town with
the rest of the population: 'I mientras nos aposentamos, no
quedò Hombre de ellos en el Pueblo, que todos se fueron à las
Sierras. E como vi esto, Yo embiè mis Mensageros à los Señores
de alli à decirles, que no fuesen malos.' _Relacion_, i. 164.
Compare, however, _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 9 et
seq.
[XXVI-43] _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 164-5; _Ramirez_,
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, 58-9 et seq. Brasseur de Bourbourg,
regardless of all Spanish evidence, boldly assumes that the
king 'ainsi que tous les seigneurs de sa cour' were in fact
put to death, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 666-7, when in reality
they were fugitives in the mountains and merely condemned. It
is absurd to suppose that in the Cuzcatlan charge, No. xxvi.,
referred to above, Alvarado's accusers would have failed to
bring against him the deaths of the king and chiefs.
[XXVI-44] The branding of slaves at Cuzcatlan was one of the
charges brought against Alvarado at his trial. The Spaniards
appear to have seized upon a number of the natives when they
first entered the town. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_,
9-59, passim. Las Casas uses these words: 'Stigma enim Regium,
iis, qui non evaserunt, inustum est. Ego etiam præcipuo totius
civitatis viri filio vidi imprimi.' _Regio. Ind. Devastat._,
38.
[XXVI-45] 'Huuo poco despojo.' _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib.
v. cap. x. 'Poco oro y riquezas hallaron en este viage.'
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles Crueldades_, 70.
[XXVI-46] 'I supe de los Naturales como esta Tierra no tiene
cabo.' _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 165.
[XXVI-47] 'Padecieron hartos trabajos, hambre y calamidades
los nuestros, y los españoles.' _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Horribles Crueldades_, 70; also _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 232.
[XXVII-1] Alvarado's report of the campaign bears this date,
and as he mentions in it that on his return he founded
the 'Ciudad del Señor Santiago,' he must have arrived at
least several days previous to the above date. Brasseur de
Bourbourg, after pointing out a misconception of Fuentes,
exhibits some confusion in his own mind as to dates and time.
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, 667.
[XXVII-2] Vazquez observes, 'Llegó â _Vulvusya_ que oy llaman
Almolonga; y auiendo en la falda de su bolcan assentado el
Real a los 25 de Jullio de 1524, diò su primer ser a la Ciudad
de Guatemala, con Nõbre de Villa que le duró muy pocos dias.'
_Chronica de Gvat._, 7. Remesal also states that the city
was founded on the slopes of the Volcan de Agua, at a place
called Panchoy, which signifies Great Lagoon, the valley there
being surrounded by mountains. The material of which the first
houses were built consisted, he says, of forked posts for
the corner pillars, of canes and mud for the walls, while the
roofs were thatched with dry grass. By the aid of the Mexicans
they were rapidly thrown up. A sufficient number for the
accommodation of all the army being completed, they waited for
the day of the Apostle Santiago, in order to found the city
on that day and dedicate it to their patron saint. It fell on
Monday, the 25th of July, when the founding was consummated.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 4. I have elsewhere shown that
Patinamit was the city which Alvarado called Guatemala. Now
there is positive evidence from his own despatch that he
founded the city of Santiago at or upon that same city of
Guatemala. 'Antes acorde me bolver à esta Ciudad de Guatemala,
... asi que Yo soi venido à esta Ciudad ... hice, i edifiquè,
en nombre de su Magestad, vna Ciudad de Españoles, que se
dice la Ciudad del Señor Santiago,' he writes. The use of
the expression 'esta Ciudad de Guatemala' in other portions
of the despatch proves that it was written at the capital
of the Cakchiquel king, while at the conclusion it is dated
thus: 'De esta ciudad de Santiago, à veinte i ocho de Julio
de mil i quinientos i veinte i quatro Años.' Thus it is clear
that the city of Guatemala and the city of Santiago were one,
and that Alvarado appropriated to himself Sinacam's capital.
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 161-2, 165-6. It may be here stated
that in direct opposition to Alvarado's application of the
term ciudad to the new settlement, both Vazquez and Remesal
assert that it was a villa, the latter adding that it retained
this title eighteen days, and was erected into a city on the
12th of August. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 4, 6. Pelaez says
the city was called 'Ciudad de Santiago de los caballeros,'
but not till November 22, 1527. Vazquez affirms, _Chronica de
Gvat._, 11, that it was so called on the 29th of July, 1524,
while Remesal gives August 12th of the same year. Pelaez, in
his introduction to vol. i., states that Guatemala took its
name from the expression of Guhatezmalhá, that is to say 'the
hill which throws out water.' From the acts of the cabildo
we know that it was called a city on the 29th of July, 1524.
_Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8.
[XXVII-3] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 25;
_Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 7; Zabarrieta, according to
Remesal.
[XXVII-4] This right to appoint alcaldes and regidores was
maintained and exercised by Alvarado whenever he was present,
as is proved by the cabildos of 1525 and 1526. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 4. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 11-18.
[XXVII-5] The cabildo, as an assumption of its official
prerogatives, entered into session the same day, and arranged
legal prices for provisions. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_,
4. On July 27th we find that an act was passed regulating
the blacksmith's rates. Two dollars was to be his charge
for making 100 nails, the iron being furnished to him. The
charge for shoeing a horse one gold dollar, and the same
for bleeding. It is curious to observe that the price of
horseshoes in Alvarado's army in April, 1524, was $190 a
dozen, at which rate they were bought and sold in his camp.
_Alvarado_, _Relacion_, i. 160. Remesal says that operatives,
knowing the necessity of their services, charged what they
liked. The tailor charged a real a stitch, and shoemakers
worked only at such high wages that while soling other
people's shoes with leather they might have used silver for
their own; and the blacksmith could have made his tools of
gold had he wished. On the 12th of December, 1524, the cabildo
deemed it necessary to establish fixed rates for labor of
all kinds. The measures adopted were punctually carried out
by those in power. The regulations were modified as time
required, and every two years, at most, new rates were adapted
to the condition of affairs, with which even the lords of
estates were compelled to comply. The artisans, however, still
contrived to cause the other colonists much inconvenience
by refusing all payment for work except in gold coin, the
tailor otherwise retaining his customer's clothes, even on a
feast-day, and the shoemaker his shoes. This state of things
lasted till 1529, when the corporation on the 19th of February
made the aboriginal currency of the country, cacao, feathers,
and clothing, legal tender. _Hist. Chyapa_, 6; _Arévalo_,
_Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8-67, passim. Another of the first acts
of this new corporation was the appointment of a town-crier,
his salary being fixed at $100 a year. _Id._, 7-8. With
regard to this office of crier, Remesal states that it had to
be accepted by the person selected to fill it under pain of
death. _Hist. Chyapa_, 4. On the present occasion the person
chosen was Diego Diaz, who strongly objected to the calling,
but was compelled to accept. Remesal, with his death penalty,
goes beyond the act of the corporation, which says 'so pena
de cient azotes.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8. As an
instance of the dearness of provisions, we find an act passed
on the 6th of May, 1525, limiting the price of eggs to one
gold real apiece. _Id._, 12, 14.
[XXVII-6] _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8. But Remesal, who
is continually at variance with the best authorities, says on
the 29th of July.
[XXVII-7] Vazquez says there were enrolled as settlers at the
founding less than 200 Spaniards, for, though very few had
fallen in battle, detachments had been left at Quezaltenango
and Patinamit. With regard to this latter place it must be
borne in mind that Vazquez believed the city to have been
founded on the Volcan de Agua. _Chronica de Gvat._, 10-11;
see also _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 8-19.
[XXVII-8] 'Cortes ... confirmo los repartimientos, y ayudo a
pedir aquella gouernacion.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233; see
also _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.
[XXVII-9] It will be seen in the narrative that the Spaniards
were soon obliged to abandon Patinamit and locate elsewhere,
and that the city of Santiago had no permanent site until its
establishment in Panchoy in 1527.
[XXVII-10] 'Pedro de Alvarado les mando que dentro de cierto
termino le diesen mill hojas de oro de a quinze pesos cada
hoja.' _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 59. Brasseur de
Bourbourg states that the king and royal family were commanded
to bring vases filled with the precious metals, and to deliver
up even their crowns and personal ornaments. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 673.
[XXVII-11] The Indians appear to have brought in pyrites not
unfrequently. Las Casas, speaking of the Cuzcatecs, says:
'Indiani igitur magnum hastarum ex orichalcho inaurato,
numerum, quæ aureæ esse videbantur ... congregarunt.
Capitaneus eas Lydio lapide probari jussit, cumque orichalcum
esse cerneret,' etc. _Regio. Ind. Devastat._, 38. 'Alvarado no
tomava syno oro fino e lo rescebia por el toque.' _Ramirez_,
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, 59.
[XXVII-12] See _Bancroft's Native Races_, ii. 732.
[XXVII-13] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives August 27, 1524, as
the date of this abandonment of Patinamit by the Cakchiquels.
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 676. This date would be about two
months earlier than that assigned to the event in Alvarado's
evidence for defence, where it is shown to have occurred six
or seven months after his seizure of Queen Suchil. _Ramirez_,
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, 100, 146-7, passim.
[XXVII-14] The high price of food during this war is evident
from an act of the cabildo, passed May 6, 1525, limiting the
charge for a hog weighing 120 pounds to twenty pesos de oro,
equivalent to nearly $300 of our day; while eggs were one
real de oro each, that is over $1.50. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt.
Guat._, 13-14.
[XXVII-15] Las Casas tells a frightful story of reprisal,
wherein the Spaniards drove all their captives, man, woman,
or child, into these staked pits. _Regio. Ind. Devastat._, 36.
[XXVII-16] Brasseur de Bourbourg imagines this place to have
been situated in the Zutugil territory. _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 678.
[XXVII-17] Brasseur de Bourbourg takes the view that both the
later Zacatepec war and the capture of Mixco occurred during
the suppression of the Cakchiquel revolt. But he seems to
me somewhat inconsistent. He makes the subjugation of the
Cakchiquels last 'pendant plusieurs mois' after Alvarado's
return to Patinamit, and yet a little later he points out
that during the first months of the year 1525 Salvador was
reconquered and a Spanish town founded there. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 680-1. It is scarcely to be supposed that a second
campaign into Salvador could have been undertaken while the
Cakchiquel war was going on. Moreover, according to his
interpretation of the Cakchiquel manuscript, the town of
Zumpango was one of many which submitted to the Spaniards
after the destruction of Mixco; and, as will be seen later,
the reduction of Zacatepec was owing to the hostile incursions
from that district against Zumpango while Alvarado was absent
on a campaign. The Cakchiquel manuscript is the production of
Francisco Ernandez Arana Xahila, and contains a brief history
of the Cakchiquel nation from the earliest times. The author
was the grandson of King Hunyg of the Ahpotzotzil line, and it
is written in his hand down to the year 1562, from which time
it is continued somewhat further by Francisco Gebuta Queh, of
the same family. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Bib. Mex. Guat._, 13,
says that it was translated into French in 1856 at Rabinal in
Guatemala.
[XXVII-18] This city had been founded by the Pocoman Indians,
during their early wars with the Quichés and the Cakchiquels,
the site selected being on account of its natural strength.
_Native Races_, i. 787; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 245. It was
situated in the valley of Xilotepec, on a ridge between the
Pixcayatl and the Rio Grande de Motagua, the former river
being a tributary of the latter, and meaning 'guardian
stream.' _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 350; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 680.
[XXVII-19] Juarros states that two defenders, by rolling
stones down the steep path from the heights above, could
prevent an army from entering. _Guat._, ii. 284.
[XXVII-20] Fuentes says 30 cavalry, serving on foot, and 200
Tlascaltecs. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 14-5.
[XXVII-21] _Macario_, _Xecul MS._, 7; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
285.
[XXVII-22] In this engagement, for the Indians were pursued
after Aguilar's rescue, more than 200 Chignautecs fell,
says Juarros. On the side of the Spaniards many Tlascaltecs
were slain, among whom were two illustrious chiefs, Juan
Xuchiatl and Gerónimo Carrillo—the Spanish name of this
Indian chief—while of the Spaniards themselves a considerable
proportion received severe wounds. _Guat._, ii. 285. Besides
Aguilar and the three captains, whose names are given in the
text, Fuentes mentions also Gutierre de Robles and Pedro de
Olmos as having greatly signalized themselves in this action.
_Recordacion Florida_, MS., 16.
[XXVII-23] Fuentes, who wrote between 1690 and 1700, gives
a partial description of a cavern, the entrance to which
was on a small ridge by the side of the ruins of Mixco.
The door-way was of clay, three feet wide and three high.
Thirty-six stone steps led down to a spacious chamber,
having at its end another flight of stairs, down which no
one had passed far, for the reason that the ground began
to tremble as the explorer proceeded. Eighteen steps had,
however, been descended, and an arched opening on the right
side discovered, leading by six steps into a long cavern.
No further explorations had been made. Ubi sup., cap. ii.;
_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 350-1 _Native Races_, iv. 119-20.
[XXVII-24] The distance of the outlet from the camp must have
been considerable, as Fuentes states that a day was allowed
for the arrival of Loarca's force at the cave. _Fuentes y
Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 17.
[XXVII-25] The account given by Fuentes is somewhat confused.
From his version on page 17 the reader is led to suppose that
Loarca's party were to ascend by the cavernous passage, and
in the order given in the text, while on page 19 he states
that those who fled by the cave were attacked by the party
'stationed in ambush.'
[XXVII-26] Fuentes says that Lopez de Villanueva and two
others quickly took his place.
[XXVII-27] _Tezump_, _Quiché MS._, 7; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
284-8; _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 14-9.
[XXVII-28] The Mixco of to-day is distant from the present
city of Guatemala about two leagues, and nine or ten leagues
from the ruins of the Mixco destroyed by Alvarado. Its
destruction was followed by the submission of various towns,
among which, according to the Cakchiquel MS., were Xilotepec,
Yampuk, Papuluka, and Zumpango.
[XXVII-29] _Cakchiquel MS._, 5; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 281;
_Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 12. Jimenez
makes a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes, stating
that 'this is false, because they had rebelled previous to the
arrival of the Spaniards and made their capital at Yampuk.'
_Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 12-3.
[XXVII-30] Fuentes asserts that they were wont to celebrate
their feasts, during which these victims were immolated, on
hills in full view of the Indians who were friendly to the
Spaniards, in order to provoke them.
[XXVII-31] Juarros assigns too early a date, January 1525,
for the events which follow, but he appears to be quite
unconscious of this first Cakchiquel revolt. _Guat._, ii. 281.
Jimenez has made a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes
as follows: 'This town,' meaning Xinaco, 'was founded some
time afterward—therefore this is false.'
[XXVII-32] Fuentes states that the Spaniards at this time were
engaged in the Atitlan war. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 13.
This is a mistake. Atitlan was subdued in 1524, and Alvarado,
who gives a detailed account of the affair, would have
mentioned this war with the Zacatepecs had it occurred at that
time. Juarros says Alvarado was engaged in the Atitlan war or
that of the Pipiles. _Guat._, ii. 282. This latter conjecture
is doubtless right. There is evidence that Alvarado undertook
his second campaign along the coast against Salvador during
the early part of 1525, conquered the country, and founded
the city of San Salvador. No records of the events remain, but
from an act of the cabildo of Guatemala, dated the 6th of May,
1525, we learn that one Diego Holguin had previously left the
city to 'reside in the villa de San Salvador, of which he was
alcalde.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 13.
[XXVII-33] Fuentes, followed by Juarros, states that this
was done by the advice of an aged Indian named Choboloc. He
had observed that the Spaniards did not engage with all their
forces at once, but always kept a body of men in reserve, and
suggested to the chiefs of his nation the adoption of similar
tactics.
[XXVII-34] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS.,
12-14; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 281-3.
[XXVII-35] This ruler, says Gonzalo de Alvarado, displayed in
his person the nobility of his blood and was about 40 years
of age. _Alvarado, Gonzalo de_, _Memoria_, MS.; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 319.
[XXVII-36] The Cakchiquels are said to have applied the
word Mem to the Maya-speaking tribes. This word, meaning
'stutterers,' was corrupted by the Spaniards into Mames. They
occupied that portion of the country which lay between the
Quiché territory and Chiapas, now the province of Totonicapan.
See _Native Races_, ii. 128, v., passim.
[XXVII-37] The Hondo, during the dry season, is but a small
shallow stream. In the wet season, however, it becomes a deep
and dangerous river, hence its name, El Rio Hondo, 'the deep
river.'
[XXVII-38] _Macario_, _Xecul MS._, 16; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
ii. 311. The town still exists.
[XXVII-39] _Quiché MS._, 10; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 311-13.
A city which remains to the present day under the same name.
[XXVII-40] Like Utatlan and Mixco, this city was situated on
a plateau surrounded by ravines. The plateau was twelve miles
in circumference, and on it are still to be seen the ruins of
Zakuléu, known by the name of Las Cuevas, the caves, about
half a league from Huehuetenango. They are only a confused
heap of rubbish, overgrown with brushwood. Two pyramidal
structures of stone and mortar can, however, be made out.
Juarros calls the place Socoleo, which is the present name
of a village and stream in the locality. _Guat._, ii. 313-14;
_Native Races_, iv. 128-30.
[XXVII-41] The Spaniards lost in this engagement 40 Indians
and three horses, while eight soldiers were severely wounded,
among them Gonzalo de Alvarado. They collected from the bodies
of the slain a great quantity of gold medals. _Alvarado,
Gonzalo de_, _Memoria_, MS.; _Juarros_, _Guat._ ii. 315-16.
[XXVII-42] The present Socoleo, a tributary of the river
Selegua.
[XXVII-43] This guard consisted of 400 Indians and ten picked
Spaniards, under command of Antonio de Salazar. _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 317.
[XXVII-44] During the battle, which was fought in full view
of Zakuléu, the Mames attempted a sally in support of the
mountaineers but were repelled by Salazar. _Juarros_, _Guat._,
ii. 317.
[XXVII-45] Juarros adds that Gonzalo did not adopt this plan
at first for the reason that he wanted to avail himself of
his cavalry in the assault. _Guat._, ii. 318.
[XXVII-46] _Alvarado, Gonzalo de_, _Memoria_, MS.; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 319. Gonzalo de Alvarado affirms that 1800 Mames
perished in the defence of Zakuléu. _Id._
[XXVII-47] Juarros states that a stone slab formed the door
of the fort, and that this was broken up.
[XXVII-48] The authorities that have been consulted for the
history of the conquest of Guatemala are the following:
_Cortés_, _Cartas_ [ed. Paris, 1866], 289-90, 304-5,
containing information down to the departure of Alvarado for
Guatemala; _Alvarado_, _Relacion_, in _Barcia_, _Hist. Prim._,
157-66, and in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x.,
107-50, taken as bases of that portion of the history which
includes the entrance into Guatemala territory and succeeding
events down to the founding of the city of Santiago; _Oviedo_,
iii. 448, 459-60, 475-87, wherein Cortés and Alvarado are
closely followed; _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii. cap. v., relating
mainly to the narrative of the messengers sent to Guatemala,
merely mentioning Alvarado's departure; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 229-33; _Id._, _Hist. Ind._, 266-8, which affords but
little additional information to that supplied by Oviedo;
_Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 100-5, 181-2; _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 77, 174-6; _Las Casas_, _Regio.
Ind. Devastat._, 35-40, and _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles
Crueldades_, 66-71. The former of these two last authorities
is exceptionally severe against Alvarado, and enumerates
numbers of atrocities committed by him and his followers,
while the latter prominently brings forward the services of
the Mexican auxiliaries, and mentions the excessive hardships
and cruelties they suffered. _Id._, _Relaciones_, 431-3.
Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.-xi., occasionally
differs from Alvarado's statements, but is generally reliable.
See also _Lorenzana_, _Viage_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_,
335-6, 369-70; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii.
17; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 7-15; _Ramirez_, _Proceso
contra Alvarado_, passim—which work throws much light upon
the doings of the conqueror, though contradictory evidence
renders it ofttimes difficult to decide on the merits of a
charge; _Ramusio_, _Viaggi_, iii. 296-8; _Atitlan_, _Requête
de plusieurs chefs_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, série i., tom. x.,
415-25; _Suchimilco_, _Carta de sus caciques_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii., 293-4; _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 2-7, an author unreliable so far as the conquest
of Guatemala goes when not supported by other authorities;
_Galvano's Discov._, 156-7; _Voyages, Selection of Curious,
Rare, and Early_, 31; _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion
Florida_, MS., 1-4, 12-19, 25-7, has many errors and is far
from reliable; _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 1-17, 68,
522-6; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 139; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 60, 64, 66-7, 79, 253; ii. 240-60, 277-88, 309-20;
_Id._ [ed. London, 1823], 10, 29-30, 124-6, 234-6, 378-404,
419-32, 456-69; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 44-7, 64-5,
compiled from various authors, and is inaccurate. _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 612-719; _Prescott's Mex._,
iii. 273-4; _Help's Span. Conq._, iii. 242-74; _Calle_, _Mem.
y Not._, 113-5; _Salazar y Olarte_, _Conq. Mex._, 124-33;
_Niebla_, _Mem. de Zapotitlan_, MS., 7-8; _Larrainzar_,
_Hist. Soconusco_, 1-14, 17-8; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, iv.
167-74, 182; _Squier's MSS._, xvi.; _Squier's States Cent.
Am._, 323-30; _Ogilby's Am._, 236; _Dunn's Guat._, 261-4;
_Laet_, _Nov. Orb._, 317-46; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._,
9; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. and Guat._ [ed. Paris, 1843], 135,
277-85. Minor authorities also consulted are _Russell's Hist.
Am._, i. 389-91; _Robert's Narr. Voy._, xxi.; _Montanus_, _De
Nieuwe Weereld_, 273; _Crowe's Cent. Am._, 28-114; _Conder's
Mex. and Guat._, ii. 178, 183-9, 199, 297; _Drie Verscheyde
Togten_, 18-19, 25-34; _Haefkens_, _Cent. Am._, 5-19; _Holmes'
Annals Am._, i. 54; _North Am. Rev._, xxvi. 132-4; _Wagner_,
_Costa Rica_, 518-22; _Lardner's Hist. Discov._, ii. 61;
_Salvador_, _Diar. Ofic._, April, 1876; _Santos_, _Chronologia
Hospitalaria_, ii. 478; _Findlay's Directory_, i. 222;
_Modern Traveller_, _Mex. and Guat._, ii. 178-90; _Gac. Nic._,
June, 1865, 217; _Garcia_, _Reseña Geog._, 6-7; _Bussière_,
_L'Empire Hex._, 336-7; _Montúfar_, _Mem. Hist. Rev._, pp.
viii.-x.; _Pineda_, _Descripcion Geog._, 10; _Gordon's Anc.
Mex._, ii. 244; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, 221-34; _Vocabulario
Geog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 674.