MARCH OF ALVARADO TO GUATEMALA.
1522-1524.
RUMORS IN MEXICO CONCERNING THE COUNTRY TO THE
SOUTH-EASTWARD—PACIFICATION IN THAT QUARTER—THE CHIEFS OF
TEHUANTEPEC AND TUTUTEPEC—AT THE GATE OF GUATEMALA—SUMMARY
OF ABORIGINAL HISTORY—ALLEGIANCE AND REVOLT—PREPARING OF AN
EXPEDITION—DELAYED BY THE TROUBLES AT PÁNUCO—A SECOND ARMY
ORGANIZED—THE MARCH—SUBJUGATION OF SOCONUSCO—THE TAKING OF
ZAPOTITLAN.
Some time before Olid entered Honduras the attention of Alvarado was
directed toward Guatemala. Lying between Mexico and Nicaragua, this
country was one of the first links in Cortés' chain of projected
conquests; it was the foreground in the glowing picture which rumor had
painted of the regions to the south. Here were the greatest of cities
and the finest of palaces, maintained by a people as numerous and
cultured as any in Anáhuac. A vast table-land, with an Italian climate,
made bright with meandering streams, studded with verdure-fringed lakes,
produced in abundance the choicest of products, while the mountains and
river-beds, in the ardent imagination of the conquerors, at least, were
veined with gold. Soft sensuous pearls were distributed by an equally
lavish fancy along the shore bathed by the southern sea.
On first touching the borders of New Spain vague stories had reached
Cortés to this effect, and while captive Montezuma still held sway at
Tenochtitlan he had sought further information. The reports poured into
his ears served only to magnify the mystery and render the allurement
irresistible. As soon, therefore, as the contest with the empire was
over he despatched two small parties southward, and once again the drama
of Vasco Nuñez was performed, once more was discovered and claimed the
boundless ocean, emblem of infinity, incentive to ever greater deeds,
to ever grander discoveries, "for within it," writes Cortés to the
emperor, "must be found islands rich in gold and pearls, and precious
stones and spices, and many other secrets and wonderful things, as men
of experience and learning affirm."[XXII-1]
There was more than speculation in this statement, for the explorers
returned with native envoys bearing gold and pearls and other specimens
of riches. Nor had they failed, in accordance with the Catholic
doctrine of appropriation, as I have intimated, to take possession of
the new shores in the names of their Catholic majesties, the king and
queen of Spain, and to erect the cross, emblematic of their religion.
With doubled impulse the conquerors now advanced along the new route
opened, and speedily the vast provinces of Michoacan and Oajaca were
overrun. About the same time Pilot Andrés Niño had stretched the
limit of discovery by sea from the gulf of Nicoya to very near this
parallel,[XXII-2] disclosing to the world the vastness of the sea
baptized with the blood of Magellan, and by him endowed with a new name.
[Sidenote: TEHUANTEPEC AND TUTUTEPEC.]
Native envoys were meanwhile entering into Mexico to lay homage and rich
gifts at the feet of the bearded white chief. Made happy in return with
Castilian trumpery and the gracious condescension of the demi-gods, they
went back to pour into the ears of their princes the tales impressed
upon them by the strangers, of the power and grandeur of their king,
and of the kindness and vast benefits to be derived from a submissive
alliance with them. Among the first of the meek and friendly spirits
to act upon these reports was the lord of Tehuantepec. Less credulous
was his neighbor of Tututepec, who had great wealth, and by no means
relished the idea of throwing open his gates to rapacious invaders. He
expostulated with his neighbor, saying that the course meditated would
be ruinous to them all. The two chieftains had quarrelled before on a
less momentous issue than the present, and it was quite easy for them
to quarrel now, and fight. If the silly lord of Tehuantepec wished to
throw away himself and all his belongings, it were better they should
fall into a neighbor's hands than to strangers; so he of Tututepec
attacked him and pressed him hard, until the ruler of Tehuantepec called
to Cortés for help.
In answer to this request Pedro de Alvarado was sent to his aid.
Leaving Mexico early in 1522, with a strong force, he swept southward
like a whirlwind, and within a few weeks entered the doomed capital of
Tututepec, captured the chieftain and his heir, and held them subject
to heavy ransom. Nor was this all. There were rich mines thereabout,
so he was told; and at the sea, into which he entered with brandished
sword to take possession, his eyes feasted on lustrous pearls. This
sealed the fate of the ocean-bordered realms, and permanent footholds
were established, to serve as _nuclei_ for radiating conquest, and as
retreats for booty-laden raiders. It was on this occasion that Soconusco
was peaceably occupied by the Spaniards.[XXII-3] Still more dazzling
was the confirmation received of the wonderful kingdoms of the Quichés
and the Cakchiquels, hitherto invested by distance with the charm of
mystery, but now by proximity disclosing glimpses of no mean splendor.
He found himself, in fact, not far from the border, and guides being at
hand, he resolved to send two soldiers to investigate, with instructions
to spy out the land and speak of their king and their religion.
And thus are opened the portals of Guatemala,[XXII-4] a region within
whose parallels centuries rocked the cradle of American civilization,
now disclosed by monuments the most imposing of any on the continent.
The history of their origin is hidden in the remote past, of which
only an occasional glimpse is permitted the investigator. A mighty Maya
empire looms forth under the name of Xibalba, founded perhaps by Votan,
the culture-hero, and centring round the famous Palenque. A golden
age was followed by long struggles with a growing power, which brought
about its downfall toward the beginning of our era. The Nahuas now rise
into prominence, but some five centuries later disaster falls also on
them, and a general breaking-up ensues, leading to mighty migrations
and the formation of smaller independent nations, such as the Toltecs,
Chichimecs, and Quichés. After this even tradition ceases to speak,
save in alluding vaguely to a later foreign immigration. With this
come also certain Toltecs, who, after the downfall of their empire in
the more northerly Anáhuac, seek here an asylum where once again may
bloom the culture that, cradled in this very region, now returns with
invigorating elements. Mingling with the natives, they stir anew the
progress paralyzed by civil wars, infuse fresh spirit into tottering
institutions, and, combining with the aboriginal culture, develop the
new era apparent in the art relics of this western plateau.
A series of struggles soon ensues, out of which rises in the twelfth
or thirteenth century the Quiché empire. Subordinate tribes gradually
acquire sufficient strength, however, to cast off a yoke which has grown
burdensome, and foremost among the new nations figure the Cakchiquels,
who in the early part of the fifteenth century are dividing domination
with the Quichés. The Cakchiquels themselves divide soon after, the
northern and weaker branch forming the Zutugils, their respective
capitals being Patinamit and Atitlan. These, with their former masters,
are the three rival monarchies of Guatemala in the beginning of the
sixteenth century. The Quichés, who govern at Utatlan, nevertheless
maintain a certain preëminence, both in political standing and culture.
There are, besides, a number of minor independent peoples only too
eager to stimulate enmity between the leading powers, and to ally
themselves with that which is likely to favor their own interests. This
condition of things, so favorable to foreign intrigue, has not escaped
the attention of the ambitious Aztecs, who are already masters of the
Soconusco border province. Their agents are in fact scattered throughout
the country, laying plans for further conquests, when the Spaniards step
in to lay their iron hand upon the country, which here as in other parts
they find too well prepared for them by ambition and misrule.
[Sidenote: SIGNS AND OMENS.]
Nor do we fail to find foreshadowed here, as elsewhere upon the pages
of history, the momentous event. There were startling occurrences,
such as conflagrations and locust ravages; there was a ball of fire,
which for many evenings rose in the east and followed the path of the
sun; and there were other like omens. When the troubled priests went
to seek an explanation from the oracular black stone at Cahbaha, their
awe was increased by finding it broken in twain. In 1520 cholera swept
the Cakchiquel country, followed in 1521 by the small-pox, which, after
desolating Mexico, fell upon these southern provinces and carried off
half the population, including the two kings and the flower of the
nobility, leaving gaunt famine in its trail by way of remembrance.
Amid such presages it was that the news came of the achievements of
the white men in Montezuma's realms, of their wonderful war enginery
and invincible prowess. Less awed by these reports, the Quichés, who
had probably suffered less from epidemics, prepared to resist the
prospective invasion with the same determination that they had formerly
shown against the Aztecs; but the Cakchiquels were more broken in power
and spirit, and more inclined to welcome the new-comers, particularly
since the Quichés were again becoming dangerous.[XXII-5]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: KING BELEHE QAT.]
Thus stood affairs when the two messengers of Alvarado appeared at
Patinamit. On their arrival at the capital they were peaceably received.
When admitted into the presence of King Belehe Qat[XXII-6] they were
asked if they had been sent by Malinche,[XXII-7] and whether they had
come on great sea monsters similar to those that had been seen off
the coast the year before,[XXII-8] and whether they were accustomed to
tell the truth; whereupon they made answer that they had come from the
emperor of the world, and from his invincible captain, who, though no
god,[XXII-9] had found his way hither to show them the path to paradise.
Their journey had been by land, they said, and they would by no means
lie, their truthfulness being as unvarying as the polar star. Then
one of them[XXII-10] drew an enormous carac with six masts, and, Peter
Martyr adds, as many decks, which was indeed a fair specimen of Spanish
veracity. The Indian nobles gazed in wonder at the enormous vessel, with
its sails, and spars, and countless ropes, and thought it must indeed
be a true representation, since there were so many adjuncts.
At length the king spoke. "How is it that the Spaniards are so
invincible, being no larger than other men?" "In the God of heaven our
strength lies!" came the answer; "He whose holy law we proclaim, he
gives us victories, lending us courage sharp like iron, and intelligence
powerful like caged thunder, and beasts withal, which are in themselves
a host." And the diplomatic Apelles drew a colossal horse, of fierce
aspect, mounted by a man. The spectators were awe-stricken. Right
willingly now would the king enter into an alliance with these wonderful
beings. He would supply them with fifty thousand warriors if they would
overthrow the neighboring foes who were devastating his land. Alas!
for ready friendship, the humble offer of vassalage, and open hand;
peaceful policy or bold defiance alike led to the oppressor's yoke.
The embassadors were dismissed, promising to report the ruler's wishes
to their commander, and gayly they went their way, accompanied by five
thousand slaves, laden with the products and manufactures of the land,
with cacao, maize, and poultry, besides raiment, and vases, and jewelry
to the value of twenty thousand pesos de oro.[XXII-11]
On receiving this earnest of advantage Alvarado hastened back to impart
the news to his chief and to assist him in plans for conquest. It
was determined to advance at once by sea and land. A force of forty
Spaniards, mostly carpenters and seamen, was despatched to Zacatula, on
the Pacific coast, to engage in ship-building, as an aid to proposed
conquest and colonization. We find, moreover, that during this same
year, 1522, two Spanish envoys, with certain natives of Mexico and of
the province of Soconusco, were sent to Utatlan and Guatemala,[XXII-12]
and on their return they met Cortés at Tuxpan,[XXII-13] on his way
back from Pánuco, where he had been engaged in pacification. About
one hundred[XXII-14] embassadors accompanied these messengers, sent
by the rulers of those cities to tender friendship and service to the
king of Spain. Nothing could be more courteous and dignified than the
bearing of Cortés while accepting this allegiance, as he terms it, and
the costly offerings of gold ware, rare plumes, and feathered tapestry
brought by the Indian envoys; and again were produced and presented with
imposing mien the gewgaws of Spain. Especial favor and kind treatment,
the embassadors were assured, should be extended to these princes and
their subjects, inasmuch as this tender of friendship was voluntary and
in good faith. An appropriate display of warlike power was made before
the visitors, who were then dismissed.[XXII-15]
About the beginning of 1523, however, rumors reached Cortés that these
allies were scarcely to be relied on, and that the settlers in Soconusco
were molested by inroads from the southern provinces.[XXII-16] Although
the truth of the reports was doubtful, Cortés deemed it not adverse
to his interests to regard them as true, for there were advantages
in the conquest of rich provinces which peaceful possession could not
give.[XXII-17].
The subjugation of the districts being thus resolved on, naturally the
leadership fell to Alvarado, who had already taken some steps in that
direction, as we have seen. He had probably stronger claims upon Cortés
than any captain in the Mexican conquest, having shared with him, as
second in command, many desperate battles and many brilliant triumphs.
Perhaps more so than with any of the others, his character was apparent
on the surface: reckless, impetuous, merciless, lacking in veracity if
not in common honesty, he was still zealous and courageous; and with
his native dexterity, and past experiences under Grijalva and Cortés,
he may now be called an able commander. If less staid and regular than
Olid, his loyalty was regarded as above suspicion. At all events, the
general could not himself undertake the work, and the best proxy was
this captain.[XXII-18]
[Sidenote: PERSONNEL OF THE EXPEDITION.]
Preparations were begun early in 1523. A force was quickly organized,
but operations were diverted by the inopportune arrival at Pánuco of
the adelantado Francisco de Garay, who endeavored to supplant Cortés in
that quarter. Alvarado was therefore despatched against the interloper,
and it was not until the 6th of December that the expedition set out
for Guatemala. It was a gallant array, as finally formed, the very
flower of New Spain chivalry, one hundred and twenty horsemen, three
hundred infantry, of whom one hundred and thirty were cross-bowmen and
arquebusiers, and over twenty thousand picked native warriors.[XXII-19]
Spiritual guides were present in the persons of two friars and two
army chaplains.[XXII-20] And it was a proud moment for Alvarado as he
marched out of the Mexican capital the chief commander of that brilliant
company, the panoplies of the cavalry glittering high above the flashing
helmets of the infantry, while the long sombre line of swarthy allies
was broken here and there by the colored insignia and gaudy plumes of
some great chieftain. For a little way Cortés himself rode beside his
subordinate and friend, reiterating his instructions, charging him
specially to render punctually his report, and such a one as would be
acceptable to his majesty. Nor was the parting devoid of pleasure, for
one would be rid of sometimes unpleasant interference in affairs at the
capital, while the other would be independent of any superior.[XXII-21]
[Sidenote: AT TEHUANTEPEC.]
It was about the middle of the dry season; and the time of year, the
weather, and the condition of the roads all were favorable, so that
the southward march promised to be an easy one. After turning aside to
quell an insurrection in the mountains of Tehuantepec[XXII-22] Alvarado
continued his course, and on the 12th of January, 1524, wrote to Cortés
from Tehuantepec city, where he had been received in all friendship and
with reiterated expressions of allegiance. He then entered the province
of Soconusco, upon whose people the Spanish yoke seemed to rest a little
heavy.
The shadows which flit behind substantial record in Soconusco's history
represent the people as independent for ages and in the usual state
of chronic warfare with their neighbors,[XXII-23] by reason whereof
they became so weakened as to fall under the sway of the Olmecs, who
oppressed them almost beyond endurance. Numbers indeed abandoned their
homes, leaving many tracts nearly depopulated. Under Aztec domination,
however, they regained somewhat their strength, and when the Europeans
came the district was quite populous and advanced in civilization. And
now, when the purposes of the Spaniards were made known to them, they
turned and joined the nations of Guatemala confederated for resistance.
At no great distance from the Tehuantepec border Alvarado first
encountered serious opposition, and before the Guatemalan border was
reached many patriots had been punished and many freemen made slaves.
The subjugation of the Soconuscans was decided by a pitched battle at
Tonalá a town of fifty thousand inhabitants,[XXII-24] where a large
army under a Quiché prince was defeated.[XXII-25] At the border of
Guatemala proper the army entered, early in February, the dense forests
of Zapotitlan,[XXII-26] now Costa Cuca and Costa Grande. For three days
they marched in the shadow of lofty evergreens, through uninhabited
wilds, skirting pestiferous swamps or plunging into snake-infested
canebrakes; now hacking their way through thickets, now fording
high-banked streams or scaling rugged hill-sides, while painted macaws
screamed at them, and poisonous insects left their sting. Amidst the
customary prayings and cursings they struggled forward, and finally
emerged from the forest and entered cultivated lands.
[Illustration]
[Sidenote: APPROACH TO ZAPOTITLAN.]
Messengers had been sent forward summoning the provinces in due form to
allegiance. And now were captured three natives, believed to be spies
from the city of Zapotitlan,[XXII-27] who were despatched with a second
requirement, to which there was no response. The Spaniards then advanced
along a broad open highway, and soon after entered a narrower road,
which they found barricaded; whereupon they pitched camp in an open
plain near by. On a height beyond a deep ravine, through which flowed a
river,[XXII-28] stood the city, bathed in the bright rays of the setting
sun, like a beautiful maiden arrayed for the sacrifice. Between the
plain and the city the ground was thickly covered with plantations of
cacao, which would materially impede the action of cavalry.
[Sidenote: RESULT OF BATTLE.]
The Spaniards had not long to wait attack. In the dusk of evening
a small band sprang from cover and slew a number of the allies. The
cavalry were thereupon ordered to sweep the plain. They came upon a
large force, and a skirmish ensued in which some of the horses were
injured. Alvarado's blood was now up, and he ordered an immediate
march on the city. No serious opposition was encountered until the
army came to the ravine, spanned by a narrow, rudely built wooden
bridge, the crossing of which was fiercely contested by a large body
of warriors. The artillery was accordingly brought into action and did
efficient service. The doomed natives fought well, rallying again and
again under the frightful havoc of the guns, until a great breastwork
was formed of their slain. At length the cavalry, under cover of a
heavy fire, succeeded in forcing a way across the stream and began
to climb the height to a bench overlooking the ravine. The infantry
followed. The passage was made in the midst of the fiercest attacks;
but Alvarado protected his rear with consummate skill, and soon he had
the satisfaction of drawing up his troops on the open ground above,
safe from molestation. In the streets of the city, which the army now
entered, the natives made another desperate effort to save themselves;
but without avail. Those terrible guns! those terrible horses! that
life-compelling steel, falling with a force and precision worthy the
death-dealing enginery of the gods! For half a league beyond the town
the allies were permitted to pursue and slay, after which the victors
took up their quarters in the abandoned market-place, where for two days
they rested and reconnoitred.[XXII-29]