PEDRARIAS REMOVES TO NICARAGUA.
1525-1527.
CÓRDOBA MEDITATES REVOLT—SOTO AND COMPAÑON OBJECT—THEIR
FLIGHT—PEDRARIAS NURSES HIS WRATH—SECRET MOTIVES FOR HIS
DEPARTURE FOR NICARAGUA—CÓRDOBA LOSES HIS HEAD—THE GOVERNOR
COVETS HONDURAS, AND COMES TO BLOWS—THE INDIANS FOLLOW
THE EXAMPLE—BLOODY SCENES—PEDRARIAS INTERRUPTED IN HIS
REVERIE—PEDRO DE LOS RIOS SUCCEEDS AS GOVERNOR AT PANAMÁ—HIS
INSTRUCTIONS AND POLICY—RESIDENCIA OF PEDRARIAS—TRIUMPHANT
RESULT.
[Sidenote: CÓRDOBA MEDITATES.]
With the departure of Cortés in drooping plumes, his pretentious
projects for dominion in the south received a check, and the portentous
clouds which had before loomed over Honduras again darkened the sky,
extending over the adjoining lake province, there to threaten Córdoba's
bright visions of independence. One can hardly blame the lieutenant for
indulging his imagination with the alluring prospects of power, wealth,
and fame, when kept in subjection on the one side by so unlovable a
master as Pedrarias, and when prompted on the other by the powerful
audiencia of Santo Domingo to cast off the unrighteous allegiance. With
his mind thus predisposed, Córdoba saw clearly that Nicaragua could not
permanently pertain to the jurisdiction of Panamá. It was a distinct
province, conquered and abandoned by Gil Gonzalez, and now brought into
resubjection by his own efforts and talents. If any one disputed his
position he could point to the authorization of the audiencia. True, the
fleet and men, the means and influence, used in effecting the reconquest
pertained to his late chief. What of that? The ships did not belong to
Pedrarias; the old governor had taken them in direct disobedience to the
orders of the king. As for the money and the men, all had been obtained
by vile indirection, and might as well be made to serve one traitor as
another. But he was no traitor to the king who responded to the will of
the king's audiencia.
There was much in common between the revolts of Olid and Córdoba, but
the motives of the leaders differed. The former, bold, brave, and in
the main true, had felt aggrieved that so broad a portion of the earth
should fall to the lot of one man, whose pretensions thereto grew out of
his accidental position as commander, while he, a captain who had shared
every danger and hardship in the grand conquest, must be content forever
to serve. The sole command of a small portion of disputed territory he
had deemed a recompense small enough beside the imperial reward of his
commander. Hernandez de Córdoba viewed matters from a somewhat different
stand-point, though with an abundance of plausible excuses. He was an
instrument chosen by Pedrarias to wrest a fair domain from the rightful
conqueror. In this selection Pedrarias had been governed by his usual
narrow policy. Throughout his whole career he could not abandon the vain
attempt to accomplish great results by small means, and noble results
by base means.
With such incentives and precepts Córdoba found little difficulty
in disposing of the moral obstacles to his scheme, and on turning
toward the material he saw nothing insurmountable, since most of the
men were favorably disposed. In this there was nothing strange, for
Córdoba was generous and confiding, and by the side of Pedrarias such
qualities shone with double lustre. As a first step he called on the
settlers, particularly of Leon and Granada, to petition the king for
his appointment as independent governor.[XX-1] None objected save a
dozen men headed by the captains Soto and Compañon. Loyalty had probably
nothing to do with their opposition, but rather jealousy. They would
not risk their liberty and prospects to raise so much above themselves a
fellow officer who could never be in their eyes more able and deserving
than themselves.
The remonstrances of these few persons were not to be regarded, however,
and retreat for Córdoba was in any case too late. Soto, the first to
object, was cast into the fortress of Granada, but Compañon, with a few
faithful comrades, broke open the prison and liberated him. The little
band, well armed and mounted, then took the field against Córdoba and
openly bade him defiance. Córdoba recognized that prompt action was
indispensable, and set forth in pursuit. Though Soto and Compañon failed
to gain more adherents, as they had expected, they nevertheless took
a stand near Granada against the usurper's formidable force, warning
him that all their efforts, in case of attack, would be concentrated on
killing him.[XX-2] The lieutenant hesitated. He well knew the determined
character of his late officers, and pictured himself the target of
their unerring missiles. The golden visions of his hopes became dimmer.
He would like to be a governor, but he did not wish to be killed; and
not possessing the spirit of greatness, he readily found an excuse
for returning whence he came, while Soto with his gallant ten thought
it profitable to acquaint Pedrarias and receive from him the reward
of loyal servants. The journey back to Panamá was not easy, with its
rugged mountains, impetuous streams, and pathless forests, while hostile
natives, venomous animals, and gnawing hunger added to the hardships
serious danger; nevertheless they would undertake it, and make a portion
of their way by sea. Soon after starting they found their horses an
encumbrance rather than an aid, and therefore they abandoned them.
Barefooted and dilapidated they reached the town of Fonseca,[XX-3] in
Chiriquí, where Hurtado, the founder, relieved them, and provided a
canoe in which to pursue the journey.
[Sidenote: SOTO AND HURTADO.]
After the departure of Soto southward, the good Hurtado pondered over
the situation. The rebel Córdoba, in common with Soto and the others,
he held in low esteem. If with his small force he could not conquer
him, he believed he could frighten the man greatly; at all events, here
was an opportunity to gain favor with Pedrarias. He accordingly armed
all the able-bodied men at his command and marched against the rebels,
leaving the sick and helpless to ward off famine and the natives as best
they might. After waiting some time in vain for the return of Hurtado,
the abandoned remnant deserted the post and set out in search of him,
directing their steps toward the gulf of Nicoya.
In the mean time Soto and his party reached Natá and sent their report
to Panamá. Rage in the breasts of some men consumes both body and soul;
but such was the nature of Pedrarias that the essence of his life
appeared to be drawn from inexhaustible wells of vindictive spleen.
Although approaching the time when most men die, the castigation of a
traitorous lieutenant was too choice a morsel to intrust to another; and
so, belting in his wrath, he prepared at once to march against him. To
this he was impelled also by a desire to forestall any attempt on the
part of the conqueror of Mexico, whose projects were even then casting a
portentous shadow over the smiling shores of the Freshwater Sea. A still
deeper impulse, however, was the looming spectre of a new governor,
with orders for a residencia, which once instituted might prevent his
departure.
To defray the expenses of the expedition Pedrarias was obliged not
only to employ his own fortune but to borrow large sums from the
house-holders and merchants. This he did, agreeing to share with them
the profits of the adventure. He was shrewd enough to conceal how much
a prospective successor and residencia had to do with his departure;
and believing that the object was solely to secure for the benefit of
Panamá, from a strange invader and rebel, the gold-seamed Nicaragua with
its budding colonies and trade, the people were quite eager to aid him
in so promising and loyal a scheme. Panamá and Natá had already been
drained of able-bodied men by the expeditions under Pizarro and Almagro
which were to yield such brilliant results, and Pedrarias was obliged
to draw upon Acla and Nombre de Dios for soldiers. This additional
levy so nearly depopulated the province that its four cities together
could hardly muster occupants enough for 'a mediocre hamlet,' as Oviedo
expresses it. A large number of Indians were also taken. The departure
of the fleet took place in January, 1526.
* * * * *
Córdoba had not been comfortable since Soto's escape. The more he
pondered the shorter to his mind grew the distance between himself and
the grim Pedrarias. In his fear he bethought himself of Cortés, and
sent to offer him the province on condition that he should retain the
command as his lieutenant; for it was far better to be subject to the
magnanimous conqueror of Anáhuac, whose name would prove a safeguard
against his old master, while his distant residence in Mexico might
leave a lieutenant almost wholly independent. This scheme received an
encouraging acceptance, as we have seen, only to be abandoned before
the urgent appeals from Mexico.
[Sidenote: EXECUTION OF CÓRDOBA.]
The more than peculiar conduct of Córdoba on meeting Soto has prepared
us for almost any pusillanimity on his part. Either a blind reliance in
Cortés made him careless, or the arrival at Leon of the hoary-headed
Pedrarias was unexpectedly sudden; it seems at any rate that he did
not even attempt to defend himself. Probably the settlers had become
disgusted with his want of courage and failed to support him. All we
learn is that he and his friends humbly met the governor and sought
to deny their guilt, pleading, as in the case of Vasco Nuñez, that had
mutinous intentions been entertained they would not thus have dared to
come forward unarmed, but would have fled or defended themselves. The
case was too clear, however, and Pedrarias never forgave: the head of
Córdoba was required as a lesson to similar aspirants.[XX-4]
Having thus removed his rebellious subordinate, Pedrarias looked about
to secure the permanent government of the province and extend his
jurisdiction as best he might. If Nicaragua belonged to Castilla del
Oro, as he of course maintained, so must the eastern and north-eastern
extension of this region, as far at least as the gulf of Honduras,
clearly the natural boundary. The efforts of Gil Gonzalez to secure
Honduras showed that he had also regarded this province as pertaining
to Nicaragua. But above all, was not the dreaded Cortés away, and was
not his lieutenant, Saavedra, in command of a mere handful of men? What
more convincing evidence of his right could there be? But even under
these circumstances caution was necessary, and he resolved to secure at
first only the adjoining border territory. With this object captains
Hurtado and Rojas were sent to occupy Olancho Valley. The natives had
too vivid a recollection of the former invasion under Rojas to feel
safe, and hastened to Trujillo with their complaints. Saavedra, who
saw the danger of countenancing encroachments from such a quarter, sent
two envoys[XX-5] to demand the immediate withdrawal of the Nicaraguan
troops. Pedrarias was not unprepared for this, and smooth and evasive
was his answer. For the sake of peace he would come to an understanding
with Cortés regarding his pretensions in that quarter, and submit the
whole matter to the decision of the audiencia. Meanwhile there must be
no fighting or attempted overreaching among countrymen.
The tone and manner of the old courtier would have convinced more
experienced men than the Honduras envoys, and with satisfied hearts they
turned to bear the peaceful message to their chief. Pedrarias gained his
point. He never entertained the idea of writing to Cortés or submitting
any question to the audiencia.
Fresh instructions were at once despatched to Hurtado and Rojas, and
while the envoys were lulling Saavedra into fancied security they fell
upon his adherents in Olancho, routed them, and secured their effects.
The victors then proceeded northward with a view to occupy Natividad
and secure for their chief a much needed port on the North Sea, through
which to receive supplies and maintain communication with Spain and the
Islands, for the Panamá route was too long and costly. Informed of their
movements Saavedra sent a force to intercept them. The captains were not
just then prepared to resist so strong a body, and like their master
they resorted to fair words, both sides promising to return peaceably
home. But neither believed in these assurances, and each resolved to
watch the other. Rojas, for that matter, proceeded on the march to
Natividad, while Hurtado returned to Olancho to protect his interests
there. The Trujillo party pursued the latter, and a fight ensued wherein
they proved victorious, after losing two men. These broils the natives
observed, and saw therein their opportunity. They attacked Natividad,
and the Spaniards, driven forth after a fight in which several fell,
took refuge in a natural stronghold, there to remain until aid could
arrive.[XX-6]
[Sidenote: HURTADO AND GRIJALVA SLAIN.]
Rojas appears to have learned of this uprising in time to retreat to
Olancho; but here also the caciques had mustered in force[XX-7] to
avenge the injuries which Pedrarias' soldiers were inflicting. Ordered
by them to bring in maize and material for houses, they seized the
opportunity to introduce within the bundles a quantity of arms. These
were to serve the natives who remained in or near the camp waiting the
approach of their regularly armed compatriots. All prepared, the word
was given, and stealthily the dusky foe crept upon the unsuspecting
Spaniards. Living in the midst of treachery, it seems impossible that
they should have allowed themselves to be thus lulled. Suddenly forest,
hill, and dale were alive with Indians, and the silence was broken by
a piercing yell as the first victim met his fate. The signal was taken
up, and from thousands came the avenging shriek, reverberating along the
wooded slopes and rolling back upon the doomed band. Resistance seemed
to avail them little. Sixteen were slain; a few escaped to a friendly
cacique, named Guatucanola; and twenty horses were lost. The settlement
was sacked and burned. Among the fallen were Captain Hurtado, who had
rendered so many eminent services as explorer, leader, and founder,
and Juan de Grijalva, a man who, as captain of a Cuban expedition,
had achieved the honor of discovering the Mexican mainland, and who
might even have gained the glory of that brilliant conquest but for
his fine sense of honor and other manly qualities. Often a too strict
integrity impedes the path to greatness. At all events, these qualities
lost him the favor of his master and governor, Velazquez, and despite
his faithful services, his courage and talent, he was sent forth in
disgrace, to die ignobly in this wilderness.[XX-8]
Rojas arrived soon after and sought to restore peace, but the natives
were too strong for him, and for years they held their ground. Saavedra
charged Pedrarias with being the cause of the disaster, and not without
reason, for the treacherous conduct of his captains had encouraged the
uprising. Quarrels and recriminations followed, but without any attempt
on the part of Saavedra to take active steps against the Nicaraguan
invaders. Finding his adversary so tame, the old governor felt
emboldened to take the step he had so long been meditating, to secure
possession of the remainder of Honduras. To this effect he despatched
Captain Diego de Albites and Sebastian de Benalcázar, regidores of
Leon, with Notary Espinosa, to demand the submission of Saavedra and
the cabildo of Trujillo to his jurisdiction. The envoys were hardly on
their way, however, before tidings came from Panamá which sent Pedrarias
in all haste back to the Isthmus, leaving the government in the joint
charge of several of his most trusted officers, among whom Martin Estete
figured as lieutenant-general.[XX-9]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: PEDRO DE LOS RIOS.]
The new governor of Castilla del Oro, Pedro de los Rios, had arrived
with his fleet at Nombre de Dios July 30, 1526,[XX-10] attended, as was
common in such cases, by many followers, among whom were Licenciado Juan
de Salmeron, alcalde mayor; Bachiller Diego de Corral; Diego Gutierrez
de los Rios, a nephew, and Egas, the half-brother of the governor.
Oviedo was also of the party, bearing as his reward for procuring the
change of rule the appointment of captain-general and governor of the
province of Cartagena. The day following the arrival the new officials
were sworn in, and within four weeks they had taken up their residence
at Panamá. The jurisdiction of Rios covered the same territory as had
that of Pedrarias, excepting Paria and Veragua. As usual, he had been
particularly enjoined to look to the good treatment of the Indians
and promote the formation of towns on healthy sites. In all matters of
importance he was to consult with the alcalde mayor, as a man learned in
the law, and a faithful servant of the king. The governor was empowered
to settle all disputes and punish all crimes according to his judgment
and the laws of the country, and with regard to thieves and robbers he
was recommended to go even somewhat beyond the law. This was a power
admirably suited for a reformer as Rios came heralded, but the rising
rejoicings of the people at the removal of the old governor began
quickly to calm on finding, as Oviedo says, that in the place of one
hydra head cut off two others had appeared.[XX-11]
Pedro de los Rios was quite a different man from Pedrarias; indeed we
shall scarcely again in this history meet the equal of the old governor
of Darien. Though possessing more bulk of body the new governor lacked
the strength of mind of the old one; he lacked the cunning, indomitable
energy, and the vindictive pertinacity of Pedrarias. He loved gold,
however, in which predilection he was joined by his wife, who even
surpassed him in this respect. In accordance with royal orders, among
his first acts were to seize the effects and estates of Pedrarias,
including his encomiendas, to secure control of the Pearl Islands and
their revenues, and to hold all until the residencia of the outgoing
governor was taken. Pedrarias knew that his authority at Panamá was
lost, but he did not like to lose his property. It was a pecuniary
disaster alone that could have taken him from Nicaragua at this critical
moment.
The news of his coming was brought by a vessel laden with kidnapped
Nicaraguans, to be sold by auction in the Panamá market. He himself
reached Natá in December, and after writing to Rios made his appearance
at the capital February 3, 1527. Three days later the residencia was
proclaimed by Salmeron.
Not knowing who the judges might be, Pedrarias had taken the precaution
to petition the India Council for power of appeal in any decision which
might be rendered against him. And this had been granted, with the order
to pay at once any judgment under ten thousand maravedís, and to make a
deposit which should cover all amounts of larger claims. Further than
this, he had taken with him to Nicaragua, and had left there, those
who might most trouble him in his residencia. The greater part of the
aggrieved were thus out of the way, and their opportunity lost.
He had also despatched Enciso to Spain, to represent his interests at
court and neutralize the machinations of his enemies. The result was
the arrival of a cédula from the king just in time to provide that no
questions were to be raised in the present residencia touching matters
disposed of by the pretended investigations under Alarconcillo. This
reduced still further the complaints against Pedrarias, and as he at
once made overtures to his judge, sparing neither money nor humility,
and as he still had influence, his feebly presented crimes were
lightly regarded. Oviedo deemed himself exceedingly ill used in these
proceedings, and loudly chronicles his complaints. After presenting a
long list of claims, which were denied, the historian was glad to escape
assassination at the hand of his ancient enemy.[XX-12] Charges of course
were sent to Spain,[XX-13] citing instances of abuse of power, and of
private frauds. Among the more serious accusations was the embezzling of
royal moneys, which had helped to swell a remittance of seventy thousand
pesos de oro, sent secretly to a safe receptacle in Spain. So pressing
and puzzling were these charges that the India Council held repeated
consultations on the case.
[Sidenote: BEFORE THE INDIA COUNCIL.]
But Pedrarias had not been idle. He had requested his powerful relatives
to hold forth to the king himself, to the best advantage, the many
valuable services he had rendered in Africa as well as in the Indies.
The words of the agent Enciso were likewise powerful, and made these
records stand out resplendent, backed as they were with the dazzling
treasures of the Pearl Islands.[XX-14] Not only was Pedrarias acquitted
and reinstated in his rights and possessions, but new favors were
showered on him. Yet the government of Panamá could not be restored
to him; indeed the crown itself had not been so blinded as some of its
satellites to the many evils that had characterized the government of
Pedrarias in Castilla del Oro. At all events it was considered timely
to allow the oppressed province to recover from the selfish tyranny of
his rule under a more fatherly supervision. His shrewd foresight and
usual good fortune were paving a new way, however. It so happened that
Gil Gonzalez, the rightful claimant to Nicaragua, died about the time
that Pedrarias sent in to the king a glowing report on the resources of
this province, together with promises of great revenues. Not only was
he now entitled to the first consideration for the post of governor,
but it was probably considered advantageous to the royal purse that a
man of such natural proclivities for extortion should be given a field
where watchful energy alone was needed to develop untold wealth. Again
was the star of Pedrarias emerging from behind the Hyperborei Montes,
but with lustre dimmed by clouds rising, this time in the direction of
Honduras.