MARCH OF CORTÉS TO HONDURAS.
1524-1525.
DOUBTS CONCERNING CASAS—CORTÉS TIRED OF INACTION—DETERMINES TO
GO IN PERSON TO HONDURAS—SETS OUT WITH A LARGE PARTY—ARRIVES
AT GOAZACOALCO—THE GAY ARMY SOON COMES TO GRIEF—THE WAY
BARRED BY LARGE RIVERS AND DEEP MORASSES—SCARCITY OF
PROVISIONS—SUFFERINGS OF THE SOLDIERS—THE TRICK OF THE
MERCHANT-CACIQUE—KILLING OF THE CAPTIVE KINGS—APOTHEOSIS OF
A CHARGER—FEARS OF REBELLIOUS SPANIARDS DISSIPATED ON NEARING
NITO.
Inordinate covetings had never been characteristic of Cortés; but when
a man attains eminence in wealth, power, or fame, it seems natural, it
is rather expected, that he should become sordid, grasping, callous to
human sympathy, indifferent to noble sentiment, the slave of avarice
and ambition. Greed constitutes no small part of grandeur.
Northward from the Mexican capital were limitless lands; Cortés could
not tell how much there might be to the west; hence one would think he
might well leave to his countrymen in the south something for their
pains; that he might even give his captains independent governments
without diminution of his manliness.
But insignificant to Cortés as was this Honduras country, and petty
as were the bickerings of its occupants, they were nevertheless
objects of solicitude to the great chief. No sooner had Casas left the
Chalchiuhcuecan shore, than Cortés began to doubt the wisdom of his
course in sending one servant after another. The more he reflected on
the popularity of Olid and the number of his men, the comparatively
untried ability of his opponent, and the reputed wealth of the country,
the more he feared for the result, and wished to be present there in
person.[XVIII-1] Not to mention the itching palm for power, this desire
was increased by the petty espionage to which the imperial officers
subjected his every movement. He longed to roam with kindred spirits
in the wilds of the south, wherein native tradition located stately
cities and treasure-filled palaces. He longed to meet a worthy foe. As
he nursed the dream, the glow increased within him at the prospect of
penetrating unknown regions, overcoming toil and danger, and discovering
something new, something startling; perchance he might find the
long-sought strait.
A hint in this direction was sufficient to rouse the anxiety of friends
and enemies alike. He was the guiding spirit of all undertakings, and
the protecting shield. All would return to chaos were he to withdraw;
and the still wavering natives who respected and feared Malinche, as
Cortés was called by the Mexicans, above any host of soldiers, might
rise and overwhelm them.
So urgent and general were the representations to this effect that he
yielded, or pretended to yield.[XVIII-2] But the spirit of the Castilian
explorer once aroused could not be repressed. He felt that he had been
too long idle, so he wrote his sovereign, and must do something in the
service of his Majesty.[XVIII-3] Preparations were accordingly resumed
under pretence that a disaffection in the Goazacoalco region required
his personal attention.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: PERSONNEL OF THE ARMY.]
He set out from Mexico in the latter part of October, 1524,[XVIII-4]
leaving the government in charge of men whose flattery had blinded him
to their insidious designs. The party consisted of about one hundred
horsemen, half of them with extra animals, some forty archers and
arquebusiers, and three thousand native warriors and servants,[XVIII-5]
the latter chiefly under the leadership of the three deposed sovereigns,
Quauhtemotzin the last emperor of Mexico, Tetlepanquetzal king of
Tlacopan, and Cohuanococh king of Tezcuco, and five or six captive
caciques, whom it was regarded unsafe to leave behind.[XVIII-6]
Among the leading officers in the train were the alguacil mayor,
Sandoval, Ocampo, Ircio, Saavedra, Grado, and a number who acted as
household officials and gentlemen in waiting to the leader. There
were also a retinue of pages, youths of good family, among them
young Montejo, later conqueror of Yucatan, and a number of musicians,
jugglers, tumblers, and clowns.[XVIII-7] Cortés had a natural bent for
pomp, the pomp that gracefully adorns the truly great. The church was
represented by a clergyman and three friars; chief among interpreters
was Marina, the Mexican maiden, whose clear head and devoted heart had
more than once saved the Castilian invaders, and preserved their leader
to her love.
The march was directed to Espíritu Santo, the place of review, not far
above the mouth of the Goazacoalco. On the way the party was made the
object of a series of demonstrations, and the settlers of Goazacoalco,
including the 'true historian,' Bernal Diaz, came forth in procession,
with fireworks and masquerade, to conduct the mighty conqueror under
triumphal arches and amid salvos to his quarters. The joy was mingled
with misgivings, however, for the small force and still smaller
equipment awakened a fear that a levy might be made. This proved only
too true, and while some joined of their own will, dazzled by the lustre
of the leader's name, others, happy with a repartimiento of Indians,
who existed only to attend their wants, were not so quick to fall into
line.[XVIII-8] The chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to give
information, and showed a surprising acquaintance with the country as
far south even as the domain of Pedrarias. They also prepared a map on
cloth, depicting minutely the different rivers, mountains, and pueblos
on the route to Nito,[XVIII-9] some of them ravaged by Spaniards, and
now deserted. The manuscript representation of this vast region, filled
with great cities and rich provinces, determined Cortés to advance
toward Honduras direct, and abandon the idea once entertained of going
through Guatemala.[XVIII-10] Both the map and the imagination failed,
however, adequately to picture the vast morasses and miry sloughs
alternating with and bordering the countless rivers which served for
highways to the natives. The lithe, unencumbered Indian could not
clearly grasp the difficulties herein presented to the heavy cavalry,
for in his light canoe he could speed along the mighty streams, pass up
the tributary branches, and penetrate far and wide by means of the more
shallow creeks into the primeval forests.
[Sidenote: A GAY COMPANY.]
After a week's stay the expedition advanced. Tumbler and fiddler led
in the van a merry dance, perhaps to death; in the rear was a herd of
swine, kept at a safe distance, however, lest its presence should too
greatly tempt the appetite of the hungry soldiers. The artillery of
four guns, a quantity of small arms, ammunition, and stores were sent
by a vessel to Rio Tabasco, to be followed by two small caravels from
Medellin laden with provisions. From this point it was intended to let
one of them follow the coast, west of Yucatan, still regarded as an
island, so as to be able to furnish supplies when called upon by the
land force which also expected to follow the shore. The rainy season
was not yet over, and the very brooks had swollen into rushing rivers.
Two streams, nine and eighteen leagues respectively from Espíritu Santo,
had to be crossed in canoes, the horses swimming,[XVIII-11] and beyond
flowed a still wider watercourse which required a bridge of nine hundred
and thirty-four paces in length. The difficulties of the march may be
understood from the statement that while traversing Copilco province,
fully fifty bridges had to be constructed within a distance of twenty
leagues.[XVIII-12] It was a rich department with half a score of head
pueblos, and having an abundance of provisions they were ordered to send
tribute in kind to Espíritu Santo. After crossing a steep range a wide
tributary of Rio Tabasco was reached,[XVIII-13] where the troops were
cheered by the arrival of a score of canoes laden with provisions from
one of the vessels. Natives of the province also appeared in obedience
to a summons, and assisted in crossing the river and in opening a path
along the thickly wooded bank to the capital of Cihuatlan[XVIII-14]
province, twelve leagues up the river. As they approached it the guides
and sappers suddenly disappeared in the close-knit jungle. A few steps
further the path opened at the junction of a tributary river, and on
the several banks was disclosed a large pueblo, silent as the grave;
but the smoke yet curling from the ruins showed that it had only
recently been abandoned. In the nearest suburb, which contained some
two hundred houses, they remained for nearly three weeks. Meanwhile a
bridge of three hundred paces was built across a marsh, and expeditions
were sent out in vain search for reliable guides, and to explore the
neighborhood.[XVIII-15]
The next objective point was Chilapan, capital of a province bearing the
same name; this they also found burned and deserted, but well provided
with food. The crossing of the river here, which detained the army
for over a week, was effected on rafts, but despite the care taken the
rushing torrent played havoc with the baggage. Beyond this lay a marshy
tract only six leagues in extent, but so troublesome as to detain them
two days. The horses suffered severely, sinking many times up to the
ears, as Cortés expresses it, and endangering the safety of the men
in their struggles, so much so that three Spaniards were lost, beside
a number of Indians.[XVIII-16] After a week's rest at the ruined yet
well-stocked Tamacaztepec, they made another marshy journey of three
days before reaching Iztapan, a fine large pueblo on the banks of the
Usumacinta, burned and deserted like the preceding. The Cihuatlatecs
had, it seems, in their wild scamper spread the most blood-curdling
stories of the fierceness and cruelty of the Spaniards. The timidity of
the natives was proving inconvenient, and guides were sent out to assure
the inhabitants of the peaceful intent of the invaders. The caciques
were encouraged to tender submission in person, and were rewarded with
presents, accompanied by a grandiloquent discourse about "the greatest
prince on earth," and the mission he had given Cortés to remedy evils,
bestow benefits, and point the way to salvation.[XVIII-17]
[Sidenote: CONQUERING AND TO CONQUER.]
A week's rest was taken, during which half a dozen Spaniards were sent
up the river in canoes to receive the submission of chiefs, not to
mention the accompanying presents that were to indicate the wealth of
the district. Three soldiers were also sent down the stream, to Tabasco,
with orders for the fleet to sail to Ascension Bay,[XVIII-18] after
sending boats with provisions and stores to Acalan. It was to follow
the shore so as to be near the army, if possible, for "it is believed,"
writes Cortés, "though not for certain, that the natives pass through
the Bay of Términos to the other sea, leaving Yucatan an island." One
of the three soldiers bearing the instructions was Francisco de Medina,
an ill-tempered, violent, but able man, with some knowledge of the
country and the language, who had managed to ingratiate himself with his
chief so far as to be commissioned to share the command of the fleet
with the actual captain, Simon de Cuenca, one of Cortés' mayordomos.
On reaching the vessels at Xicalanco he assumed an overbearing manner,
and quarrelled with Cuenca about the command till it came to blows.
Perceiving the state of affairs the natives watched their opportunity,
attacked and killed the crew, pillaged the vessels, and burned them
to remove the evidence. The news spread until it reached the capital,
although in a distorted form, which gave the impression that Cortés and
all his force had perished. The anxiety became so great that Ordaz, one
of the favorite officers of Cortés, set out among others to ascertain
the truth of the report. Following the coast by water, he reached the
scene of the slaughter, and received such evidence as to lead him to
declare that the great leader must indeed be dead. Obsequies in his
honor were accordingly held at Mexico, after which but a trusting few
entertained hopes of ever seeing him again.[XVIII-19]
* * * * *
Proceeding to Tatahuitlapan Cortés found the place partly burned, and
deserted by all save a score of native priests, who inspired by duty had
resolved to stay and die with the idols as ordained by the oracle. To
show their impotence the images were destroyed, while the keepers were
exhorted to devote themselves to the veneration of the cross, to whose
merciful inspiration they owed their safety. It was a sacred duty with
Cortés to erect the Christian emblem in all pueblos and camping-places,
and where ceiba-trees grew they were fashioned into crosses which,
blooming anew, stood as living symbols of the saving faith. On the
crosses were fastened notices of the expedition. In this region exists
to-day a village called Las Tres Cruces, from three crosses said to have
been left by Cortés. The place is barely thirty miles from the famous
ruins of Palenque, yet no allusion is made by the conquerors to the
stupendous structures, the matchless palaces, and the curious sculptures
there existing. Once the object of admiration and worship to countless
pilgrims from far-off districts, the city now lay wrapped within the
secure folds of dense forests, and only tradition spoke of her past
glories. Perhaps it was well for the fortune-hunters, at least, that
vegetation had obliterated the highways which in times past must have
led to the shrine of the 'tree of life' from the malarious lowlands of
the Usumacinta region, for a sight of such grandeur might have awakened
hopes never to be realized, and prompted expeditions ending only in
disaster.
[Sidenote: DARK FORESTS AND MORASSES.]
They now struck across to Huetecpan,[XVIII-20] higher up the river,
and, after wading through a slough, plunged into a forest whose close
growth shut out the very light of heaven.[XVIII-21] Here they groped
for two days along the sappers' path, till they found themselves back
on the route already traversed. Pressed by the troubled leaders the
guides cried out that they were lost. This admission was not without
danger, for the provisions were exhausted, and the men filled with
gloomy forebodings, which found vent with many in curses on their
leader for having brought them to such a pass. They demanded that
the swine be slaughtered, but the mayordomo, who had prudently let
the drove fall behind, intimated that the alligators had eaten them.
They must be content with the scanty sustenance of roots and berries.
Meanwhile Cortés had recourse to his maps and compass, and determined
on a north-east course as the most likely to lead to his destination.
This calculation proved correct, and although the place was in ruins,
there was enough of food to bury gloom in feasting. Soldiers being
sent in search of guides, found a little beyond the river a lake where
the inhabitants had taken refuge in canoes and on islands. Finding
themselves discovered the natives came fearlessly forth, stating that
the Spanish boat expedition from Iztapan had reassured them, so much
so that a brother of the cacique had joined the party with four armed
canoes for convoy. The boats being recalled, brought evidence of the
submission tendered by four or five pueblos in a cargo of honey and
other delicacies, with a little gold. Similar contributions flowed
from different pueblos whose inhabitants came to gaze at the bearded
men.[XVIII-22]
Explorers were sent forward as on previous occasions, to report on
the road, but finding it comparatively easy for some distance they
neglected to examine the remainder,[XVIII-23] and misled the army as
to the nature of the route. Beyond lay a large province bounded by the
Laguna de Términos, the broad Usumacinta, and the ranges of Vera Paz, a
low-lying country abounding in morasses, miasmatic inlets, and winding
rivers tributary to the Términos. The fertility of this naturally
irrigated tract, not inaptly known as Acalan, 'land of boats,' was
evident in the rank growth of the vegetation, and the great variety of
products. No roads existed, but the numerous streams provided a series
of highways which the enterprising natives had not failed to utilize
in carrying their surplus products to arid and less rich provinces,
especially to the north-east and south, and in bringing back slaves and
compact treasures. It was quite natural for a people engaged in traffic
to choose as ruler the richest trader, and such a one was the present,
Apochpalon[XVIII-24] by name. To him were sent a number of Spaniards and
Indians[XVIII-25] with a reassuring message and an invitation to meet
Cortés.
[Sidenote: BRIDGE-BUILDING.]
After a three days' march over a rough mountain track, the army suddenly
found the path obstructed by a deep channel five hundred paces wide,
with slimy borders. The passage was shown to be practicable only by
means of a bridge which required patient labor, since the depth of
water and mud proved to be fully six fathoms. Great was the dismay, for
there were hardly any provisions left, and to recross the mountain was
a formidable task under the circumstances. The murmurs of the worn-out
soldiers were loud enough at the first sight of the obstruction, and
when Cortés with his usual audacity gave orders to build a bridge,
they rose almost into mutiny. The leader had been in worse troubles
however. He knew every trait of a Spanish soldier's character, and he
was versed in blandishments. He showed the futility of retreat, since
apart from the mountain road, so long and severe, freshets must by this
time have washed away the means of recrossing rivers, and no provisions
were left in the deserted pueblos. Before them, on the other hand, lay
a land of plenty, seamed with gold. He would guarantee the completion
of the bridge within five days, or, this failing, he would follow their
wishes. Wily Cortés! Could he induce them to begin the work, he would
trust his wits to secure its completion. But the men remained sullen.
They would die of hunger before the bridge was finished. Hibueras would
never be reached. "Very well," said Cortés, "be spectators, I will build
the bridge with the aid of Indians alone." Brief persuasion was needed
with the latter, for the chiefs were in the tyrant's hands, and their
word was law to their followers. Timber was felled, and with the aid of
rafts the piling began. Shamed by this measure the Spaniards joined in
the work, and to cheer them the solitary musician who had not fainted
beneath the hardships of the march was ordered to play some cheering
airs. But the men cried, "Peace! we want bread, not music." The gnawings
of hunger could not be appeased with empty sound.
While some thus worked diligently on the bridge, others went in search
of roots and berries, but with poor success. Overcome by famine and
fatigue numbers lay down to die, while, to add to the catalogue of
horrors, several of the Indian guides were seized by native auxiliaries
and cooked. Among the victims to the adventure thus far, says
Torquemada, was Fray Juan de Tecto, who, exhausted by hunger, leaned
his head against a tree and surrendered his spirit.[XVIII-26]
[Sidenote: MORE AND DEEPER SLOUGHS.]
Before the expiration of a week the bridge was completed, a painful
work indeed for fainting men, ill-furnished with the means, to perform
within so short a time. It was composed, says Cortés, of a thousand
trees, nine to ten fathoms long, the smallest almost as thick as a
man, besides a quantity of small timber, secured with wooden pegs
and withes. For years this and several other 'bridges of Malinche'
remained a source of utility and wonder to the natives, who declared
that nothing was impossible to the white man.[XVIII-27] Hunger and toil
were for the moment forgotten in congratulations over the completion
of the structure, but their joy was of short duration. Hardly had the
rear of the army crossed the bridge when the van came to a slough which
surpassed in difficulties any yet encountered. The horses sank almost
out of sight, and it was only by the united efforts of the army that
the beasts, on which their success so greatly depended, were finally
extricated. This trouble over they were cheered by the arrival of Bernal
Diaz, who had been absent foraging. It was not always that he returned
so well laden, for now he had one hundred and thirty loads of maize
and a quantity of fowl and other provisions. Sometimes he could find
nothing; sometimes what he found he hid, lest with the starving army he
himself should starve. He was sure it would be snatched from his hands
the moment he entered camp; and so it was on the present occasion; the
soldiers pounced upon and devoured it like famished wolves. During the
scramble were seized also the stores intended for the officers, so that
the general himself could not obtain a crumb. Fortunately Bernal Diaz
had with his usual foresight placed in cache a portion of these very
provisions, and suspecting this Cortés so petted and praised the old
soldier[XVIII-28] that he had no longer the heart to withhold the food.
With Bernal Diaz came also messengers from the cacique bringing
presents, including a little gold, and offering the hospitality of his
realm. The following day Tizapetlan was reached, where food had been
prepared. There the expedition remained a week. The attentive natives
were awed no less by the number of the invaders than by their strange
appearance. The horses were a perpetual source of wonder, and offerings
of roses were made to allay the anger displayed by their fierce pawing.
The merchant-chief had thought it prudent to be obsequious to men so
formidable; but, when he saw how food disappeared before them, and how
greedily every valuable was appropriated, he trembled with apprehension.
If they were content to stay and feast for a week in one of his
miserable border towns, how long might they not tarry in the central
cities of the richer districts? To rid the province of the cormorants,
the cacique pretended to have died, directing his son to lead them
quickly in upon the lands of a neighbor. After the funeral rites and
interchange of presents, the young man addressed the Spaniards. "You
would reach the settlements of your countrymen in Honduras. They are
quite near; hardly eight days distant is Nito, where are floating
houses, and bearded men on giant deer."
This he could affirm, for there was an Acalan factory, and at its
head Apochpalon's own brother, who had told him of these things. This
news was more to the cacique's purpose than any artifice, and eagerly
the expedition hurried to Teotilac,[XVIII-29] five or six leagues
off, guided thither by the dutiful young chief over a circuitous
route.[XVIII-30]
The ruler of Teotilac was by no means pleased to find thrown upon him
this hungry host; and he revealed to Cortés the trickery of Apochpalon.
Thereupon Cortés ordered the dead man immediately to appear. Two
days later, accordingly, the sovereign-cacique arrived, looking most
sheepish. He proffered innumerable excuses, and tendered as amends the
hospitality of the capital. The offer was too tempting not to procure
his forgiveness.
One of the two temples serving for army headquarters at Teotilac was
occupied by a goddess, whose fierce passions could be appeased only with
the blood of beautiful virgins. To insure the genuineness of the vestal
offering, so that a mistake might not render it fruitless, girls were
selected in infancy and brought up in strictest seclusion within the
temple walls, till came the time for yielding their fair forms to the
sacrifice. Cortés sought to impress on the people the absurdity of so
atrocious a superstition, and destroyed the idol.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: CONSPIRACY OF THE CAPTIVE KINGS.]
This place is remarkable for one incident which concerned the safety
of the Spaniards, according to their account, and left an indelible
impression on the natives of New Spain. Among those who followed
the expedition as hostages, as we have seen, were three deposed
kings, two of whom were now accused of treachery, Quauhtemotzin,
and Tetlepanquetzal. These patriots were criminal in the eyes of the
Spaniards; they had dared to regard the invaders as the enemies of their
country, and bitterly to oppose them. It seemed now convenient to Cortés
that they should die, and excuse was not wanting for killing them.
Suffering every hardship of the march, the royal captives had found some
consolation in observing how heavily it bore on their keepers, toiling,
starving, discontented, blundering along an unknown and dangerous route.
But this was not their only feeling. Quauhtemotzin, the sovereign,
the general, the tactician, could not fail to observe the disparity
between his followers and the hated white men. The latter were reduced
in strength by famine and hardships, in the midst of a strange country,
far from relief, while the Mexicans, if also weakened, and not so well
armed, were tenfold more numerous, and more at home in these wilds.
Inspired by a deeply rooted devotion to their traditions, to their
princes, to their country, the merest whisper of revenge, of freedom,
could not fail to find response. Yes, sweet was the thought of revenge;
equally sweet the prospect of a triumphal return to Mexico, there to
be greeted as a liberator ordained to restore the ancient grandeur of
Montezuma's court; finally, perhaps, to be exalted by a grateful people
to the pantheon of the gods, a dream so worthy the soldier and patriot,
how oft may it not have smiled upon his fancy! What more natural, what
more commendable indeed, than projects for the liberation not alone of
the auxiliary host, but of their country and kindred? Treachery had
been used to reduce them, and treachery must be met with treachery.
This was justifiable, although the Indians probably weighed not the
moral aspect of the question. As for the risk, one blow, one death,
was preferable to the daily death which they were suffering on this
journey. Yes, they must take advantage of the opportunity presented, and
while the Spaniards were engrossed by the difficulties of some mountain
pass, or engulfed in some morass, fall upon them, especially upon the
feared Cortés, and then, with the prestige of victors, return to Mexico,
where their compatriots would meanwhile, under advice, have risen
simultaneously against the now disorganized and squabbling colonists,
reduced as they were in numbers.[XVIII-31]
[Sidenote: THE KILLING OF THE KINGS.]
How long the plot had been brewing is not stated, but during
the stay at Teotilac Cortés was startled by a revelation from a
prominent Mexican,[XVIII-32] who gave him a paper with the names of
the conspirators in hieroglyphics. Several were seized, and under
separate examination confessed to the existence of the plot, although
disclaiming for themselves of course any actual participation.[XVIII-33]
Quauhtemotzin was also questioned, and admitted, says Bernal Diaz, that
the hardships and dangers had aroused rebellious sentiments among the
Indians, but claimed that he was not the author, and judging from his
own feelings he regarded the whole thing as mere talk. A quick secret
trial was held, and the sentence of death by hanging pronounced against
Quauhtemotzin and Tetlepanquetzal,[XVIII-34] who were dragged forth
during the stillness of the night to a ceiba-tree, where they met their
fate. Cortés was present at the execution, and to him Quauhtemotzin
addressed himself, writes Bernal Diaz. "Malinche, many a day have I
suspected the falsity of thy words, and that thou hadst destined this
end to my life. Why dost thou kill me without justice? God will demand
of thee thy answer!" Tetlepanquetzal calmly expressed himself content
to die with his royal companion, and together they listened to the
exhortations of the friars, dying like true Christians.[XVIII-35] The
execution took place during the carnival days preceding shrove-tide,
and appears to have created no excitement either among Indians or
Spaniards.[XVIII-36]
[Sidenote: EXCUSES FOR THE ATROCITY.]
Most Spanish authorities are of course inclined to uphold the act
as a necessary punishment for a proven crime. Yet certain men, like
Torquemada, a champion of the natives, and modern Mexican writers, side
with the Indians in stamping it as a foul murder, carried out merely
to be rid of the kings whose presence was becoming a burden to the
conquerors. Others, like Bernal Diaz, soften the deed into a mistake,
based on insufficient evidence, and prompted by a desire to smother a
conspiracy which some imaginary spirits had conjured.[XVIII-37] But
Cortés would hardly have removed so valuable a hostage without good
reason. The reason being admitted, and this to some extent even by
native records, the precarious situation of the Spaniards demanded
that Cortés should take measures commensurate with the apparent
danger.[XVIII-38]
Many of the natives, particularly those now encountering the Spaniards
for the first time, regarded the discovery of the conspiracy with
superstitious awe. The idea of treachery by an accomplice did not
seem to so occur to them, but with mysterious shaking of the head
they pointed to the compass and chart. Instruments which had so
unaccountably, and better than any guide, pointed out the road and saved
the army from destruction, could of course reveal a simple conspiracy.
Nothing could be hidden from the owner of that needle. Conscious,
perhaps, of some stray unfriendly thought, many hastened to Cortés to
protest their devotion. "Look into the mirror, and you will find it
so," they said, alluding to the compass, yet quaking the while lest a
suspicion should there stand depicted. Apochpalon was so affected that
he hastened to tender allegiance and to burn idols. So convenient a
belief was not to be disturbed, and the natives were allowed to nurse
it.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: THE ARMY AT IZANCANAC.]
The army now proceeded to Izancanac,[XVIII-39] the populous capital of
Acalan, conducted by Apochpalon in person. He was mounted on a horse,
and the first apprehensions over, he strode his steed with childish
delight. The soldiers were treated with sumptuous hospitality, and
Cortés was gratified with presents of gold and women. Meanwhile, to
facilitate the further march, the road was improved, a bridge built, and
guides were provided, besides an advance corps laden with provisions.
In return for all this Apochpalon asked merely for a letter to prove to
other white comers that he had been faithful.
There was every inducement to prolong the stay at Izancanac, served
and feasted as they were, but the nearness of the Spanish settlements,
as alluringly depicted by the calculating Apochpalon, was an incentive
for all to proceed. Laden with rations for a week, they departed on the
first Sunday in Lent from the fair province of Acalan, over which, the
protective letter notwithstanding, the withering influence of Spaniards
was soon to fall. On the third day they entered the prairie-studded
province of the Mazatecs,[XVIII-40] so called from the abundance
of deer. These animals were here regarded with veneration, and the
consequent immunity from pursuit had made them not only numerous,
but tame. The soldiers, being restrained by no scruples of native
superstition, could not resist the temptation of a chase over the
verdure-clad fields, and soon a score of deer were added to the larder.
The following day they came to a frontier fortress, built on a rock,
and bounded on one side by a lake, on the other by a river, and with
only one means of access. Besides this natural strength it was protected
by a double stockade with moats, surmounted by towers, and the houses
were also provided with shot-holes. The place was in fact impregnable,
and every precaution was taken to meet the resistance for which the
attack of some lately captured scouts had prepared them. Cautiously they
advanced toward the entrance. Not a sound, not a movement. An ambuscade
must have been formed, since no gate barred the entry. But within
reigned silence, and it was only on reaching the plaza that some chiefs
appeared with humble obeisance. This was one of the asylums erected by
the Mazatecs for refuge against the wild Lacandones. But what availed
walls and arms against the irresistible bearded men who controlled
the lightning. Them the inhabitants dared not resist. They had fled
to mountain fastnesses, leaving their wealth of provisions and arms at
the disposal of the invaders, with the sole request that the place be
not destroyed. The chiefs were reassured, and after replenishing their
stores the Spaniards proceeded for seven leagues to a larger and similar
pueblo called Tiac, situated on a plain, within a stockade, each of
its three wards being provided with separate palisades. The caciques
of this and several other pueblos of the province, each independent and
quarrelsome, sent messengers with presents and offers of allegiance, but
could not be prevailed upon to come in person with their people. The
guides here obtained gave the cheering information that the white men
were not far off, and conducted them to Ahuncahuitl, the last pueblo of
this province, also fortified, and amply provisioned, so much so that
rations were taken for the five days' march which intervened before
reaching the province of the Itzas.[XVIII-41]
[Sidenote: ARRIVAL AT THE ITZA CAPITAL.]
Four nights were spent in the mountains, in which was a bad pass, called
Alabastro from the appearance of the rock. They now came to a small
lake with an island pueblo, from which the inhabitants fled as the
soldiers waded over.[XVIII-42] The following day they were surprised to
behold the gleaming walls and lofty temples of a large pueblo, situated
on an isle several miles from shore, in a large sheet of water, which
Cortés assumed to be an arm of the sea.[XVIII-43] But his ordeal was
not yet over. It was the lake now known as Peten, and the pueblo was
Tayasal,[XVIII-44] the capital of the Itzas, which recalled in a measure
to the old conquerors the first and never to be forgotten view of the
famous queen city enthroned in the lake of Mexico.
The natives had taken to their canoes on the approach of the Spaniards,
and heeded no signs or appeals, but with the aid of a dog a solitary
boatman was captured. A friendly message was now despatched to the
canek inviting him to a conference, and offering hostages. It was not
long ere six large canoes approached the shore, and some thirty persons
stepped fearlessly forth. At their head came one whose commanding figure
and quiet dignity announced the ruler. A flowing white robe disclosed
an elaborately tattooed skin, relieved by an embroidered maxtli.
The braided hair was surmounted by a head-dress of feathers, and the
face, also tattooed with black lines, was further ornamented with gold
pendants in nose and ears. He bade Cortés welcome, and expressed himself
secure in his company without the proffered hostage.
It was the hour for mass, and with a view both to please him and to
teach a pious lesson, the ceremony was held with chant and instrumental
accompaniment. The faith was thereupon explained by a friar, with so
good an effect that the chief promised to destroy his idols and venerate
the cross till teachers should arrive to give him full instruction. As
an earnest of his intention presents were produced, consisting chiefly
of provisions, with a few strings of red shells highly valued by the
natives, and other trinkets; and though the gold was small in quantity,
yet it encouraged Cortés to give in return a shirt, a velvet cap, and
some cutlery. News had reached the island city of the doings of the
Europeans, not only at Naco and Nito, but in Tabasco, where the natives
some years before had been conquered in three battles. Cortés hastened
to assure the canek that he saw before him the hero of those famed
encounters, and finding that an impression had been produced, he warmed
with a description of the power and grandeur of the greatest prince on
earth. The canek was not merely impressed but awed, so much so that he
at once tendered allegiance.
With new guides the main body proceeded round the lake southward, while
Cortés entered the canoes with a score of archers to visit the island
city. The officers sought to dissuade him from risking his person in the
hands of a perhaps treacherous enemy, but the general did not wish to
be surpassed in fearlessness and confidence.[XVIII-45] He was greatly
admired by the islanders who thronged round his mailed followers with
mingled curiosity and awe. On leaving he commended to their care a
black horse which had been disabled by a wound in the leg. Ignorant of
the treatment required by the animal, and eager to do reverence to the
strange charge, they are said to have offered it flowers and fowl, on
which diet it died. The grief of the Itzas was equalled only by their
fear. What would the white chief say when he returned? Nothing now
remained but to do homage to the carcass. They had seen the flash of
the fire-arm as the mounted hunter chased the deer on the prairie, and
fancied that this as well as the report issued from the horse. What
more appropriate apotheosis of a charger than into a god of thunder?
As Tziminchac it was accordingly adored. The bones were kept as
sacred relics while an effigy sejant of the animal, formed of masonry,
attracted direct worship.[XVIII-46]
[Sidenote: TOILSOME ADVANCE.]
The next resting-place of the army was at Tlecan, a deserted pueblo some
seven leagues from Tayasal, where the Spaniards stayed for four days
and provided themselves with a week's rations. Six leagues further a
halt was made at a hamlet, in honor of the virgin's festival.[XVIII-47]
Nine leagues beyond, a rugged pass was entered in which the rough sharp
stones tore from the horses feet their very shoes. The next station bore
the name Ahuncapun where a two days' halt was made. Five leagues beyond
lay Tachuytel, after which began an eight league ascent of the roughest
mountains yet encountered, called de Pedernales, Mountain of Flints.
The horses could hardly move a step without slipping, and cutting their
legs and bodies most dangerously. On any other occasion the sight of
suffering among the prized animals, the chief reliance of the army,
would have touched the men deeply, but now they were too much absorbed
by their own sufferings to think of them. Many of the soldiers were also
becoming disabled, and the provisions were giving out in the midst of
the mountains, which in many places offered not even a root. Days passed
by in slow and toilsome advance; none could tell how much longer this
long journey would last. A heavy rain added to their torment, and past
sufferings were forgotten in the present. Many fell from exhaustion and
hunger, or slipped from the rocks into the abyss; and so extreme was
the need, says Herrera, that one confessed to having eaten of the brains
and entrails of three men who had died of hunger.[XVIII-48]
[Illustration]
[Sidenote: A FORMIDABLE FORD.]
Cortés did his utmost to encourage the men. With pike in hand he would
lead the march over the difficult parts of the road; he cheered and
consoled them, and divided what he had with the sick and famished.
This energy, this sympathy and generosity did wonders and animated the
men to repress their murmurs. Finally, after twelve days of toil, says
Cortés, the terrible flint road ended; but it had cost the lives of
several men, and sixty-eight horses had fallen over the cliffs, or had
been fatally disabled, while the rest did not recover from the strains
and bruises for three months.[XVIII-49] Now the men began to breathe
easier, but, as once before, the dawning joy was abruptly checked by
a formidable obstacle. They found themselves on the banks of a wide
river whose waters tore by with a rapidity that made even rafting
impracticable. While the soldiers stood gazing in mute despair at the
barriers behind and in front, praying for deliverance, Cortés sent out
parties to search for an outlet, and soon reports were brought of a
ford. It was as a reprieve from death. Te Deum was solemnly chanted, and
tough old soldiers shed tears of joy. When the nature of the passage was
observed, it seemed indeed as if heaven had decreed a miracle in their
behalf. The ford, two thirds of a league wide, consisted of a smooth
ledge stretching across the whole river, and intersected by over twenty
channels, through which the water rushed with deafening roar. But even
the channels could not be crossed without bridges, and fully two days
were spent in felling timber for the twenty passages.[XVIII-50]
It was Easter eve[XVIII-51] when the ford was crossed by the infantry,
followed by the disabled horses. Again came a check to their joy.
Tenciz, the pueblo at which they now arrived, a league beyond the
ford, had been evacuated, and nearly all the supplies carried off. For
over ten days the men had eaten hardly anything but palm-cabbage, and
very little of that, owing to the trouble in obtaining it.[XVIII-52]
Fortunately, some natives were found who guided a foraging party back
across the river a day's journey into the Tahuytal province, where an
abundance of provisions was obtained, and which furnished the army with
good cheer during the five days' stay at Tenciz, and with some rations
for the journey into Acuculin province.
The guides here obtained ran away, and the Spaniards had to advance
with the aid of native maps alone. The route was level, and eleven
leagues were easily covered in two days by crossing two rivers. This
brought them to a small settlement of Acalan traders, who had been
driven from Nito by the Spanish excesses, and found refuge here. Soon
after the capital of the province was reached, but it was deserted and
almost devoid of provisions. This was most discouraging, and to advance
without guides appeared dangerous. Notwithstanding the scanty sustenance
obtained from palm-cabbage, cooked with pork, and unsalted, a week was
spent in searching for guides. Finally a boy was found who led them a
day's journey to a river in Taniha province, evidently Rio Sarstoon.
Following the stream downward for a couple of days they came to Otulizti
pueblo, where the natives reported that Nito lay only two suns away.
In proof of this assertion two women were brought who had served the
Spaniards there. Hunger and fatigue were forgotten in the rejoicing over
this news, and the men impatiently begged to be led onward.
[Sidenote: APPROACH TO NITO.]
But there was need for prudence, since nothing was known about the
condition of affairs in Honduras, and the troops were not at present
in a position to meet a well-equipped foe, particularly if led by the
redoubtable Olid. Sandoval was accordingly sent forward with a few
chosen men to reconnoitre. It was not far to the shore of the Amatique
Bay, beyond which lay the object of their journey. The bay was skirted
till they reached the wide stream which forms the outlet of Golfo Dulce.
Here they captured a trader's canoe, and then hid themselves to see what
next should happen. It was not long before a canoe approached with four
white men, who were outflanked and secured. They proved to be soldiers
of Gil Gonzalez stationed at Nito, to which site the old settlement
at San Gil de Buenavista had been transferred.[XVIII-53] On the whole
the account of affairs was cheering to Sandoval, the main point being
that the province was quiet, and thoroughly devoted to Cortés, although
without a regular governor since the departure of Casas. A messenger
was at once despatched to relieve the anxiety of the general, and the
soldier to whom the commission was intrusted reaped a rich harvest from
his overjoyed chief and comrades.