SPANISH DEPREDATIONS ROUND PANAMÁ BAY.
1521-1526.
EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT ON THE WEST COAST OF AMERICA—PROGRESS OF
PANAMÁ—LAWS RESPECTING SPANISH SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA—FINAL
ABANDONMENT OF ANTIGUA—ADMINISTRATION OF THE SOUTH SEA
GOVERNMENT—PIRACY UPON PRINCIPLE—PASCUAL DE ANDAGOYA EXPLORES
SOUTHWARD—CONQUERS BIRÚ—RETURN TO PANAMÁ—COLONIES OF VERAGUA
AND CHIRIQUÍ—THE CHIEFTAIN URRACÁ TAKES UP HIS ABODE IN
THE MOUNTAINS AND DEFIES THE SPANIARDS—PIZARRO, ESPINOSA,
PEDRARIAS, AND COMPAÑON IN VAIN ATTEMPT HIS OVERTHROW—BUILDING
OF NATÁ—COMPAÑON AS GOVERNOR—HURTADO COLONIZES
CHIRIQUÍ—CONSPIRACY—CAPTURE AND ESCAPE OF URRACÁ—SEVERAL YEARS
MORE OF WAR.
At length we find on the Pacific seaboard a European settlement, in
the aboriginal fishing-station of Panamá the germ of a Spanish city,
the first on the western side of the American continent from Patagonia
to Alaska, the first on the Isthmus which remains to the present day.
And there was much about it which the befogged but in many respects
far-seeing adventurers of the time could foretell. There was wealth
on this shore, but to what extent they knew not, as Peru stood yet
unrevealed. Unless some strait should be found, or some narrower thread
of Tierra Firme offering superior advantages, Panamá would become the
great entrepôt of South Sea traffic; but wild as were their speculations
in some respects, in others the imagination was as far behind the
facts. Even in their wildest dreams they had not seen resting on their
broad-stretching beach ships from the north and the south, and the far
western east, laden with the wealth of half a world, and in the streets
of their sun-beaten city gold and silver stacked in bricks; and spices,
and precious merchandise waiting transportation over the cordillera to
Nombre de Dios, where cargoes of European goods in like manner waited
carriage southward.
[Sidenote: THE SOUTH SEA METROPOLIS.]
To the importance of this city, even at this early day, the Council of
the Indies was by no means blind; and beside the regulations[XV-1] of
a general nature regarding settlement and city-building which began now
to be enacted, Panamá was the recipient of special royal favors.
We have seen how Pedrarias, by fair means and foul, labored to
depopulate Antigua; and it was a good work, though at the time he
was not fully aware of it. Fortune had favored him in many ways of
late, and the rewards of his rascalities were truly gratifying. Not
to mention the deaths of Vasco Nuñez and Lope de Sosa, the successes
of Espinosa and other gold-hunting captains, or the discomfiture of
Gil Gonzalez, it was a fine stroke of policy making the licenciado
Alarconcillo his lieutenant at Antigua; for the fraudulent residencias
taken by him, under the artful management of the governor's wife
in Spain, did Pedrarias and Espinosa good service at court. Nor was
there any practical inconvenience to the governor in the royal orders
prohibiting complex legal proceedings, that the truth might be simply
and inexpensively arrived at in cases of dispute, and permitting appeals
from Castilla del Oro to the audiencia of Santo Domingo; for the one
gave his power a wider range, while the other could be easily regulated
so as to work him no prejudice. Las Casas likewise had failed in his
effort to displace Pedrarias, the privileges granted in Tierra Firme
limiting him to territory outside of the jurisdiction of this governor.
[Sidenote: ABANDONMENT OF ANTIGUA.]
The abandonment of Antigua began in 1521, and was consummated in
September, 1524, Diego Ribero, the last survivor, being massacred
with his entire family by his own Indians, who afterward burned the
town. Thus the streets wherein had been acted so many stirring scenes
were vacant, and the country, after a struggle of fifteen years and
the loss of thousands of lives, lapsed into its original savagism.
By royal decree issued at Búrgos September 15, 1521, Panamá was
made a city, and received royal privileges and a coat of arms, in
further ennoblement.[XV-2] The regidores should enjoy the title of
_veinticuatros_, as in Seville and Córdova. For the first ten years the
city had to pay only a tithe on gold; the eleventh year, one ninth; the
twelfth, one eighth, and so on to the fifteenth when the usual fifth
would be due. Hitherto the currency consisted of pieces of gold cut into
various weights; now silver and copper money were employed.
[Sidenote: GOVERNMENT.]
The first regidores of Panamá were Gonzalo de Badajoz, Rodrigo Enriquez
de Colmenares, Rogel de Loris, Pascual de Andagoya, Martin Estete,
Benito Hurtado, Luis de la Rocha, and Francisco Gonzalez. The alcalde
mayor, Hernando de Salaya, was made lieutenant of Pedrarias in Panamá,
with a salary of 150,000 maravedís, Espinosa having turned his attention
almost exclusively to military matters. The royal officers formerly
at Antigua as a rule held their places in Panamá. These were Alonso
de la Puente, the treasurer; Diego Marquez, the contador; Miguel
Juan de Ribas, factor. To some of these Pedrarias was obliged to give
repartimientos as an inducement to move.
More difficulty was experienced in having the episcopal see transferred
to Panamá, but it was finally accomplished; the royal order to move it,
with the clergy and paraphernalia of the church as well as the vecinos
and the hospital, bearing date the same as the order making Panamá a
city, namely, September 15, 1521. On the death of the first bishop of
Darien, Juan de Quevedo, a successor was appointed in the person of Fray
Vicente de Peraza. Salaya and the Archdeacon Perez came out together
in 1522; Peraza came later, Salaya being commissioned to superintend
ecclesiastical affairs until the bishop's arrival. And when he did
arrive he appeared in no haste to move, and was still at Antigua in
1524. There, finally, Pedrarias went and exercised upon him his softest
blandishments. The governor could make himself quite pleasing to one
who did not know him. The bishop had not been long in Panamá before his
eyes were opened, and then, indeed, forever closed; for one day, while
the bishop and the governor were at cards, they had a quarrel, during
which the latter was treated badly with words, and soon after the bishop
died. Then with Salaya the governor employed sharp words, saying, if
he did not mind he would cut off his head. "More than one head you have
wrongfully cut off," Salaya retorted, "but he who cuts off my head must
have a better head than mine, and that you have not." Then they were
friends again. Nevertheless Salaya died. Both these men were poisoned;
suspicion pointed to Pedrarias, though he was never formally charged
with the crime.
For the building of churches in Castilla del Oro, the king gave large
alms; his annual donation to the hospital was three hundred pesos,[XV-3]
while the royal treasury covered the cost of an organ and a clock for
the Panamá cathedral. About the time of the removal, Francisco de
Lizaur, procurador of the new settlement for providing the Indians
as well as the Spaniards with food, procured an order requiring the
governor to attend to planting; likewise barter must be opened with the
natives, and negro slaves were not allowed to accompany expeditions.
The boundaries of the municipality extended about forty-five leagues in
every direction from the three leagues of city lands in the centre.
* * * * *
The natives of the New World, and they alone, were expected to support
the new city, and through Panamá to send great wealth to Spain. The
object of the Spaniards was not agriculture, except to save themselves
from hunger; nor even mining, except as they could force the natives
to dig; it was unadulterated robbery, with only the lame excuses of
civilization and Christianity, and Panamá was but a pirates' nest.
By no means the worst of the band was Pascual de Andagoya, who but for
the bad company he kept might have been pronounced an honest man. He
assisted Pedrarias, and acted as the forerunner of Pizarro, but when it
came to wholesale infamies he had no zeal for them.
[Sidenote: EXPEDITION OF ANDAGOYA.]
A faithful retainer of the governor, he was in 1522 sent by him to
explore the southern coast beyond the limits of the discovery of Vasco
Nuñez. Landing at the gulf of San Miguel, Andagoya visited a province
called Chochama, where he was informed that during the periods of the
full moon, a fierce people infested its shore, driving the inhabitants
from their fisheries, slaying them if they resisted, and spreading
terror generally. This people came from a province called Birú, which
name was corrupted by the Spaniards into Pirú, and finally into the
Peru of Francisco Pizarro. Chochama begged Andagoya to protect his
subjects from this scourge, and having obtained reinforcements from
Panamá, Andagoya set out in company with his host and his warriors for
the dreaded region. Ascending a large river for twenty leagues, the
Spaniards found a number of villages and caciques, and on the outskirts
of the province, near the junction of two rivers, they discovered a
strong native fortress, well garrisoned, which on being attacked was
defended with skill and bravery. But superior tactics soon prevailed,
and after a struggle the stronghold was reduced and the inmates were
brought to terms.
The subjugation of Birú being thus effected, Andagoya continued
his voyage, the ships keeping well off shore, while the commander
reconnoitred the coast in canoes navigated by friendly Indians. It
happened one day, while thus employed, that his boat was caught in
the surf and overturned. He was saved by the brave efforts of one of
the natives whose cause he had espoused; but a rheumatic fever which
followed determined him to abandon the discovery, and on the following
day he turned his face toward Panamá, where he arrived in safety with
a few captives.[XV-4]
Permission was then given to Juan Basurto to continue the discovery of
Andagoya; but his sudden death cut short the preparations, and there
the matter rested until taken up by Francisco Pizarro.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: BRAVERY OF URRACÁ.]
Leaving for the moment affairs to the southward, let us return to the
western side of Panamá Bay. There was a cacique named Urracá, whom the
Spaniards sought to kill, whose domain was the sierra of Veragua, and
whose crime was the love of liberty. Indeed so villainously depraved was
this savage that he would not accept Spanish salvation and domination
when offered him in return for his gold; he even thought to kill the
good men who invaded his territory to kill him. Urracá was fierce and
strong; his mountains were rugged, and his home almost inaccessible
to the hostile invader. Therefore he must be approached with caution,
and his capture intrusted only to picked men. As he was reported rich,
and worth the trouble, two companies were fitted out against him, one
by water under Espinosa, and one by land under Francisco Pizarro. The
former embarked at Panamá in two vessels, and, after touching at the
island of Cebaco, passed over to the mainland of Veragua and began his
march on the redoubtable mountaineer. Urracá was not afraid of him,
and after placing the women, the children, and the aged of his people
in safety, with his warriors he marched boldly out against the enemy.
He first encountered the Indian vanguard of Espinosa, and falling on
them slew them to a man. Then he fiercely attacked the horsemen, of
whom there were two or three, and the foot-soldiers, fighting with such
determination that but for Hernando de Soto, who with thirty men had
been sent forward by Pizarro to seek a pass, the licentiate would have
been cut to pieces. Pizarro, who was near at hand, had not reached the
place without hard fighting. And now Urracá defied them all. With every
advantage of a rugged and well-known country on his side, he rallied his
men and attacked the combined force with such desperate energy that when
night came the Spaniards endeavored to withdraw secretly to the open
plain. To this Urracá objected. He permitted them to break up camp, it
is true, and to begin their march; but, when within the darkest pass,
he was on them again like a trap, and from the black craggy defile they
could not move, except against the lances and war-clubs that hemmed
them in. With morning the question faced them, whether they should die
there or escape? And thus the captains placed the matter before the men.
Summoning all their strength, they threw their united force against the
living obstructions at the opening toward the sea, and, treading down
the enemy, escaped to their ships, and spreading sail directed their
course toward Panamá. But it would not do to return empty-handed. So
landing at Borrica they plundered the town, and took the inhabitants
captive, though the licentiate finally released the women. While
Espinosa with the main body of his troops proceeded to Natá, Francisco
Compañon with fifty men surprised by night a peaceful village in the
neighborhood. It was palisaded, and the Spaniards were repulsed. Hiding
themselves, they waited until the inhabitants had come forth in the
morning, and had scattered themselves about the fields. At a signal they
sprang upon them. The poor natives ran for shelter from the merciless
steel, and arriving at the gateway in a body they so blocked it as to
be easily butchered. Those not killed were carried captives to Natá.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: NATÁ AND CHIRIQUÍ.]
The native village of Natá was situated on an open plain, most
beautiful, with a fertile soil and wholesome air. We have seen how
on former occasions it had attracted the attention of the Spaniards.
They had long desired to found there a settlement, and, the present
expedition having proved a failure, Espinosa sent messengers to
Pedrarias asking permission to remain and form a colony. The governor
acquiesced, but ordered Espinosa with the ships to Panamá, leaving at
Natá only fifty men under Compañon.
The new seaport lay nearer to Urracá than the island of Cebaco, although
Espinosa began his march against this province at a point on Azuero
Peninsula, opposite the island, more than thirty leagues from Natá, by
sea.
It was near enough, at all events, for the wary Urracá to follow the
Spaniards with his vindictive eye. The chieftain, by his emissaries,
knew when Espinosa landed there, what he and the others did, when they
went away, and how many remained. Peeping in on Compañon he thought
he could manage fifty men. He would try it. Collecting his forces he
made preparations to attack the Spaniards by night. On approaching
their quarters he came to a house at some distance from the others, in
which three men were sleeping. One of them the savages killed with a
spear; one they captured; the third eluded them until he had secured
his arms, when he sprang up and shouted as if to some companions near.
Single-handed he then attacked them and put them to flight; after which
he released his captive comrade, and the two sought their commander.
Compañon immediately sent messengers to Pedrarias, informing him of the
attack.
It was not praiseworthy on the part of Urracá to allow his multitude of
brave warriors to be defeated by a single Spaniard; probably he never
knew how easily he was beaten; and now confederating with his neighbors
he confined the Spaniards so closely in their quarters that they began
to suffer for food. The opportune arrival of Hernando Ponce de Leon
with forty men, and shortly afterward of the governor himself with one
hundred and fifty men, placed Compañon at ease again.
It is true; the old governor is in the field again! War, at home or
abroad, is his natural element. This bold mountain chieftain must be
put down; and who so fitting to do it, who so capable, as the governor?
Appointing Francisco Pizarro as second in command, with his entire
available force, among which are some horses and small cannon, Pedrarias
sallies forth.
Urracá is ready to receive him. He has joined forces with a neighbor
named Exquegua, and awaits the Spanish governor just beyond the
strongest pass. He hopes a second time to entangle the enemy amongst the
craggy steeps to him so familiar. The fox enters the trap. The governor
must choose either to fight at great disadvantage, or retire and leave
the country to its aboriginal lord. Urracá is powerful, sagacious, and
brave. Occupying in his retreat the most elevated part of the cordillera
where it cuts Veragua, and being about midway between the two oceans, he
can draw supplies and reinforcements from either side. So pernicious is
the influence he exerts that he can prevent the pacification of western
Castilla del Oro: hence the importance of his extermination.
The old governor harangues his army. After the stale fashion of Xerxes
and the Scipios he sneers at the enemy, and praises his own men. It is
not common to hear Pedrarias praise any one. "You see the necessity
of this chieftain's death," he concludes; "let it never be said of
Spaniards that they left alive a rich heathen." A charge is then
ordered. The battle lasts till nightfall. It is renewed the next day
and the day following. Before such unparalleled obstinacy the Spaniards
grow faint. Even the fire-belching cannon, with its reverberating
roar and its balls sweeping down men, splitting rocks and trees, and
tearing up the earth, confounds them but for a moment. For five days
the engagement continues, much of the time in a desultory manner, the
Spaniards fighting from under cover like the Indians.
Urracá at length resorts to stratagem. Withdrawing his forces as if
in abandonment of the fight, he retires toward the river Atra, the
rendezvous of the confederates from both sides of the cordillera.
Pedrarias follows, thinking in some open spot to scatter the foe and
kill them. Seeing which, Urracá calls to him several wise warriors, and
instructs them to play the part of men of the country, and when captured
by the Spaniards to direct them to their ruin. Through this ruse Diego
de Albites falls into ambush, at one time with forty men, at another
with sixty, narrowly escaping destruction.
Determined never to abandon the country until his purpose is
accomplished, Pedrarias sends out parties against the villages of the
confederates individually. Two caciques, Bulaba and Musa, are captured,
but on accepting terms of peace are set at liberty. Urracá avoids
another general engagement, and Pedrarias returns to Natá. The lands and
captives are divided among such soldiers as are willing to remain as
colonists under Diego de Albites, who is left there as the governor's
lieutenant. Sixty elect to remain, who begin to build and plant. Thus
is established the town and settlement suggested by Espinosa, which
is called Natá after the cacique, and which name it still retains, and
next after Panamá on the Pacific seaboard, Natá assumes importance as
a Spanish settlement.
All the same it is exceedingly hard on the poor aboriginal, drudgery or
death. Those enslaved under the fatherly-protection system endeavor by
every means to escape; failing in which, if they do not kill themselves,
they soon die from hard treatment. Urracá never ceases narrowly to watch
the Spaniards, attacking them as opportunity offers. Albites retaliates
with frequent incursions; but unable to overthrow Urracá he finally
makes peace with him. This displeases Pedrarias, who thereupon recalls
Albites and appoints Francisco Compañon governor of Natá. Under the new
regime hostilities are yet more vigorously pressed, but in almost every
instance to the discomfiture of the Spaniards.
* * * * *
Beyond the domain of Urracá, toward the west, in Veragua, was the
province of Chiriquí. Thither Pedrarias sent Benito Hurtado to establish
a colony. The country being thinly populated was easily taken and
held. Indeed, the caciques of Chiriquí, Vareclas, and Burica, the
chief rulers within an area of one hundred leagues, obeyed without
resistance, and for two years the colony of Chiriquí was unmolested.
But the more submissive the people, the more exacting the conquering
race. The crushing weight of servitude becoming unbearable, the men of
Chiriquí at length rose to arms. They were joined in a general revolt
by Urracá. Unable to vanquish this chieftain, Compañon determined to
capture him by fair means or foul. Overtures were begun by presents
and fair promises, and at length, under the most solemn assurances of
liberty and safety, Urracá was induced to visit the governor at Natá.
No sooner had he entered the town than he was seized and ironed. I am
disposed to praise the perfidious Compañon for not burning his captive,
or giving him to the dogs; he only sent him, in violation of his sacred
pledge, a prisoner to Nombre de Dios, with the intention of shipping
him off to Spain. Before the sailing of a ship, however, the brave
cacique managed to burst his fetters and escape. Breathing vengeance he
roused the mountains, organized a yet more powerful confederation, and
marched against Natá. Long and bloody warfare ensued, with alternate
success. One of the most disastrous conflicts occurred early in 1527,
in an expedition against a rebel chief named Trota, under Captain
Alonso de Vargas, with forty soldiers, principally men newly arrived
from Spain. The protestations of some of Trota's adherents, who entered
the camp with humble mien but active eyes, induced the captain, at the
recommendation of a veteran comrade, to send Pocoa, an allied chief
and guide, with offers of peace. The fellow was no sooner out of sight
than he cast the olive branch to the winds, and joining cause with
Trota, advised him to seize so advantageous an opportunity for glory
and revenge, when the force before him was weak and inexperienced and
the commander ailing. Four days later five hundred warriors fell upon
the camp, led by Pocoa in a glittering breastplate of gold. Although
taken by surprise, the soldiers fought desperately, but the numbers were
overwhelming, and Vargas succumbed with half his men. This blow was one
more incentive for the Spaniards to exert themselves in retaliation and
conquest. The country adjacent to the settlement being open and level,
horses and cannon could be used with advantage; while on the other hand,
to make up for lack of skill, were numbers, drawn from a great distance
around, with the protecting mountains in which to nurse declining
energies. Thus for nine years the war continued, until the chieftain
Urracá, yielded up his life, though not, after all, to arquebuse or
bloodhound: he died in bed, among his own people, but lamenting, with
the last breath, his inability to drive out the detested Christians.