DECLINE OF SPANISH SETTLEMENT ON THE NORTH COAST.
1517-1523.
DISHONESTY THE BEST POLICY—PEDRARIAS STIGMATIZED—HIS AUTHORITY
CURTAILED—QUEVEDO IN SPAIN—HE ENCOUNTERS LAS CASAS—THE
BATTLE OF THE PRIESTS—OVIEDO ENTERS THE ARENA—BUSINESS IN
DARIEN—THE INTEROCEANIC ROAD AGAIN—ITS TERMINI—PEDRARIAS
AND ESPINOSA AT PANAMÁ—THE LICENTIATE MAKES ANOTHER RAID—THE
FRIARS OF ST JEROME HAVE THEIR EYE ON PEDRARIAS—THE CABILDO
OF ANTIGUA SHAKES ITS FINGER AT HIM—CONTINUED ATTEMPTS TO
DEPOPULATE THE NORTH COAST—ALBITES BUILDS NOMBRE DE DIOS—LUCKY
LICENTIATE—ARRIVAL AND DEATH OF LOPE DE SOSA—OVIEDO RETURNS
AND DOES BATTLE WITH THE DRAGON—AND IS BEATEN FROM THE FIELD.
For the villainous adjudging of Vasco Nuñez, Gaspar de Espinosa
received his place on the South Sea. And when true tidings reached
Pedrarias of the appointment of Lope de Sosa as his successor, the
grizzly old governor did exactly that for which he pretended to
have beheaded Vasco Nuñez. Striking corollaries from the historical
propositions of the preceding chapter.
[Sidenote: THE CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS CONDEMNED.]
That Pedrarias was not at once deposed may seem strange to us. He was
deposed, however; but slipping south he sought new fields, as we shall
presently see; and by the intercession of powerful friends at court
he managed to retain rulership for a term of years. Then, too, the
changes. It was troublesome and expensive for royalty to establish
subordinate governments in the Indies; and as nearly all of Spain's
New World governors, and, indeed, officials and subjects, were wrong in
some particular, there was not always encouragement to make a change.
Yet Spain and all Christendom were indignant over the infamous doings
at Acla. The friars of St Jerome instantly clipped the wings of the
cormorant, by ordering him in the kings name "to resolve upon nothing by
himself, but to follow the advice of the _cabildo_[XIII-1] of Darien;
and, moreover, to send to Española all the gold taken from Cacique
Paris." This was of little practical avail, however. Royalty might issue
edicts; but those appointed to enforce them seemed to turn to corruption
on entering the atmosphere of the Indies.
Some said, if the good bishop had been there, Vasco Nuñez had not died.
But according to Micer Codro it was scarcely among the possibilities
for the inauspicious friend of Balboa to have been present at the
right moment. Associated with the alcalde mayor and the governor in
magisterial authority, the bishop could without doubt have diverted
the quarrel from such gory channels; for there was always enough of
the temporal in his spiritual polities to give his influence weight in
balancing power. It was a wolfish flock. The bishop complained of it
to the king; and on the other hand the royal officers complained of the
bishop. Both were right. It was impossible too severely to censure such
acts as were constantly perpetrated by the officials of Castilla del
Oro, and although Quevedo had gone to Spain on the more pleasing errand
of love and reconciliation, he found it convenient occasionally to say
a word to the king in his own defense, and not without influence on the
imperial ear. Once the royal officials wrote the king that the bishop
neglected the conversion of the Indians, favored Vasco Nuñez against
the government, and discouraged colonization by speaking ill of the
country; and again that the bishop was a source of constant disturbance,
and praying that a _provisor_, talented and upright, be appointed to
superintend sacred affairs.[XIII-2]
Before the sovereign, Quevedo spoke disparagingly of both Pedrarias and
Vasco Nuñez; the prelate alone was perfect. But beside the genuine ring
of Las Casas, the base metal of Quevedo's composition sounded flat. The
protector-general was at this time busy at once with his colonization
scheme and his impeachment of the Jeronimite Fathers, who, although
meaning well, were slack in exacting the right as measured by apostolic
zeal.
On one occasion, in the royal antechamber at Molin del Rey, while
waiting for the bishop of Badajoz, one of the king's preachers, with
whom he had an engagement to dine, Quevedo was bluntly accosted by Las
Casas. "I understand, my lord, that you are the bishop of Darien. I too
am interested in the Indies, and it is my duty to offer you fellowship."
"Ah! Señor Casas," rudely replied Quevedo. "And from what text will
you preach us a sermon to-day?" "I have ready two sermons," retorted
the always armed Protector, "which, if you would listen to them, might
prove to you of higher import than all the moneys which you bring from
the Indies." "You are beside yourself! You are beside yourself!" was all
the bishop could stammer as his host appeared and withdrew him from the
merciless shots of Las Casas. But Quevedo was not to escape so easily.
Presenting himself after dinner at the house of the king's preacher, Las
Casas tortured his enemy into yet hotter dispute. Young Charles hearing
of it ordered the battle of the priests to be continued before him. This
was the first audience by the prince in matters relative to the Indies.
Brought into the royal presence Quevedo thanked God for the honor,
pronounced the first governor of Darien a bad one, the second much
worse, and the savages in a deplorable condition. Las Casas following
charged the fault as much to royal officers and clergy as to hidalgos
and lesser subjects.
Soon after this discussion Quevedo presented two memorials, one against
Pedrarias Dávila, and the other for restricting the power of governors
in general, and of the military, and for the better protection of
the natives. He pledged himself to name a ruler for Castilla del Oro,
meaning Diego Velazquez, then governor of Cuba, who would expend from
his own private means fifteen thousand ducats in the service of the
colony. Within a few days thereafter Quevedo was seized with an illness
which terminated in his death; Charles was summoned to accept the
imperial crown, and for a time little attention was paid to the affairs
of the Indies.[XIII-3]
[Sidenote: QUEVEDO AND OVIEDO IN SPAIN.]
Another political agency appeared in Spain about this time. Gonzalo
Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, first chronicler of the New World, who,
as we have seen, came with Pedrarias to Tierra Firme as superintendent
of gold-melting and acting notary-general, becoming disgusted with both
the governor and the bishop departed from that shore in October, 1515.
Scarcely had Oviedo arrived at Madrid when he received word of King
Ferdinand's death, which was a severe blow, as he had hoped through the
influence of his former patrons to reorganize the government of Castilla
del Oro and place it on a better basis. Proceeding to Flanders he laid
the matter before the ministers, and was referred to Cardinal Jimenez,
who listened and did nothing. There the matter rested until the death
of the cardinal, when Oviedo again appeared at court and succeeded in
obtaining the appointment of Lope de Sosa to succeed Pedrarias in the
government of Castilla del Oro. Satisfied thus far in his attempts
to benefit the colonists at Antigua, he solicited for himself the
government of Santa Marta. The appointment was conferred; but being
refused one hundred knights of Santiago, who were deemed indispensable
to the subjugation of the country, he declined the office. Like Quevedo,
he aroused the enmity of Las Casas, through his opposition to the
schemes of the fiery philanthropist in the management of the natives.
Nevertheless Oviedo obtained many beneficial decrees for Darien. The
duties of the governor were defined anew; royal officials were forbidden
to trade; the royal assayer was required to give bonds; orders were
issued regulating the gold-melting house; duties were abolished for four
years; the export duty on gold was reduced nearly one half for a term
of five years.
* * * * *
A business paralysis succeeded the dark days at Acla. Little was done in
1518 in the way of new adventure, though Pedrarias had enough to occupy
himself withal, in keeping his own head on his shoulders. More than one
lofty scheme was cut short by the stroke that laid lifeless Vasco Nuñez.
The young and hardy scarcely dared achieve prominence; the old and
imbecile could not; even the ferocious genius of Francisco Pizarro lay
dormant all through his fiery youth, and past early impatient manhood,
unknown even to himself.
Made captain-general of the South Sea, not long after the catastrophe at
Acla, Espinosa was unable at once to take command in person of the force
at Isla Rica. Though the licentiate was of a mild, obedient disposition,
it was not without misgivings that Pedrarias permitted him to assume
so important a trust, the most dangerous for purposes of revolt of any
within the government of Castilla del Oro; for instruments employed in
the accomplishment of base purposes are not apt to inspire the greatest
confidence. But Espinosa was not a mere rover; he was an anchored
judge already high in colonial office, whose robberies and murders,
however unjust and lawless, were of a quasi judicial nature; moreover
he was popular with the soldiers, for his legal decisions by no means
interfered with popular rights in pillage and licentiousness. Indeed,
when Pedrarias afterward contemplated absence, the people of Antigua
begged that Espinosa might be left there to govern them, but this
excited the jealousy of the governor, who refused the petition.[XIII-4]
The much talked of interoceanic chain of posts, with a commercial
city at either end, was not yet an accomplished fact. As the breadth,
coast-trends, and configuration of the country became better known, Acla
was found situated too far to the eastward. The narrowest part of the
Isthmus had been ascertained, as also the most practicable route for a
road, requiring a north-coast seaport somewhere opposite Panamá, which
had long since been decided upon as the best site for a city on the
southern seaboard. Hernan Ponce de Leon, temporarily stationed there,
had abandoned the place, so that both termini of the proposed road must
be founded anew. The point selected on the north coast was Nombre de
Dios.
[Sidenote: SOUTH SEA ATTRACTIONS.]
Before Espinosa was ready for his South Sea command, positive
information of the appointment of Lope de Sosa reached Antigua. It now
behooved both Pedrarias and the licentiate to look to their footing, for
it was not unlikely to fare hard with them in their coming residencias.
It might be as well, after all, for these astute and subtle minds to
fall back upon the idea of Vasco Nuñez—indeed, the cavalier's ideas
seemed better than any of their own—of withdrawing beyond the possibly
too restraining influences of superior authority, and establishing
themselves in freer latitudes. The north coast offered no further
attractions in any event. Give them the South Sea, and Sosa might have
the north, and die there at his convenience. For it was assuredly the
abode of death.
Pedrarias accordingly determined to make the southern seaboard his
future base of operations, and to convey thither as much as possible
of what he esteemed valuable. To this end he embarked from Acla, and
laid before the council at Antigua a proposal to abandon that site, and
remove the capital to Panamá. The plan was not regarded with favor, as
he neither expected nor desired it to be; for, if Panamá was made the
capital, Sosa's government would be there, and might seriously interfere
with his projects. Two advantages were, however, gained by making the
proposal. By opening the question it unsettled the minds of residents at
Antigua, and enabled Pedrarias with less difficulty to enlist recruits,
and it could not afterward be said that he had sought to abandon the
government, having offered to carry it with him. Nevertheless, he could
not part with the people and their council without a fling at them; so,
one night he summoned the cabildo to appear at his house, and took from
them their insignia of office, leaving the municipality to manage as
best it might during his absence. Returning to Acla, he ordered Espinosa
to summon the forces stationed in the province of Pocorosa, and unite
with them all the available troops of the colony. With these, and such
provisions and articles of trade and use as they could lay their hands
upon, the governor and the alcalde mayor set out across the cordillera
for the Southern Sea.
[Sidenote: FOUNDING OF PANAMÁ.]
Pedrarias was not altogether satisfied with the site of his proposed
Pacific city. On either side of the old fish-drying station thick
tangled woods rose from marshy bottoms; so that, while the spot
called Panamá was obviously malarious, there seemed at hand no better
one.[XIII-5] At the Pearl Islands affairs were found as Vasco Nuñez
had left them. Compañon had proved faithful to his trust. More acts of
possession were now inflicted on this thrice-gulped wilderness, one on
the mainland, January 27, 1519, and one two days after, on the Isla
Rica of Vasco Nuñez, called by Pedrarias as Morales had christened
it, Isla de las Flores.[XIII-6] Taking the ships Balboa had built, the
governor and Espinosa embarked the forces, and proceeded to the island
of Taboga,[XIII-7] where Badajoz had been three years before, opposite
and some five leagues distant from the proposed settlement.
Pedrarias and Espinosa had now at their command about four hundred
men, most of whom were opposed to city-building as detrimental to the
nobler profession of plundering. But calming their fears in this regard,
Pedrarias sought to secure their interest in his scheme by partitioning
the lands adjacent to Panamá, and giving to each man a section. Foraging
expeditions were sent out at once, and the soldiers were encouraged to
make captures, and so secure laborers for their lands and means for the
indulgence of their lusts. Thus every settler soon had from forty to
ninety slaves, who did not live long, however. Nor were the colonists at
Antigua forgotten in this division, to the end that by offering superior
inducements here, the northern coast might the sooner be depopulated.
The formal act of founding the city of Panamá was consummated August 15,
1519; the public notary certifying that Pedrarias Dávila founded then
and there a city, the name whereof was Panamá, and that in the name of
God, and of the queen, Doña Juana, and of Don Cárlos, her son, he would
defend the same against all opposers.[XIII-8]
* * * * *
Not the least important or successful among the foraging expeditions
at this time sent out from Panamá was one under Espinosa, who with a
hundred and fifty men embarked in one of the brigantines in search of
the gold that Badajoz had lost. Ah! that gold; the Spaniards could
scarcely sleep for thinking of it. But now the licentiate should
judicially recover it; then might Panamá have rest.
Dropping westward a few leagues, Espinosa anchored at the mouth of a
small river flowing through the province of Cutara, called after the son
of the late Paris who now ruled that province. Ascending the river in
canoes the Spaniards surprised by night the village, and no opposition
being offered, the robbers took such plate, provisions, cotton cloth,
and Indian weapons as they could lay their hands on. It then occurred
to the more ghoulish of the company to search the death-chamber of the
cacique Paris, whose body was then lying in state. And there, to their
unutterable joy and thankfulness, round the corpse were not only the
golden plates before captured, but piles of vessels and ornaments of
the same blessed metal. By this desecration, gold to the value of forty
thousand castellanos was secured, which made glad the heart of the old
governor at Panamá. And who shall say the learned licentiate was not an
humane and pious man, a just judge and good Christian withal, when after
taking the trouble to drive the inhabitants of that village captives to
the sea, he liberated them all at the entreaty of the youthful cacique,
who had followed them wildly wailing, and faithfully promising a ransom
of as much more gold as had been already taken? On the way back the
licentiate stopped at the landing of the cacique Biruquete, of whom he
bought a cargo of maize, without paying for it. Lest the treasure should
fall into improper hands, half of it was buried at Panamá by Pedrarias
and Espinosa; with the remainder the worthy couple set out immediately
for Antigua, where the latter paid over the king's share, and then
made preparations for a voyage of discovery along the coast, toward the
north-west.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: THE STUBBORN CABILDO.]
It occurred to Pedrarias that while Espinosa was absent from Darien
with the men and ships making discoveries, it would be well for him
to visit Spain and place his declining power on a firmer basis. But in
order to leave he must have permission from the chief authority, or else
lay down his office and submit to a residencia. Since the Jeronimite
Fathers had made the cabildo of Antigua their agent to watch Pedrarias,
and if possible keep him within the bounds of humanity and decency, he
applied to it for permission to leave the country, and was refused. It
was very hard, he said, that the king's governor should be thus subject
to check by a vulgar town council; but the friars at Santo Domingo must
be obeyed.
Since he could not go to Spain Pedrarias wrote the royal authorities
there, setting forth what he had done at Panamá, soliciting a South
Sea government for himself, and the removal of the municipality and
cathedral of Antigua to the new city. Again, midst much storming, he
applied for leave, saying he had been chosen _procurador_ in Castile;
and again he was refused permission. Then he dissembled, spoke softly,
and said he loved the councilmen as his children, but nothing availed.
An act of this council, passed during his absence, greatly exasperated
him, as tending to show a disregard for his authority. This was the
granting of a request by Diego de Albites to plant a colony on the
coast of Veragua. Fearing that the friars might impose upon him further
restrictions he abruptly broke off all conference with the council of
Antigua, and proceeded to Panamá.
There he found the soldiers and colonists more than ever dissatisfied.
Provisions were scarce, and there was fever among them, and they said,
Espinosa among the rest, if they were to become citizens, they would
prefer the pure air of Spain to this pest-hole. "Very well," replied
the governor, "let the gold be unearthed, and that with all the rest
returned to the people of Paris, as the Jeronimite Fathers have ordered,
and let us return to Castile. I assuredly can live there without
hunger." A threat from Pedrarias to do a righteous act was uncommon and
terrifying. The disaffected were silenced; and while Pedrarias yielded
so far as to agree to the search for a more favorable country to the
westward, it was at the same time determined that the building of Panamá
should be proceeded with.
[Sidenote: THE DOINGS OF ALBITES.]
Meanwhile the cabildo of Antigua proceeded as best it could with the
establishing of a northern seaport. By several successful raids on the
north coast, toward Veragua, Diego de Albites had accumulated wealth,
and with wealth ambition more vaulting. During the war between Vasco
Nuñez and Pedrarias he pictured to himself political dissolution, and
sent to Spain Andres Niño, a pilot, and two thousand castellanos to
purchase for him a South Sea government. Better skilled in navigation
than in diplomacy Niño returned without the office and without the
money. At another time, while left in command at Acla during Vasco
Nuñez' absence at the South Sea, Albites slipped cable and sailed for
Española, where he applied for authority to build a town at Nombre de
Dios or establish a colony on the coast of Veragua. Referred by the
friars to Pedrarias, as an excuse for his absence he enlisted sixty
men, loaded his ships with much-needed provisions, and returned to
receive the thanks of the governor whom he had sought to circumvent.
For this faithful service he received permission from Pedrarias to
make an incursion into the province of Veragua, which greatly offended
Vasco Nuñez; and when Albites returned successful from this raid the
cabildo at Antigua granted him permission to establish a settlement
not only in that province, but at Nombre de Dios, to Pedrarias' extreme
annoyance.[XIII-9]
It was in 1517 that Albites returned to Antigua from Veragua, Chagre,
and Nombre de Dios with much gold and many slaves. According to Herrera
he attempted an expedition to Veragua in 1518, but was driven back to
Nombre de Dios, where he founded a city. Andagoya is correct, however,
when he places the settlement of Nombre de Dios in the latter part of
1519, though it was not by order of Pedrarias as he affirms. Embarking
from Antigua in a brigantine and caravel, Albites touched at the isle
of Bastimentos, and coasted westward a few leagues, raiding upon the
natives for gold with meagre results. One of the ships becoming leaky he
returned to Bastimentos, where it foundered. Thence he was conveyed by
the cacique in canoes to Nombre de Dios, and at once set about building
a town.
Two opposite posts being thus established, a road was constructed from
sea to sea, "through the mountains overgrown with thick woods never
touched from all eternity," as Peter Martyr expresses it. At great labor
and cost both to the crown and to the colonists, a way wide enough for
vehicles was cut through the thickets; trees were felled and thrown
into the marshes, obstructing rocks torn from their beds, and bridges
made where necessary.[XIII-10] Thus was opened through primeval shades
a passage for the blessings and the curses of that Atlantic civilization
which was to illuminate the Pacific.
* * * * *
This same year the lucky licentiate and alcalde mayor, Gaspar de
Espinosa, was gaining further renown as discoverer and treasure-seeker.
With Juan de Castañeda as pilot, he coasted one hundred and eighty
leagues toward the north-west, touching at Huistá, Natá, Chirú, Chame,
and other posts, and returned to Panamá well laden with maize and other
provisions, and gold to the value of thirty-three thousand castellanos.
During this exploration he entered a gulf to which he gave the name
Culebras,[XIII-11] from the many snakes of various colors seen there.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: INOPPORTUNE DEATH OF SOSA.]
A stroke of better fortune than he deserved likewise befell Pedrarias
not long after. In May, 1520, Lope de Sosa, with three hundred men,
arrived and anchored in the harbor of Antigua. Pedrarias, who was there
at the time, immediately made preparations to receive him with becoming
ceremony. Having given orders concerning his disembarkation, the new
governor entered his cabin to dress. While there he was seized with
a sudden illness, from which he shortly after expired. With mournful
pomp and outward demonstration of grief Pedrarias conveyed the body
to the church and buried it before the altar. Juan Alonso de Sosa, the
son, and all the followers of the late governor were treated with that
show of distinction which the old courtier could so well assume. Juan
Rodriguez de Alarconcillo, who came as alcalde mayor, and before whom
the residencia of the outgoing governor would have been taken, was
favored with marked consideration. By way of prudence, some time before
the anticipated arrival of his judge Pedrarias had sent his wife to
Spain with all his gold and pearls.
* * * * *
Sosa's appointment to supersede Pedrarias was one of the reformatory
measures which the chronicler Oviedo claims to have effected while in
Spain.[XIII-12] For himself he had obtained, besides the offices of
veedor and escribano-general, those of collector of chamber penalties
and _regidor perpetuo_ of Antigua. Orders were issued, furthermore,
to all New World governors to furnish him a truthful report of all
their acts, so that he might complete the General History of the Indies
already begun. He was also appointed receiver of the property of Vasco
Nuñez and his accomplices which had been confiscated to the king. He
arrived at Antigua with his wife and two children soon after Sosa.
But the heart of the scholar was not in the coarse cunning of Darien
politics; he became discontented, irritable, and while commanding the
respect of the colonists he was not popular with them. They did not want
reform so much as plunder. Pedrarias was his enemy, as he was the enemy
of every well-meaning man of ability. The deaths first of a boy and then
of his wife did not tend to sweeten his disposition. "Many times would I
have returned to Spain," he exclaims, "had not need and shame prevented
me."
The powers of the governor having been enlarged by means of the veedor,
Oviedo's was the first head on which they were visited. The principal
quarrel was over the depopulation of the northern coast. The veedor
protested in the king's name, but the governor, now lord of all, was
determined to execute his cherished project while he possessed the
power. There was no longer any need of a north-coast capital; Pedrarias
would make Panamá his metropolis. Before introducing further changes,
however, it was necessary that his residencia should be taken. But this,
with his experience, need be nothing more than an arraignment and trial
of himself. At his request the licentiate Alarconcillo published the
residencia for thirty days, during which time the governor continued
to exercise the functions of office; no one appeared against him, and
a certificate of the proceeding was sent to Spain. Pedrarias then took
up his permanent abode at Panamá.
Not long afterward the veedor and contador were obliged to visit Panamá
to weigh some gold and receive the royal share, since the governor would
no longer send the metal to Antigua. The contador took up his residence
there, but Oviedo returned to Antigua, more than ever determined to
stand by that city. Seeing which Pedrarias was satisfied he could no
more effectually ruin his adversary than by permitting him to have his
own way. Besides, it were as well to stop the tongue and pen of one
who could make and unmake governors. So when next Oviedo complained
Pedrarias answered, "Señor Veedor, since you know so well how to achieve
such desirable results, accept from me what power I possess, and govern
Antigua according to your pleasure."
[Sidenote: OVIEDO AS RULER.]
After some hesitation Oviedo accepted the proposal, and presented his
credentials to the municipal council in November, 1521. Opening his
administration with the enthusiasm of a novice, he straightway set
about correcting abuses. He forbade blasphemy, keeping mistresses, and
selling or eating meat on Saturday. He prohibited gambling, and burned
all the cards in the public square. A dishonest notary was required to
make restitution fourfold and be suspended from office for one year.
Indian women must no longer be employed as beasts of burden, and Indian
children must not be sold and bought as slaves. Certain more practicable
provisions, however, saved Antigua, for a time, from the effects of
a morality which standing alone would have killed any colony in the
Indies. The new ruler bought for small sums the houses of those leaving,
and sold them to new-comers at cost. He erected a market, opened mines,
built ships, and sent out expeditions to smooth the ruffled plumage
of the savage. He made of old iron five hundred hatchets, which were
sold to the Indians; and when they became dulled, their owners not
knowing how to sharpen them, he placed on board a vessel three large
grindstones, covered so that the uncivilized might not steal the
secret, and proceeded along the coast grinding such implements as the
Indians brought, and charging therefor a sum equal to the original cost,
which was cheerfully paid. It is claimed that more than seven thousand
castellanos were thus secured during one voyage.
A greater prosperity followed these measures than pleased Pedrarias.
But by revoking the many decisions of his deputy that came up on appeal
from dissatisfied colonists, the governor was enabled to render Oviedo's
position one of little power.
The staff of officials was increased by yet another alcalde mayor, the
licentiate Sancho de Salaya, for the South Sea government particularly,
who arrived at Antigua in a caravel from Spain, the 1st of July, 1522.
With him came Rodrigo Perez, the friend of Vasco Nuñez, vicar when sent
in chains to Spain, but returned arch-deacon.[XIII-13]
About this time a rebellion broke out on the Rio Grande San Juan, caused
by outrages perpetrated by the bachiller Corral and Martin Estete during
a foraging expedition. Heedless of the warning of Oviedo, Martin de
Murga, visitador of the Indians, in company with three Spaniards and ten
friendly Indians, paid a visit to Bea, the cacique of this province, who
slew the entire party. Juan de Escaray with forty men was sent against
the revolted chieftain.
Soon after some christianized Indians came down from the mountains,
eight leagues distant, and reported outrages on them by the cacique
Corobari. Thirty-five men were sent to capture him, and when brought in,
Salaya sentenced him to be burned; after which the licentiate proceeded
to Panamá. Several spies caught near Antigua about the same time
confessed under torture to an insurrection contemplated by the cacique
Guaturo, who had joined Bea. It was his plan to fire the town and slay
the inhabitants. Oviedo in person, with forty men, proceeded against
the new rebel, who, with several of the conspirators, was captured and
hanged. This was the last of the wars of Antigua.
[Sidenote: OVIEDO RETIRES.]
At length it pleased Pedrarias to depose Oviedo, and appoint in his
place the bachiller Corral, who had shortly before incurred the anger
of the chronicler, and had by him been sent in chains to Spain, on
the charge of having there a wife while living himself in the Indies.
The ubiquitous bachiller re-appeared at Antigua, however, almost in a
twinkling. Of course, the chronicler was very indignant. The revocation
was read in council; whereupon Oviedo laid his staff of office on the
chair which he had occupied as president, and took his seat among the
members, saying, "This is my place, given me by the emperor; here will
I henceforth serve their Majesties, as in duty bound, and here only."
Accompanying the revocation was a decree from Pedrarias, authorizing
the city of Antigua to elect a representative to a general assembly, to
be convened at Panamá for the purpose of providing measures important
to the province, and to elect _procuradores de córtes_, or members of
Congress to send to Spain. Pedrarias preferred Espinosa to represent
Antigua, for obvious reasons; but instead of sending a delegate to the
junta at Panamá, the people of Antigua chose their own representative in
the person of Oviedo. While waiting for a vessel Oviedo occupied himself
by presenting charges against Pedrarias before the new alcalde mayor,
Alarconcillo, who had ordered a second residencia of the governor, and
also one of Espinosa. For this pastime he not only narrowly escaped
paying with his life, at the hand of an assassin, but Pedrarias ordered
his late lieutenant's own residencia to be taken, and even placed him in
irons until bonds should be given. The trial was passed without further
damage than a fine of twenty castellanos for sending Corral to Spain.
Another attempt being made at murder, Oviedo on the 3d of July, 1523,
stole away, embarking ostensibly for Nombre de Dios, but bearing off,
he directed his course toward Cuba and Jamaica, and thence sailed to
Spain. Verily, these were the days of dissimulation.