CHAPTER II.

COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERY.

1492-1500.

EARLY EXPERIENCES—THE COMPACT—EMBARKATION AT PALOS—THE

VOYAGE—DISCOVERY OF LAND—UNFAVORABLE COMPARISON WITH

THE PARADISE OF MARCO POLO—CRUISE AMONG THE ISLANDS—ONE

NATURE EVERYWHERE—DESERTION OF PINZON—WRECK OF THE

SANTA MARÍA—THE FORTRESS OF LA NAVIDAD ERECTED—RETURN

TO SPAIN—RIGHTS OF CIVILIZATION—THE PAPAL BULL

OF PARTITION—FONSECA APPOINTED SUPERINTENDENT OF

THE INDIES—SECOND VOYAGE—NAVIDAD IN RUINS—ISABELA

ESTABLISHED—DISCONTENT OF THE COLONISTS—EXPLORATIONS OF THE

INTERIOR—COASTING CUBA, AND DISCOVERY OF JAMAICA—FAILURE

OF COLUMBUS AS GOVERNOR—INTERCOURSE WITH SPAIN—DESTRUCTION

OF THE INDIANS—GOVERNMENT OF THE INDIES—DIEGO AND

BARTOLOMÉ COLON—CHARGES AGAINST THE ADMIRAL—COMMISSION

OF INQUIRY APPOINTED—SECOND RETURN TO SPAIN—THIRD

VOYAGE—TRINIDAD DISCOVERED—SANTO DOMINGO FOUNDED—THE

ROLDAN REBELLION—FRANCISCO DE BOBADILLA APPOINTED TO

SUPERSEDE COLUMBUS—ARBITRARY AND INIQUITOUS CONDUCT OF

BOBADILLA—COLUMBUS SENT IN CHAINS TO SPAIN.

In the developments of progress the agent, however subordinate to

the event, cannot fail to command our intelligent curiosity. The fact

is less one with us than the factor. The instrument is nearer us in

pulsating humanity than the event, which is the result of inexorable

causations wholly beyond our knowledge. That America could not have

remained much longer hidden from the civilized world does not lessen the

vivid interest which attaches to the man Columbus, as he plods along the

dusty highway toward Huelva, leading by the hand his boy, and bearing

upon his shoulders the more immediate destinies of nations.

Nor are we indifferent to the agencies that evolved the agent. Every

signal success springs from a fortuitous conjunction of talent

and opportunity; from a coalition of taste or training with the

approaching fancy or dominant idea of the times. While assisting his

father wool-combing, the youthful Genoese was toughening his sinews

and acquiring habits of industry; while studying geometry and Latin

at Pavia, while serving as sailor in the Mediterranean, or afterward

cruising the high seas, he was knitting more firmly the tissues of his

mind, and strengthening his courage for the life-conflict which was to

follow. Without such discipline, in vain from the north and south and

west might Progress come whispering him secrets; for inspiration without

action is but impalpable breath, leaving no impression, and genius

unseasoned by application decomposes to corruption all the more rank by

reason of its richness.

His marriage with the daughter of Bartolommeo Perestrello, a

distinguished navigator under Prince Henry; his map-making as means

of support; his residence on the isle of Porto Santo, and his interest

while there in maritime discovery; his conversations and correspondence

with navigators and cosmographers in various quarters; his zealous

study of the writings of Marco Polo, Benjamin of Tudela, and Carpini,

and his eager absorption of the fantastic tale of Antonio Leone, of

Madeira; his ponderings on ocean mysteries, and his struggles with

poverty; his audience of John of Portugal, and the treachery of that

monarch in attempting to anticipate his plans by secretly sending out a

vessel, and the deserved defeat which followed; his sending his brother

Bartolomé with proposals to England; his stealing from Lisbon with his

son Diego, lest he should be arrested for debt; his supposed application

to Genoa; his interviews with the dukes of Medina Sidonia and Medina

Celi, and the letter of the latter to Queen Isabella of Castile; his

visit to the court at Córdova, and the dark days attending it; the

conference of learned men at Salamanca, and their unfavorable verdict;

the weary waitings on the preoccupied sovereigns at Málaga and Seville;

the succor given at La Rábida, and the worthy prior's intercession with

the queen; the humble dignity of the mariner at Granada amidst scenes

of oriental splendor and general rejoicings, which only intensified his

discontent; the lofty constancy in his demands when once a royal hearing

was obtained; the fresh disappointment after such long delay, and the

proud bitterness of spirit with which he turned his back on Spain to

seek in France a patron for his schemes; the final appeal of Santángel,

who afterward assisted in obtaining the money, and the conversion of

Isabella, who now offered, if necessary, to pledge her jewels to meet

the charges of the voyage; the despatching of a royal courier after the

determined fugitive, who returned in joy to receive the tardy aid—these

incidents in the career of Columbus are a household story.

And therein, thus far, we see displayed great persistency of purpose by

one possessed of a conception so stupendous as to overwhelm well-nigh

the strongest; by one not over-careful in money-matters, or morality;

proud and sensitive whenever the pet project is touched, but affable

enough otherwise, and not above begging upon necessity. It was a long

time to wait, eighteen years, when every day was one of alternate hope

and despair; and they were not altogether worthless, those noiseless

voices from another world, which kept alive in him the inspiration that

oft-times now appeared as the broken tracery of a half-remembered dream.

[Sidenote: TERMS OF AGREEMENT.]

An agreement was made by the sovereigns and the mariner, that to

Columbus, his heirs and successors forever, should be secured the office

of admiral, and the titles of viceroy and governor-general of all the

lands and seas he should discover, with power to nominate candidates

from whom the sovereigns might choose rulers for the realms discovered;

that one tenth of the net returns of gold, pearls, or other commodities

brought therefrom should be his; that in disputes arising from the new

traffic he, or his lieutenant, should be sole arbitrator within his

domain, the high admiral of Castile being judge within his district;

and that by contributing one eighth of the cost of any enterprise to the

regions found by him he should receive one eighth the profits. To these

dignities and prerogatives was added the right of the discoverer, and

of his heirs, to prefix to their names the title 'Don,' which should

elevate them into respectability beside the grandees of Spain. This

agreement was signed by Ferdinand as well as by Isabella, although the

crown of Castile alone assumed the risk, and alone was to receive the

benefit.

* * * * *

It was not a common spectacle in those days along the southern

seaboard of Spain, that of science urging religion into its service.

Nevertheless, by royal order, reiterated by Peñalosa in person with

pronounced effect, the devil-fearers of Palos were forced to provide

ships and seamen for what they regarded as anything but an orthodox

adventure. This they did with the greatest reluctance.

Even under pressure of that civil and ecclesiastical system so

completely interwoven in Spain that to disobey one was rebellion against

both, even in the face of king and priest, these mechanical sea-farers,

who halted not before tangible danger in any form, shrank from the

awful uncertainty of a plunge into the mysteries of the dim, lowering,

unintelligible west. Then came bravely forward the brothers Pinzon, and

not only assisted in providing two ships, so that Queen Isabella, after

all, might wear her jewels while her deputy was scouring the high seas

for new dominions, but furnished Columbus with money to equip another

vessel and to pay his eighth of the charge which should secure him

one eighth of the profits—a service never sufficiently remembered or

rewarded by either Columbus, his masters, or successors.

[Sidenote: FIRST VOYAGE.]

The expedition comprised one hundred and twenty men, in three small

vessels, the _Santa María_, decked, and carrying the flag of the

admiral, and the _Pinta_ and _Niña_, open caravels, commanded by Martin

Alonso Pinzon and Vicente Yañez Pinzon respectively. Among others were

the inspector-general of the armament, Rodrigo Sanchez; the chief

alguacil, Diego de Arana; the royal notary, Rodrigo de Escobar; and

four pilots, Francisco Martin Pinzon, Sancho Ruiz, Pedro Alonso Niño,

and Bartolomé Roldan. The commander-in-chief with his tall, enduring

form bowed by an idea; his long, thin face, with its large, round eyes,

high forehead, straight, pointed nose; features, in which tenacity

and gloom struggled for the predominance, surrounded by thin locks and

gray beard—was scarcely a personage either to inspire confidence or win

affection. The squadron sailed from the port of Palos August 3, 1492.

But for the fact that it was the first, the voyage was quite

commonplace; the most serious occurrences being the breaking of a

rudder, which obliged the expedition to put in at the Canaries for

repairs, and the variation of the needle, which caused a little fright

among the pilots. The sea was tranquil, toward the last extremely so,

and the wind generally favorable; yet no small trepidation attended this

gradual loosening of hold upon the substantial world, and the drifting

daily farther and farther into the fathomless unknown. Hence it was with

the wildest joy that early in the morning of the 12th of October the cry

of Land! was heard, and that soon afterward the venturesome navigators

felt beneath their feet the indubitable isle to which they gave the name

San Salvador, taking possession for Castile.

Now the sovereigns had promised that he who first saw land should

be recompensed by a pension of ten thousand maravedís, equivalent to

thirty-six dollars. It was at two o'clock in the morning that Rodrigo de

Triana, a mariner on board the _Pinta_, gave the signal, the first that

proved true after several had been mistakenly made; whereupon he claimed

the reward. But previously, during the night, Columbus had fancied he

descried a fitful light that should be on some shore. On the strength

of this surmise he secured to himself the insignificant sum, which,

to say nothing of its justness, was not a very magnanimous proceeding

in so great a discoverer. We are told of Triana, that, burning under

a sense of wrong, after returning to Spain, he passed into Africa and

turned Mahometan. However this may have been, dawn had shown them the

island, which seemed itself but dawn, to be dispelled by the full sun's

rays when the night's dream had passed. Over the trackless waste of

sea, suspended between earth and sky, the good ships had felt their

way, until now, like goddesses, they sat at anchor on the other side of

Ocean.

* * * * *

Though this land was unlike the Zipangu of his dreams, Columbus was not

disposed to complain; but rather, midst tears and praises, to kiss the

earth, be it of whatsoever quality, and smile benignantly upon the naked

natives that crept timidly forward, wondering whether the ships were

monsters of the deep, or bright beings dropped from heaven.

Of a truth, it was a wonderful place, this India of Marco Polo that

the Genoese now sought. Intersected by rivers and canals, spanned by

bridges under which the largest ships might sail, were fertile provinces

fragrant with fruit and spices. Mangi alone boasted twelve thousand

cities with gorgeous palaces, whose pillars and roofs were emblazoned

in gold, and so situated as to be compassed within a few days' travel.

The cities and fortresses of Cathay were counted by tens of thousands,

and their busy population by millions. On every side were gardens and

luxurious groves; pleasure-boats and banqueting-barges floated on the

lakes, and myriads of white sails swept over the bays. The mountains

were veined with silver, the river-beds paved with gold, and pearls

were as common as pebbles. Sheep were as large as oxen, and oxen were

as large as elephants. Birds of brilliant plumage filled the enchanting

air, and strange beasts of beauty and utility roamed the forests. The

inhabitants were arrayed in silks and furs, and fed on luscious viands;

there were living springs that cured all diseases. The army of the great

Khan, the happy ruler of all these glories, was in number as the grains

of the sand which the sea surrounds; and as for vessels of war, and

horses, and elephants, there were a thousand times ten thousand. What a

contrast to such a creation was this low-lying strip of jungle-covered

sand, peopled by copper-hued creatures dwelling in huts, and sustaining

life by the natural products of the unkempt earth! This, however, was

but an outlying island of Cathay; the main-land of Asia could not be far

distant; in any event, here was India, and these people were Indians.

[Sidenote: THE TWO INDIAS COMPARED.]

There was little enough, now appearing, in the India thus far found

to enrich Spain. In their noses the natives displayed gold, always a

royal monopoly when discovered; and they brought cotton for barter,

on which the admiral immediately laid the same restriction. Being

informed, by signs, that the metal came from the south, after examining

the shore thereabout in boats, the Spaniards set sail on the 14th, took

possession of Santa María de la Concepcion on the 15th, of Fernandina,

now Exuma, the day following, and afterward of Isabela, now Isla Larga,

or Long Island; also of a group to which they gave the name Islas de

Arena. Soils and other substances, atmospheres and sunshines, were all

familiar; plants and animals, though differing in degree and kind, were

similar to those they had always been accustomed to see. One creation

was everywhere apparent; one nature; one rule. It was wonderful,

stupendous! And if these human kind have souls, what a mighty work is

here to fit them for eternity!

Crossing the Bahama Bank, they came on the 28th to Cuba, which Columbus

called Juana, and which, with its dense uprolling green spangled with

parrots, gay woodpeckers, and humming-birds, scarlet flamingoes and

glittering insects; its trees of royal palm, cocoanut, cedar, mahogany,

and shrubs of spicy fragrance; its unknown fruits and foods; its

transparent waters whose finny denizens flashed back the sunlight from

their variegated scales, all under the brightest of skies, all breathed

upon by softest airs, and lapped in serenest seas, was more like his

own Zipangu, if, indeed, it was not Mangi itself.

Coasting eastward, the _Pinta_ sailed away and left the other vessels,

and it was with deep chagrin that Columbus saw no attention paid

his signals to return. Pinzon had heard of gold-fields in advance of

him, and he was going to reap them. The wreck of the _Santa María_

a month afterward, leaving the admiral only the little _Niña_, made

his situation all the more critical, and made him feel more keenly

than ever the desertion. Nor was this the first indication of mutiny

and disruption among his people during the voyage. If the truth

must be told, the character of the man, though inured to the cruel

hardihood of the age, seems here to be undergoing change; else it was

not originally as either he or his friends have estimated. The new

and varied experiences amidst the new and varied phenomena attending

the idea and its consummation make it a matter of no wonder that his

head began to be a little turned. He had pondered painfully on what

Aristotle taught regarding the sphericity of the earth, on what Seneca

said about sailing to the Indies westwardly, and on the terrestrial

paradise placed by Dante at the antipodes of the holy city; and now he

was here among those happy regions of which so long ago philosophers

had spoken and poets sung. Under the inspiration of rare intelligence,

and by wonderful courage and force of will, this Genoese sailor had

brought to his own terms the world's proudest sovereigns. Success,

in his mind the most perfect, the most complete, was by this time

proved beyond peradventure. At the outset he had suspected himself the

special agent of the supernatural; now he was sure of it. It was meet,

therefore, that all men should fear and obey him. Impelled to activity,

he was impelled, if necessary, to severity. During the passage he had

deemed it expedient several times to mislead the sailors, who were

consequently backward about reposing in him the respect and confidence

due a commander. Suspicious of the Spanish sovereigns from the first,

his fears constantly increased as the magnitude of his discovery slowly

unfolded before him, that he should eventually be robbed of it. He was

jealous lest any of those who had shared with him the perils of the

adventure should secure to themselves some part of the honor or profit

attending it. He had quarrelled with the Pinzons, who, having staked

their money and lives on what was generally regarded a mad risk, thought

some consideration from the commander their due. The admiral's temper

was tamed somewhat by the very boldness of Pinzon's act; for when the

_Pinta_ returned from her cruisings, little was then said about it; but

if ever the opportunity should come, her commander must pay dearly for

his disobedience.

[Sidenote: SAILING AMONG THE ISLANDS.]

Cuba failed to display any opulent oriental city, but furnished tobacco

and maize, gifts from savagism to civilization as comforting, perhaps,

as any received in return. The mariners next discovered and coasted

Hayti, or Española, thus occupying the greater part of December. On the

northern side of the island, out of the wrecked _Santa María_ and her

belongings, Columbus built and equipped a fortress, which he called La

Navidad; and leaving there thirty-nine men under command of Diego de

Arana, with Pedro Gutierrez and Rodrigo de Escobedo, lieutenants, on

the 4th of January, 1493, he embarked for Spain. Those left behind were

expected by the ardent-minded admiral, during his absence, to obtain,

in trade, a ton of gold, beside discovering mines and spices.

Violent storms attended the homeward voyage; but on the 15th of March

the expedition reached Palos in safety, after touching at the Azores

and the coast of Portugal. Then followed rejoicings. Over Spain, over

Europe, the tidings flew: A New World to the westward! Bells rang and

choirs pealed hosannas. A New World for Spain; now were their Catholic

Majesties well paid for their losses and trials in connection with

Mahometans and Jews!

With six natives, and divers birds and plants and other specimens from

the Islands, Columbus set out for Barcelona, then the residence of the

Spanish sovereigns. Throughout the journey, the highway and houses were

thronged with spectators eager for a glimpse of the strange spectacle.

Arrived at court, the great mariner was most graciously received,

being permitted even to be seated in the presence of royalty. He

told his tale. It is said that all present wept. Columbus was as much

excited as any. In a delirium of joy he vowed within seven years to

appoint an army of four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot for the

rescue of Jerusalem, and to pay the cost out of his own pocket; but,

unfortunately, he never found himself in funds sufficient to fulfil

his pious promise. The original compact between the sovereigns and the

discoverer was confirmed, and to the latter was granted a family coat

of arms. While Columbus was fêted by the nobles, and all the world

resounded with his praises, Martin Alonso Pinzon lay a-dying; the reward

for his invaluable services, exceeding a hundred-fold all that Isabella

and Ferdinand together had done, being loss of property, loss of health,

the insults of the admiral, the scorn of the queen, all now happily

crowned by speedy death.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: A HAPPY PEOPLE.]

Never had nature made, within historic times, a paradise more perfect

than this Cuba and this Hayti that the Genoese had found. Never was a

sylvan race more gentle, more hospitable than that which peopled this

primeval garden. Naked, because they needed not clothing; dwelling

under palm-leaves, such being sufficient protection; their sustenance

the spontaneous gifts of the ever generous land and sea; undisturbed

by artificial curbings and corrections, and tormented by no ambitions,

their life was a summer day, as blissful as mortals can know. It was as

Eden; without work they might enjoy all that earth could give. Disease

and pain they scarcely knew; only death was terrible. In their social

intercourse they were sympathizing, loving, and decorous, practising

the sublimest religious precepts without knowing it, and obeying Christ

more perfectly than many who profess to serve him. With strangers

the men were frank, cordial, honest; the women artless and compliant.

Knowing no guile, they suspected none. Possessing all things, they gave

freely of that which cost them nothing. Having no laws, they broke none;

circumscribed by no conventional moralities, they were not immoral.

If charity be the highest virtue, and purity and peace the greatest

good, then were these savages far better and happier beings than any

civilization could boast. That they possessed any rights, any natural or

inherent privileges in regard to their lands or their lives; that these

innocent and inoffensive people were not fit subjects for coercion,

treachery, robbery, enslavement, and slaughter, was a matter which

seems never to have been questioned at that time by either discoverer,

adventurer, or ruler. However invalid in any of the Spanish courts might

have been the argument of a house-breaker, that in the room he entered

he discovered a purse of gold, and took it, Spaniards never thought of

applying such logic to themselves in regard to the possessions of the

natives in the new lands their Genoese had found.

What Spain required now was a title such as the neighboring nations of

Europe should recognize as valid. So far as the doctrine was concerned,

of appropriating to themselves the possessions of others, they were

all equally sound in it. Europe with her steel and saltpetre and

magnetic needle was stronger than naked barbarians, whose possessions

were thereupon seized as fast as found. The right to such robbery has

been held sacred since the earliest records of the human race; and it

was by this time legalized by the civilized nations. Savagism had no

rights which civilization was bound to respect. The world belonged not

to Christian or Mahometan, but to whatever idea, principle, or power

could take it. In none of their pretended principles, in none of their

codes of honor or ethics, was there any other ultimate appeal than brute

force; their deity they made to fit the occasion, whatever that might

be. This they did not know, however. They thought themselves patterns

of justice and fair morality; and all that troubled them was in what

attitude they would stand toward each other with regard to their several

discoveries and conquests. But while such was the recognized condition

of affairs at the beginning of the sixteenth century among the reckless

adventurers of Spain, such were not the teachings of the Church, nor

the views of the intelligent and right thinking men of the time. True,

the army of fortune-seekers who first rushed to the new world in search

of gold came for lust and plunder, but with them, and inspired with

very different motives, came the missionaries of the cross, pointing

the savages to civilization and a purer religion than their own. But

civilization and religion, it must be confessed, had little to recommend

them in the examples of unprincipled men who were ever present to give

the lie to the teachings of the priests.

[Sidenote: THE WORLD PARTITIONED BY THE POPE.]

Thus it was that the Spanish sovereigns, being Christian, applied

for a confirmation of title to Alexander VI., then sovereign pontiff

of Christendom, at the same time insinuating, in a somewhat worldly

fashion, that learned men regarded the rights of their Catholic

Majesties secure enough even without such confirmation. No valid

objections before the holy tribunal could be raised against Christian

princes powerful enough to sustain their pretensions to ownership while

propagating the true faith in heathen lands; but Pope Eugene IV. and

his successors had already granted Portugal all lands discovered by

Portuguese from Cape Bojador to the Indies. In order, therefore, to

avoid conflict, the bull issued the 2d of May, 1493, ceding Spain the

same rights respecting discoveries already granted Portugal, was on the

day following defined to this effect:—An imaginary line of demarcation

should be drawn from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the

Azores and Cape Verde Islands; all lands discovered east of that line

should be Portugal's, while west of that line all should belong to

Spain. Thus by a very mortal breath and the flourish of a pen, the

unknown world, with all its multitudes of interests and inhabitants,

was divided between these two sovereignties, occupying the peninsula of

south-western Europe; though in their wisdom they forgot that if the

world was round, Portugal in going east and Spain in going west must

somewhere meet, and might yet quarrel on the other side. Subsequently,

that is to say on the 7th of June, 1494, by treaty between Spain and

Portugal the papal line of partition was removed, making it three

hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, Portugal

having complained of want of sea-room for southern enterprise. This

removal ultimately gave the Portuguese Brazil. And ecclesiastics claim

that care was ever exercised by the Spanish crown to comply with the

obligations thus laid upon it by this holy sanction.

Appointed to take charge of the affairs of the New World was Juan

Rodriguez de Fonseca, arch-deacon of Seville, and afterward patriarch

of the Indies. Although high in ecclesiastical preferment, he was a

bustling man of business, and ably filled the office during a period

of some thirty years. Of unflinching devotion to his sovereign, sedate,

stern in the accomplishment of his duty, and obliged as he was, in the

interests of the crown, to exercise occasional restraint on the rashness

or presumption of the conquerors, he incurred their enmity and was

reviled by their biographers. That he was retained so long in office by

such able monarchs as Ferdinand and Charles goes far to prove invalid

the charges of misrule and villainy so liberally made against him.

Associated with Fonseca was Francisco Pinelo, as treasurer, and Juan de

Soria as _contador_, or auditor. Their chief office was at Seville, with

a custom-house at Cádiz belonging to the same department. This was the

germ of the famous _Casa de Contratacion de las Indias_, or India House

of Trade, so long dominant in the government of the New World.

[Sidenote: THE SECOND VOYAGE.]

Thus all went swimmingly. Columbus found no difficulty in fitting out

a fleet for a second venture, a royal order being issued that all

captains, with their ships and crews, in all the Andalusian ports,

should hold themselves in readiness for that purpose. Seventeen vessels

sailed from Cádiz the 25th of September, 1493, having on board twelve

hundred persons,—miners, mechanics, agriculturists, and gentlemen,—with

horses, cattle, sheep, goats, hogs, and fowls; the seeds of vegetables,

of orchard fruits, of oranges, lemons, and grain for planting;

together with provisions, medicines, implements, goods for trade, arms,

ammunition, and all the requirements for founding a colony. Among the

passengers were Diego Colon, the admiral's brother, Bernal Diaz de Pisa,

contador, Fermin Cedo, assayer, and Alonso de Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa,

subsequently famous in New World discoveries; also twelve priests,

chief among whom was Bernardo Buil, a Benedictine monk, sent by the

pope as his apostolic vicar, with all the ornaments and vestments for

full service, which always had a wonderful effect upon the natives. The

work of conversion had already been begun by baptizing in solemn state

the six savages brought over by Columbus, Ferdinand and Isabella with

Prince Juan standing sponsors. The 3d of November the expedition reached

Dominica, so named from the day of arrival, Sunday. Next was discovered

an island to which Columbus gave the name of his ship, _Marigalante_;

then Guadalupe, where were tamed geese, and pine-apples, also human

bones, significant of the presence of the horror-breeding Caribs,

or cannibals. Thus cruising among these Caribbee Islands, and naming

them one after another, Columbus continued his way and finally came to

Navidad, only to find the fortress in ruins, its former occupants having

fallen victims to their own follies.

Choosing a site a little to the east of Navidad, still on the north

side of Hayti, the Spaniards landed their effects, and laid out a city,

which they called Isabela, surrounding it with ramparts. As soon as the

vessels could be laden with gold, they were to be sent back to Spain;

but the death of the Spaniards left at Navidad had somewhat marred

original plans.

While Columbus lay ill, directing affairs as best he might, early in

January, 1494, two parties under Ojeda and Gorvalan reconnoitred the

island, each in a different direction, and returning, reported gold.

As it was inconvenient to their anchorage, and as many of the colonists

were prostrate with disease, it was deemed best to let the ships go back

empty rather than detain them longer; hence, on the 2d of February,

twelve of the largest craft put to sea under command of Antonio de

Torres, having on board further specimens of the people and products

of the country. By this departure was sent a request for immediate

supplies.

Murmurs now arose against Columbus, the sick and disappointed ones

complaining most loudly that he had deceived them, had lured them

thither with false hopes to die. And they begged Diaz de Pisa, already

at the head of a faction, and Cedo, who said there was not gold in those

isles in paying quantities, to seize the remaining ships and sail with

them for Spain. But the admiral hearing of it, arrested Diaz, and held

him in irons on board one of the vessels to await trial in Spain.

Recovered from illness, Columbus left his brother Diego in command at

Isabela, and set out, at the head of four hundred men, for the golden

mountains of Cibao, in the interior of the island, intending there to

build a fortress, and to work the mines on an extensive scale. Arrived

at a favorable locality, where gold seemed plentiful in the brooks, the

Spaniards threw up a strong wooden fort, which they called Santo Tomás,

a piece of pleasantry aimed at the doubting assayer, Cedo. Leaving

in command Pedro Margarite, Columbus returned to Isabela. Afterward a

smaller post was built, called Magdalena, and the command was given to

Luis de Arriaga.

The natives could not welcome so large an invasion, which they now

clearly saw would bring upon them serious results. Thereupon they

withdrew from the vicinity of Santo Tomás, refusing all intercourse with

its inmates; and as a Spanish hidalgo could by no means work, even at

gold-gathering, success in that direction was not marked. Provisions

and medicine then began to fail, and fresh discontent arose, even Father

Buil arraying himself in opposition to the admiral.

As much to keep his people occupied as through any expectation of

profit, Columbus sent another expedition into the interior of Hayti, and

himself crossed to the south side of Cuba in three caravels, intending

thence to reach Cathay. Soon he discovered to the southward a lofty

isle, which he called at first Santa Gloria, then Santiago, but which

finally retained its native name, Jamaica, that is to say, Island of

Springs. After reaching nearly the western end of Cuba, thinking it

still the continent of Asia, and that possibly he might by that way

reach Spain, in which event he could then see what was beyond, he

coasted the south sides of Jamaica and Hayti, and returned to Isabela,

where he arrived insensible from excitement and fatigue. When he awoke

to bodily suffering, which for a time had been drowned in delirious

energy, there, to his great joy, he found his brother Bartolomé, who

had come from Spain with three well-laden ships to his assistance.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: COLONIZATION A FAILURE.]

Great events generally choose great men for their accomplishment, though

not unfrequently we see no small dust raised by an insignificant agent.

As a mariner and discoverer, Columbus had no superior; as colonist and

governor, he had by this time proved himself a failure. There are some

things great men cannot do as well as their inferiors. It was one thing

to rule at sea, and quite another to rule on shore. In bringing to his

India these unruly Spaniards, he had sown for himself the whirlwind.

Had he been more judicious in the selection of his followers, his

later days would have been more successful as well as more peaceful.

Discovery was his infatuation; he was never for a moment unattended by

a consuming curiosity to find a western way to civilized India. Had he

been possessed of sound practical judgment in the matter, of the same

knowledge of himself and of political affairs that he had of navigation,

he would have seen that he could not, at the same time, gratify his

passion for discovery and successfully govern colonies. In his fatal

desire to assume rulership, and upon the ill-understood reports of

simple savages, with no knowledge of the resources or capabilities of

the country, without definite purpose or mature plans, he had brought

upon himself an avalanche of woes. Beside his incapacity for such a

task, his position was rendered all the more trying by the fact that he

was a foreigner, whose arbitrary acts galled his impatient subordinates,

and finally wrought them to the pitch of open rebellion. The Spaniards

were quick enough to perceive that this Genoese sailor was in no wise

fitted to lay the foundation of a prosperous Spanish colony; and when

during his absence he left in command his brother, to whom attached no

prestige of high achievement to make up for his misfortune in not being

born in Spain, complications grew daily worse. Even the ecclesiastics

were against the admiral; for with a foresight born of a deep study of

human nature they saw that between the fires of the real and the unreal

this man was becoming mad. They saw the religious hypochondria, which

had already inflamed his intellect, now aggravated by the anxieties

incident to the government of a turbulent element under circumstances

unprecedented, undermining his health, and bringing rapidly upon him

those mental and physical distempers which rendered the remainder of

his life prolonged misery. Thus we may plainly see how Columbus brought

upon himself the series of calamities which are commonly found charged

to unscrupulous sovereigns and villainous rivals.

And thickly enough misfortunes were laid upon him on his return to

Isabela. Margarite, who had been ordered to explore the island, leaving

Ojeda in command at Santo Tomás, had abandoned himself to licentious

idleness, followed by outrages upon the natives, which notwithstanding

their pacific disposition had driven them to retaliation.

[Sidenote: TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES.]

And here was the beginning of these four centuries of such rank

injustice, such horrible atrocities inflicted by the hand of the

stronger upon the weaker, of the civilized upon the savage, that should

make a man blush to own kinship to a race so defiled before its maker

in whose image it was created.

It is the self-same story, old and new, from Española to Darien and

Mexico, from Brazil to Labrador, and from Patagonia to Alaska, by sailor

and cavalier, Spaniard and Englishman, by gold-hunter and fur-hunter—the

unenlightened red man welcoming with wonder his destroyer, upon whom

he is soon forced to turn to save himself, his wife, his children, but

only at last to fall by the merciless arm of development beneath the

pitiable destiny of man primeval.

Throwing off all pretence of allegiance to Columbus, when satiated

with his excesses, Margarite, with a mutinous crew at his heels and

accompanied by Father Buil, had taken such ships as best suited them

and had departed for Spain. Two _caciques_, or native chieftains,

Guatiguana, and Caonabo the Carib, with their followers had arisen in

arms, had killed some of the Spaniards, had besieged Magdalena and Santo

Tomás, and had even cast an ominous eye on Isabela. Such were the chief

occurrences at the settlement during the absence of the admiral.

First of all, Columbus made his brother Bartolomé _adelantado_, that is

to say, leader of an enterprise, or governor of a frontier province.

Then he sent relief to the fortress of Magdalena, and established

another military post near where was subsequently Santiago, which he

called Concepcion. Later the chain was continued by building other

posts; one near the Rio Yaquí, called Santa Catalina, and one on the

river Yaquí, called Esperanza. Meanwhile Ojeda offered to take the

redoubtable Carib, Caonabo, by stratagem; which was accomplished,

while he was surrounded by a multitude of warriors, by first winning

the admiration and confidence of the cacique, and then on the plea of

personal ornamentation and display obtaining his consent to wear some

beautiful bright manacles, and sit bound behind Ojeda on his steed; in

which plight he was safely brought by the dashing cavalier at the head

of his horsemen into Isabela.

About this time Antonio de Torres arrived with four ships from Spain,

and was sent back with the gold which had been collected, and five

hundred Indians to be sold as slaves. By this departure went Diego Colon

to refute the charges of incompetency and maladministration now being

preferred against his brother at court.

Though suffering from a fresh attack of fever, on the 27th of March,

1495, accompanied by the adelantado and all his available forces,

Columbus set out from Isabela to subjugate the caciques of the island,

who had combined to extirpate the Spaniards. Charging the naked red

men amidst the noise of drum, trumpet, and halloo, with horse and

bloodhound, lance, sabre, and firelock, a peace was soon conquered.

Multitudes of the inhabitants were butchered, and upon the rest

was imposed such cruel tribute that they gradually sank beneath the

servitude. But when the white men thus had the domain to themselves,

they did not know what to do with it. It was not for them to till the

soil, or labor in the mines; hence famine threatened, and they were

finally reduced to the last extremity.

There is little wonder, under the circumstances, that orders were issued

in Spain to depose Columbus, first by the appointment of a commission

of inquiry, and finally by removal.

[Sidenote: GOVERNMENT OF THE INDIES.]

Thus far the government of the Indies, as the New World began to be

called, had been administered solely by the admiral, according to

agreement, with Fonseca as superintendent in Spain. None but they were

permitted to freight or despatch any vessel to the New World. Columbus

was authorized to appoint two subordinate officers subject to royal

sanction; and yet the sovereigns took offense when he named Bartolomé

adelantado, which office was not that of lieutenant-governor, as many

writers aver, but nearer that of territorial governor, with political

as well as military powers, usually appointed by and subject only to

the king. Assuming a certain degree of state, the admiral appeared at

Isabela richly dressed, with ten _escuderos de á pié_, or squires of

foot, and twenty _familiares_, composing his civil and military family.

He had been directed before leaving Spain to appoint in each of the

several settlements or colonies which should be planted an _alcalde_,

or justice, exercising the combined duties of mayor and judge, with

jurisdiction in civil and criminal cases, appeal being to the admiral;

also an _alguacil mayor_, or high sheriff; and, if necessary, an

_ayuntamiento_, or town council. All edicts, orders, and commissions

must be issued in the name of the sovereigns, countersigned by the

notary, with the royal seal affixed. The admiral had been further

directed to build a warehouse where the royal stores should be kept,

and all traffic should be subject to his direction. When he sailed upon

his Cuban expedition he left for the direction of the colony a junta,

of which his brother Diego was president, and Alonso Sanchez Carvajal,

Juan de Luxan, Pedro Fernandez Coronel, and Father Buil, councillors.

Diego Colon was a well-meaning man, gentle and discreet, approaching in

visage and dress nearer the priest than the cavalier; he was neither

shrewd nor energetic. Bartolomé was quite the opposite, and in many

respects was the ablest of the brothers. Powerful in mind and body,

authoritative and determinate in demeanor, generous in disposition,

fearless in spirit, a thorough seaman, a man of no narrow worldly

experience, fairly educated, and talented with the pen, he was neither

the amiable, inefficient Diego, nor the dreamy, enthusiastic admiral.

Quick to notice in their deputy any indication of misrule, or undue

assumption of authority, their Majesties did not fail to lend an

attentive ear to the charges preferred against him. Yet the record

does not show from first to last that either Isabella or Ferdinand

ever really desired or intended to do Columbus injustice or injury.

When Torres returned from Spain, after the first accusation had

been made, the sovereigns, besides a letter expressing the warmest

confidence in the discoverer, and high consideration for the affairs

of the colony, sent a special _real provision_ ordering all to obey

the admiral as themselves, under penalty of ten thousand maravedís for

every offence. When further accusations came, instead of divesting him

of his authority, they sent as commissioner of inquiry Juan Aguado,

a warm friend of the admiral. Often they checked Fonseca's too harsh

measures with regard to Columbus and his brothers, and interposed their

royal protection from such officers as acted too severely under the

exasperating folly of the admiral. To satisfy the discoverer would have

been impossible for any patron, so wild were his desires, so chimerical

his plans, so injudicious his acts.

* * * * *

Aguado arrived at Isabela in October. He brought four caravels laden

with supplies, and Diego Colon, passenger. Soon it was noised abroad

that the conduct of the admiral was to be questioned, whereat both white

men and red rejoiced. Aguado could but see the pitiable state of things

upon the island, idleness, poverty, excesses, and disobedience among the

colonists, folly and mismanagement among the rulers, and seeing, could

but report accordingly; for which, and for no other reasons that I am

able to discover, the biographers of Columbus heap upon the commissioner

opprobrious epithets.

When Aguado returned to Spain, Columbus accompanied him to make such

excuses before the sovereigns as best he might. They embarked from

Isabela March 10, 1496, leaving the adelantado in command, and carrying

with them two hundred and twenty-five disaffected colonists, and a

number of Indian captives, among whom was the proud and once powerful

chieftain, Caonabo, so treacherously taken by Ojeda. Contrary winds and

starvation attended them, Caonabo dying during the voyage. Arrived at

Cádiz in June, the admiral found Pedro Alonso Niño about to sail with

three caravels for Hayti. Niño carried out more priests, and brought

back more slaves.

Columbus appeared in Spain in a Franciscan garb and with dejected

demeanor. To all the world, except to himself, it was by this time

evident that his gorgeous India was a myth, and settlement on the

supposition of its existence a mistake. He seemed now dazed by reverses,

as formerly he had been dazed by successes. Nevertheless, he continued

to make as much as possible of his discoveries, parading a brother of

Caonabo in a broad gold collar with a massive gold chain attached.

Still the sovereigns were gracious. They scarcely alluded to the

complaints and ever-increasing charges against the admiral, but

confirmed anew his dignities, enlarged his perquisites, and showed

him every kindness. The title of adelantado was formally vested by

them in Bartolomé. When asked for more ships and money, they readily

granted both; moreover, they offered the admiral a tract of land in

Hayti, twenty-five by fifty leagues, which, however, he declined; they

offered him sixty sailors, a hundred and forty soldiers, one hundred

miners, mechanics, and farmers, and thirty women, the services of all

to be paid by the crown. But because there was some delay, occasioned

by the operations in Italy and the armada for Flanders, the biographers

of the admiral again break out in abuse of the sovereigns and their

servants. The truth is, Ferdinand and Isabella stood by the Genoese

much longer than did their subjects. For example, when certain millions

of maravedís, equivalent to over a hundred thousand dollars to-day,

had been appropriated, and eight vessels equipped, so unpopular had

the admiral and his enterprises become, that it was found necessary to

press sailors into the service, and empty the prisons for colonists.

And it was only when their admiral, viceroy, and governor of the Indies

so far forgot himself, when on the point of sailing, as publicly, and

with his own hand and foot, to strike down and kick Jimeno de Berviesca,

an official under Fonseca, that the sovereigns began to realize the

unfitness of Columbus for the management of colonies. It was a serious

offense to attack a public servant; and when this was done under the

very eyes of royalty, and by the man they had so delighted to honor, the

truth came home to them, and they never afterward regarded the Genoese

with the same degree of favor. Yet for his great merits, his genius,

enthusiasm, and perseverance, and for the glory unparalleled conferred

by him on Spain, they would ever be to him just and generous. He could

never become again the pauper pilot, as he had been called at Granada

while begging help for his first voyage.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THIRD VOYAGE.]

Two vessels were despatched to the colony under Pedro Fernandez Coronel

early in 1498. On the 30th of May Columbus embarked from San Lúcar

with six vessels, arrived at the northern seaboard of South America,

and discovered there the isle of Trinidad the 31st of July, sailed

through the gulf of Paria, where gold and pearls were seen in profusion,

discovered the Margarita Islands, and came to Hayti, arriving off the

river Ozema, on the southern side of the island, the 30th of August.

Prior to the last departure of the admiral for Spain, gold had been

discovered in this vicinity, and during his absence a military post,

called San Cristóbal, had been planted there, and at the adjacent

harbor a fort built, which was named Santo Domingo, and which was from

this time the capital of the Indies. At intervals during the past two

years, the adelantado at the head of his marauders had scoured the

island, collecting the quarterly tribute, and making observation on such

measures as he thought might increase the same. Insurrections had been

occasionally organized by the caciques, but were usually stifled by the

prompt and politic action of the adelantado. Many of the colonists had

gradually relaxed in their loyalty to Columbus, until finally, at the

instigation of Francisco Roldan, they declared their independence of the

adelantado, though still acknowledging fealty to Spain. After creating

no small disturbance about Concepcion and Isabela, Roldan had retired

with his band to the province of Jaraguá.

[Sidenote: AFFAIRS AT SANTO DOMINGO.]

On landing at Santo Domingo, the admiral first proclaimed his approval

of the adelantado's measures, and then set about to pacify the

colonists. With the common people, many officers of trust had joined the

revolt of Roldan. Columbus offered amnesty to all, which was at first

refused, and letters from both sides were sent to Spain. But at length

there was reconciliation; Roldan became a partisan of Columbus, and

assisted in subduing other hostile factions, which resulted in flinging

Adrian de Moxica off the battlements of Fort Concepcion.

The distracted state of the colony, the continued charges against

Columbus, and the inadequate returns from large outlays, impelled

the sovereigns to send out another commission with power to punish

offenders, civil and criminal, and, if necessary, to supersede the

admiral in the government. The commissioner chosen for this purpose was

Francisco de Bobadilla, an arrogant, shallow-minded man, who delighted

rather in degrading merit than in exercising justice. He was authorized

by letters patent to acquaint himself concerning the truth of the

rebellion against the admiral; what robberies, cruelties, or other

overt acts had been committed; he was directed to seize the person and

sequestrate the property of any offender, or punish in any way he might

deem best. A provisional letter was addressed by the sovereigns to the

admiral of the ocean sea, ordering him to surrender to the commissioner

all forts, arms, ships, houses, cattle, or other public property, which

letter was to be used only if necessary. Bobadilla, accompanied by a

body-guard of twenty-five men, sailed with two caravels in July, 1500,

and arrived at Santo Domingo on the 23d of August. By this opportunity

some of the Indians sent over by Columbus as slaves were returned in

charge of six friars. It is doubtful whether the enslavement of the red

man could ever have been made profitable, but whether it could or not,

the Catholic Church is entitled to much credit for thus promptly setting

its foot upon the diabolical traffic which had already received the

approval of some of the first jurists of the day. Indeed the doctrine

that the Indians were not endowed with souls was rapidly spreading,

and had found many believers, and had not the pope fortunately at this

juncture decided against the proposition, the subject of Indian slavery

would not have been so easily or so quickly settled.

[Sidenote: UNWARRANTED CONDUCT OF BOBADILLA.]

Among the first objects to meet the eye of Bobadilla, on landing, were

the bodies of two Spaniards swinging from gibbets, which argued not very

favorably for the quietude of the island. Columbus was absent at Fort

Concepcion; the adelantado and Roldan were pursuing rebels in Jaraguá;

Diego Colon, who was in charge at Santo Domingo, was peremptorily

commanded to surrender certain prisoners, which he refused to do until

the admiral, whose commission was higher than that of Bobadilla, and

under whom he served, should order it.

Thereupon Bobadilla broke open the jail, and the prisoners were finally

set at liberty. He not only assumed the custody of the crown property,

but he entered the house of Columbus, took possession of his effects,

and made his residence there. He sided with the late insurgents, giving

ear only to them. Next he ordered to appear before him the admiral,

who came with all quietness, and was immediately ironed and cast into

prison. The brothers of Columbus met the same fate. It was a most

villainous proceeding on the part of Bobadilla, wholly unauthorized,

wholly unnecessary. Columbus was condemned before he was tried. While in

the act of coming forward of his own accord, not with hostile front, but

unattended, he was seized, manacled, and incarcerated. It was not until

afterward that he was charged with inflicting on the colonists, even on

hidalgos, oppressive labor, abuse, and cruel punishments; with failing

to provide them sufficient food; with opposing royal authority; with

secreting gold and pearls; and with unjust treatment of the natives,

making unnecessary war upon them, levying iniquitous tribute, preventing

their conversion, and sending them as slaves to Spain. Some went so far

as to hint at an intended transfer of allegiance to some other power.

But were all the calumnies true, twice told, which vile, revengeful men

had heaped upon him, he would not have merited the treatment that he now

received at the hand of their Majesties' agent. Ever loyal, high-minded,

and sincere, ever performing his duties to the best of his ability,

the worst that can be truthfully said of him is that he was unfitted

by temperament and training, unfitted by his genius, by those very

qualities which made him so superior to other men in other directions,

for organizing in a tropical wilderness that social thrift upon which

might be built a staid community out of the ignorant, presumptuous, and

desperate element fresh from conflicts with Jews and Moors.

After having been subjected to much insult and indignity, the three

brothers were placed on shipboard and sent to Spain. Andrés Martin,

master of the caravel, offered to remove the manacles, but the admiral

said no. It was by the king's agent the irons were put on; it must be

by the king's order if ever they are taken off. "And I will always keep

these chains," he added with proud bitterness, "as memorials of reward

for faithful services."

Both Ferdinand and Isabella and all the people were shocked to see the

illustrious discoverer in such a plight. Immediately the sovereigns

heard of it the chains were stricken off, and the prisoners released.

From the odious abasement into which he had been unjustly thrust by an

infamous agent, Columbus was once more lifted high into favor by the

sovereigns, whose moist eyes testified their hearts' sincerity.

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