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Transcriber's Note:
Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
In many cases, Bancroft uses both "u" and "v" to spell an
author's name. Examples include:
Villagutierre and Villagvtierre
Mondo Nuovo and Mondo Nvovo
Villagutierre and Villagvtierre
Aluarado and Alvarado
Gvat. and Guat.
Cogolludo and Cogollvdo
Vetancurt and Vetancvrt.
Other archaic letter substitutions include b for v, i for y,
x for j, i for j, ç or c for z and vice versa. These have been
left as printed.
Possible printers errors include:
Quauhtemoctzin or Quauhtemotzin
Verrazano or Verrazzano
Bartolomeo or Bartolommeo
Fricius or Frisius
Gatinara or Gattinara
Veitia and Veyia
Loaysa and Loaisa
Fitz-Roy and FitzRoy
Cohuanococh and Cohuanacoch
Ahpotzotzil or Ahpozotzil
embassadors or ambassadors
unincombered or unencumbered
Albitez or Albites
Lucayos or Lucayas
Castelhanus or Castelhanos
Quauhtemali or Quauhtimali.
The book cited as "Meer oder Seehanen Buch" should be "Meerhanen
oder Seehanen der Königen von Hispanien", a chapter about (not by)
Columbus. The same correction applies to the entry for "Löw
(Conr.)"
The book cited as "Delaporte. Reisen Eines Franzosen oder
Beschreibung." has an incomplete title. The complete title is
"Reisen Eines Franzosen Oder Beschreibung Der Vornehmsten Reiche
In Der Welt."
The book cited as "Santarem (M. le Vicomte), Memoire sur la
question ..." has an incomplete title. The complete title is
"Memoire sur la question de savoir á quelle époque que L'Amérique
Meridionale a cessé d'être représentée dans les cartes
géographiques comme une île d'une grande étendue."
The punctuation in Footnote IX-8 was left as printed.
Italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied by the
typesetter.
Accents and other diacritics are inconsistently used.
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
This volume contains references to the previous five volumes
of this work.
They can be found at:
Volume 1: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/41070/pg41070-images.html
Volume 2: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/42808/pg42808-images.html
Volume 3: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/43123/pg43123-images.html
Volume 4: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/44104/pg44104-images.html
Volume 5: https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/45268/pg45268-images.html
THE WORKS
OF
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
VOLUME VI.
HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
VOL. I. 1501-1530.
SAN FRANCISCO:
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1883.
Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
_All Rights Reserved._
PREFACE.
During the year 1875 I published under title of _The Native Races of
the Pacific States_ what purports to be an exhaustive research into
the character and customs of the aboriginal inhabitants of the western
portion of North America at the time they were first seen by their
subduers. The present work is a history of the same territory from the
coming of the Europeans.
The plan is extensive and can be here but briefly explained. The
territory covered embraces the whole of Central America and Mexico,
and all Anglo-American domains west of the Rocky Mountains. First given
is a glance at European society, particularly Spanish civilization at
about the close of the fifteenth century. This is followed by a summary
of maritime exploration from the fourth century to the year 1540, with
some notices of the earliest American books. Then, beginning with the
discoveries of Columbus, the men from Europe are closely followed as
one after another they find and take possession of the country in its
several parts, and the doings of their successors are chronicled. The
result is a HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES OF NORTH AMERICA, under the
following general divisions:—_History of Central America_; _History of
Mexico_; _History of the North Mexican States_; _History of New Mexico
and Arizona_; _History of California_; _History of Nevada_; _History of
Utah_; _History of the Northwest Coast_; _History of Oregon_; _History
of Washington, Idaho, and Montana_; _History of British Columbia_, and
_History of Alaska_.
Broadly stated, my plan as to order of publication proceeds
geographically from south to north, as indicated in the list above
given, which for the most part is likewise the chronological order of
conquest and occupation. In respect of detail, to some extent I reverse
this order, proceeding from the more general to the more minute as I
advance northward. The difference, though considerable, is however less
in reality than in appearance. And the reason I hold sufficient. To
give to each of the Spanish-American provinces, and later to each of the
federal and independent states, covering as they do with dead monotony
centuries of unchanging action and ideas, time and space equal to that
which may be well employed in narrating north-western occupation and
empire-building would be no less impracticable than profitless. It is
my aim to present complete and accurate histories of all the countries
whose events I attempt to chronicle, but the annals of the several
Central American and Mexican provinces and states, both before and after
the Revolution, run in grooves too nearly parallel long to command the
attention of the general reader.
In all the territorial subdivisions, southern as well as northern, I
treat the beginnings and earliest development more exhaustively than
later events. After the Conquest, the histories of Central America
and Mexico are presented on a scale sufficiently comprehensive, but
national rather than local. The northern Mexican states, having had a
more varied experience, arising from nearer contact with progressional
events, receive somewhat more attention in regard to detail than other
parts of the republic. To the Pacific United States is devoted more
space comparatively than to southern regions, California being regarded
as the centre and culminating point of this historical field.
* * * * *
For the _History of Central America_, to which this must serve as
special as well as general introduction, I would say that, besides the
standard chroniclers and the many documents of late printed in Spain and
elsewhere, I have been able to secure a number of valuable manuscripts
nowhere else existing; some from the Maximilian, Ramirez, and other
collections, and all of Mr E. G. Squier's manuscripts relating to the
subject fell into my hands. Much of the material used by me in writing
of this very interesting part of the world has been drawn from obscure
sources, from local and unknown Spanish works, and from the somewhat
confused archives of Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua, Salvador, and
Guatemala.
Material for the history of western North America has greatly increased
of late. Ancient manuscripts of whose existence historians have never
known, or which were supposed to be forever lost, have been brought to
light and printed by patriotic men and intelligent governments. These
fragments supply many missing links in the chain of early events, and
illuminate a multitude of otherwise obscure parts.
My efforts in gathering material have been continued, and since the
publication of _The Native Races_ fifteen thousand volumes have been
added to my collection. Among these additions are bound volumes of
original documents, copies from public and private archives, and about
eight hundred manuscript dictations by men who played their part in
creating the history. Most of those who thus gave me their testimony
in person are now dead; and the narratives of their observations
and experiences, as they stand recorded in these manuscript volumes,
constitute no unimportant element in the foundation upon which the
structure of this western history in its several parts must forever
rest.
* * * * *
To the experienced writer, who might otherwise regard the completion
of so vast an undertaking within so apparently limited a period as
indicative of work superficially done, I would say that this History was
begun in 1869, six years before the publication of _The Native Races_;
and although the earlier volumes of the several divisions I was obliged
for the most part not only to plan and write, but to extract and arrange
my own material, later I was able to utilize the labors of others. Among
these as the most faithful and efficient I take pleasure in mentioning
Mr Henry L. Oak, Mr William Nemos, Mr Thomas Savage, Mrs Frances Fuller
Victor, and Mr Ivan Petroff, of whom, and of others, I speak at length
elsewhere.
Of my methods of working I need say but little here, since I describe
them more fully in another place. Their peculiarity, if they have
any, consists in the employment of assistants, as before mentioned,
to bring together by indices, references, and other devices, all
existing testimony on each topic to be treated. I thus obtain important
information, which otherwise, with but one lifetime at my disposal,
would have been beyond control. Completeness of evidence by no means
insures a wise decision from an incompetent judge; yet the wise judge
gladly avails himself of all attainable testimony. It has been my
purpose to give in every instance due credit to sources of information,
and cite freely such conclusions of other writers as differ from my
own. I am more and more convinced of the wisdom and necessity of such
a course, by which, moreover, I aim to impart a certain bibliographic
value to my work. The detail to be encompassed appeared absolutely
unlimited, and more than once I despaired of ever completing my task.
Preparatory investigation occupied tenfold more time than the writing.
* * * * *
I deem it proper to express briefly my idea of what history should be,
and to indicate the general line of thought that has guided me in this
task. From the mere chronicle of happenings, petty and momentous, to the
historico-philosophical essay, illustrated with here and there a fact
supporting the writer's theories, the range is wide. Neither extreme
meets the requirements of history, however accurate the one or brilliant
the other. Not to a million minute photographs do we look for practical
information respecting a mountain range, nor yet to an artistic painting
of some one striking feature for a correct description. From the two
extremes, equally to be avoided, the true historian will, whatever his
inclination, be impelled by prudence, judgment, and duty from theory
toward fact, from vivid coloring toward photographic exactness. Not
that there is too much brilliancy in current history, but too little
fact. An accurate record of events must form the foundation, and
largely the superstructure. Yet events pure and simple are by no means
more important than the institutionary development which they cause or
accompany. Men, institutions, industries, must be studied equally. A
man's character and influence no less than his actions demand attention.
Cause and effect are more essential than mere occurrence; achievements
of peace should take precedence of warlike conquest; the condition of
the people is a more profitable and interesting subject of investigation
than the acts of governors, the valor of generals, or the doctrines of
priests. The historian must classify, and digest, and teach as well as
record; he should not, however, confound his conclusions with the facts
on which they rest. Symmetry of plan and execution as well as rigid
condensation, always desirable, become an absolute necessity in a work
like that which I have undertaken. In respect to time and territory
my field is immense. The matter to be presented is an intricate
complication of annals, national and sectional, local and personal.
That my plan is in every respect the best possible, I do not say; but
it is the best that my judgment suggests after long deliberation. The
extent of this work is chargeable to the magnitude of the subject and
the immense mass of information gathered rather than to any tendency
to verbosity. There is scarcely a page but has been twice or thrice
rewritten with a view to condensation; and instead of faithfully
discharging this irksome duty, it would have been far easier and cheaper
to have sent a hundred volumes through the press. The plan once formed,
I sought to make the treatment exhaustive and symmetrical. Not all
regions nor all periods are portrayed on the same scale: but though
the camera of investigation is set up before each successive topic at
varying distances, the picture, large or small, is finished with equal
care. I may add that I have attached more than ordinary importance to
the matter of mechanical arrangement, by which through title-pages,
chapter-headings, and indices the reader may expeditiously refer to
any desired topic, and find all that the work contains about any event,
period, place, institution, man, or book; and above all I have aimed at
exactness.
* * * * *
We hear much of the philosophy of history, of the science and
signification of history; but there is only one way to write anything,
which is to tell the truth, plainly and concisely. As for the writer,
I will only say that while he should lay aside for the time his own
religion and patriotism, he should be always ready to recognize the
influence and weigh the value of the religion and patriotism of others.
The exact historian will lend himself neither to idolatry nor to
detraction, and will positively decline to act either as the champion
or assailant of any party or power. Friendships and enmities, loves
and hates, he will throw into the crucible of evidence to be refined
and cast into forms of unalloyed truth. He must be just and humble. To
clear judgment he must add strict integrity and catholicity of opinion.
Ever in mind should be the occult forces that move mankind, and the
laws by which are formulated belief, conscience, and character. The
actions of men are governed by proximate states of mind, and these are
generated both from antecedent states of mind and antecedent states of
body, influenced by social and natural environment. The right of every
generation should be determined, not by the ethics of any society, sect,
or age, but by the broad, inexorable teachings of nature; nor should
he forget that standards of morality are a freak of fashion, and that
from wrongs begotten of necessity in the womb of progress has been
brought forth right, and likewise right has engendered wrongs. He should
remember that in the worst men there is much that is good, and in the
best much that is bad; that constructed upon the present skeleton of
human nature a perfect man would be a monster; nor should he forget how
much the world owes its bad men. But alas! who of us are wholly free
from the effects of early training and later social atmospheres! Who of
us has not in some degree faith, hope, and charity! Who of us does not
hug some ancestral tradition, or rock some pet theory!
* * * * *
As to the relative importance of early history, here and elsewhere,
it is premature for any now living to judge. Beside the bloody battles
of antiquity, the sieges, crusades, and wild convulsions of unfolding
civilization, this transplanting of ours may seem tame. Yet the great
gathering of the enlightened from all nations upon these shores, the
subjugation of the wilderness with its wild humanity, and the new
empire-modelling that followed, may disclose as deep a significance in
the world's future as any display of army movements, or dainty morsels
of court scandal, or the idiosyncrasies of monarchs and ministers. It
need not be recited to possessors of our latter-day liberties that
the people are the state, and rulers the servants. It is historical
barbarism, of which the Homeric poems and Carlovingian tales not
alone are guilty, to throw the masses into the background, or wholly
to ignore them. "Heureux le peuple dont l'histoire ennuie," is an oft
repeated aphorism; as if deeds diabolical were the only actions worthy
of record. But we of this new western development are not disposed to
exalt brute battling overmuch; as for rulers and generals, we discover
in them the creatures, not the creators, of civilization. We would
rather see how nations originate, organize, and unfold; we would rather
examine the structure and operations of religions, society refinements
and tyrannies, class affinities and antagonisms, wealth economies, the
evolutions of arts and industries, intellectual and moral as well as
æsthetic culture, and all domestic phenomena with their homely joys and
cares. For these last named, even down to dress, or the lack of it, are
in part the man, and the man is the nation. With past history we may
become tolerably familiar; but present developments are so strange,
their anomalies are so startling to him who attempts to reduce them
to form, that he is well content to leave for the moment the grosser
extravagances of antiquity, howsoever much superior in interest they
may be to the average mind. Yet in the old and the new we may alike from
the abstract to the concrete note the genesis of history, and from the
concrete to the abstract regard the analysis of history. The historian
should be able to analyze and to generalize; yet his path leads not
alone through the enticing fields of speculation, nor is it his only
province to pluck the fruits and flowers of philosophy, or to blow brain
bubbles and weave theorems. He must plod along the rough highways of
time and development, and out of many entanglements bring the vital
facts of history. And therein lies the richest reward. "Shakspere's
capital discovery was this," says Edward Dowden, "that the facts of
the world are worthy to command our highest ardour, our most resolute
action, our most solemn awe; and that the more we penetrate into fact,
the more will our nature be quickened, enriched, and exalted."
* * * * *
That the success of this work should be proportionate to the labor
bestowed upon it is scarcely to be expected; but I do believe that in
due time it will be generally recognized as a work worth doing, and
let me dare to hope fairly well done. If I read life's lesson aright,
truth alone is omnipotent and immortal. Therefore, of all I wrongfully
offend I crave beforehand pardon; from those I rightfully offend I ask
no mercy; their censure is dearer to me than would be their praise.
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
SPAIN AND CIVILIZATION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH
CENTURY.
PAGE.
General View—Transition from the Old to the New
Civilization—Historical Sketch of Spain—Spanish
Character—Spanish Society—Prominent Features of the
Age—Domestic Matters—The New World—Comparative Civilizations
and Savagisms—Earliest Voyages of Discovery 1
CHAPTER II.
COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES.
1492-1500.
Early Experiences—The Compact—Embarkation at Palos—The
Voyage—Discovery of Land—Unfavorable Comparison with
the Paradise of Marco Polo—Cruise among the Islands—One
Nature Everywhere—Desertion of Pinzon—Wreck of the
Santa María—The Fortress of La Navidad Erected—Return
to Spain—Rights of Civilization—The Papal Bull
of Partition—Fonseca Appointed Superintendent of
the Indies—Second Voyage—Navidad in Ruins—Isabela
Established—Discontent of the Colonists—Explorations of the
Interior—Coasting Cuba, and Discovery of Jamaica—Failure
of Columbus as Governor—Intercourse with Spain—Destruction
of the Indians—Government of the Indies—Diego and
Bartolomé Colon—Charges against the Admiral—Commission
of Inquiry Appointed—Second Return to Spain—Third
Voyage—Trinidad Discovered—Santo Domingo Founded—The
Roldan Rebellion—Francisco de Bobadilla Appointed to
Supersede Columbus—Arbitrary and Iniquitous Conduct of
Bobadilla—Columbus Sent in Chains to Spain 155
CHAPTER III.
DISCOVERY OF DARIEN.
1500-1502.
Rodrigo de Bastidas—Extension of New World Privileges—The
Royal Share—Juan de la Cosa—Ships of the Early
Discoverers—Coasting Darien—The Terrible Teredo—Wrecked
on Española—Spanish Money—Treatment of Bastidas by
Ovando—Accused, and Sent to Spain for Trial—He is Immediately
Acquitted—Future Career and Character of Bastidas—The Archives
of the Indies—The Several Collections of Public Documents
in Spain—The Labors of Muñoz and Navarrete—Bibliographical
Notices of the Printed Collections of Navarrete,
Ternaux-Compans, Salvá and Baranda, and Pacheco and Cárdenas 183
CHAPTER IV.
COLUMBUS ON THE COASTS OF HONDURAS, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1502-1506.
The Sovereigns Decline either to Restore to the Admiral his
Government, or to Capture for him the Holy Sepulchre—So he
Sails on a Fourth Voyage of Discovery—Fernando Colon and his
History—Ovando Denies the Expedition Entrance to Santo Domingo
Harbor—Columbus Sails Westward—Strikes the Shore of Honduras
near Guanaja Island—Early American Cartography—Columbus Coasts
Southward to the Darien Isthmus—Then Returns and Attempts
Settlement at Veragua—Driven thence, his Vessels are Wrecked
at Jamaica—There midst Starvation and Mutiny he Remains a
Year—Then he Reaches Española, and finally Spain, where he
shortly afterward Dies—Character of Columbus—His Biographers 202
CHAPTER V.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INDIES.
1492-1526.
Columbus the Rightful Ruler—Juan Aguado—Francisco de
Bobadilla—Nicolás de Ovando—Santo Domingo the Capital of the
Indies—Extension of Organized Government to Adjacent Islands
and Mainland—Residencias—Gold Mining at Española—Race and
Caste in Government—Indian and Negro Slavery—Cruelty to the
Natives—Spanish Sentimentalism—Pacification, not Conquest—The
Spanish Monarchs always the Indian's Friends—Bad Treatment
due to Distance and Evil-minded Agents—Infamous Doings of
Ovando—Repartimientos and Encomiendas—The Sovereigns Intend
them as Protection to the Natives—Settlers Make them the
Means of Indian Enslavement—Las Casas Appears and Protests
against Inhumanities—The Defaulting Treasurer—Diego Colon
Supersedes Ovando as Governor—And Makes Matters Worse—The
Jeronimite Fathers Sent Out—Audiencias—A Sovereign Tribunal
is Established at Santo Domingo which Gradually Assumes all
the Functions of an Audiencia, and as such Finally Governs the
Indies—Las Casas in Spain—The Consejo de Indias, and Casa de
Contratacion—Legislation for the Indies 247
CHAPTER VI.
THE GOVERNMENTS OF NUEVA ANDALUCÍA AND CASTILLA DEL ORO.
1506-1510.
Tierra Firme Thrown Open to Colonization—Rival
Applications—Alonso de Ojeda Appointed Governor of Nueva
Andalucía, and Diego de Nicuesa of Castilla del Oro—Hostile
Attitudes of the Rivals at Santo Domingo—Ojeda Embarks for
Cartagena—Builds the Fortress of San Sebastian—Failure and
Death—Nicuesa Sails from Veragua—Parts Company with his
Fleet—His Vessel is Wrecked—Passes Veragua—Confined with his
Starving Crew on an Island—Succor—Failure at Veragua—Attempts
Settlement at Nombre de Dios—Loss of Ship Sent to Española
for Relief—Horrible Sufferings—Bibliographical Notices of Las
Casas, Oviedo, Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Herrera—Character of
the Early Chroniclers for Veracity 289
CHAPTER VII.
SETTLEMENT OF SANTA MARÍA DE LA ANTIGUA DEL DARIEN.
1510-1511.
Francisco Pizarro Abandons San Sebastian—Meets Enciso at
Cartagena—He and his Crew Look like Pirates—They are Taken
back to San Sebastian—Vasco Nuñez de Balboa—Boards Enciso's
Ship in a Cask—Arrives at San Sebastian—The Spaniards Cross
to Darien—The River and the Name—Cemaco, Cacique of Darien,
Defeated—Founding of the Metropolitan City—Presto, Change!
The Hombre del Casco Up, the Bachiller Down—Vasco Nuñez,
Alcalde—Nature of the Office—Regidor—Colmenares, in Search
of Nicuesa, Arrives at Antigua—He Finds Him in a Pitiable
Plight—Antigua Makes Overtures to Nicuesa—Then Rejects Him—And
Finally Drives Him Forth to Die—Sad End of Nicuesa 321
CHAPTER VIII.
FACTIONS AND FORAGINGS IN DARIEN.
1511-1513.
The Garrison at Nombre de Dios—Subtle Diplomacies—Vasco Nuñez
Assumes Command—Enciso, his Life and Writings—The Town and
the Jail—Rights of Sanctuary—Valdivia's Voyage—Zamudio's
Mission—Expedition to Coiba—Careta Gives Vasco Nuñez his
Daughter—Ponca Punished—Jura, the Savage Statesman—Visit of
the Spaniards to Comagre—Panciaco Tells Them of a Southern
Sea—The Story of Valdivia, Who is Shipwrecked and Eaten by
Cannibals—Vasco Nuñez Undertakes an Impious Pilgrimage to the
Golden Temple of Dabaiba—Conspiracy Formed by the Natives to
Destroy Antigua—Fulvia Divulges the Plot—Darien Quieted—Vasco
Nuñez Receives a Royal Commission—Serious Charges—Vasco Nuñez
Resolves to Discover the Southern Sea before He is Prevented
by Arrest 337
CHAPTER IX.
DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
1513.
Departure of Vasco Nuñez from Antigua—Careta's
Welcome—Difficulties to be Encountered—Treacherous Character
of the Country—Historical Bloodhounds—Ponca Reconciled—Capture
of Quarequá—First View of the Pacific from the Heights
of Quarequá—The Spaniards Descend to Chiapes—Take Formal
Possession of the South Sea—Form of Taking Possession—The
Names South Sea and Pacific Ocean—Further Discoveries—Perilous
Canoe Voyage—Gold and Pearls in Profusion—Tumaco
Pacified—The Pearl Islands—The Return—Teoca's Kindness—Ponca
Murdered—Pocorosa Pacified—Tubanamá Vanquished—Gold, Gold,
Gold—Panciaco's Congratulations—Arrival at Antigua 358
CHAPTER X.
PEDRARIAS DÁVILA ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF DARIEN.
1514-1515.
How the Discovery of a South Sea was Regarded in
Spain—The Enemies of Vasco Nuñez at Court—Pedrarias Dávila
Appointed Governor—Departure from Spain and Arrival at
Antigua—Arbolancha in Spain—Pedrarias Persecutes Balboa—The
King's Requirement of the Indians—Juan de Ayora Sent to
Plant a Line of Fortresses between the Two Seas—Which Work He
Leaves for Wholesale Robbery—Bartolomé Hurtado Sent to Bring
in the Plunder—Disastrous Attempts to Violate the Sepulchres
of Cenú—Expedition of Tello de Guzman to the South Sea—The
Site of Panamá Discovered—The Golden Temple of Dabaiba Once
More—Gaspar de Morales and Francisco Pizarro Visit the South
Sea 386
CHAPTER XI.
DARIEN EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS.
1515-1517.
Gonzalo de Badajoz Visits the South Sea—What He Sees
at Nombre de Dios—His Dealings with Totonagua—And with
Tataracherubi—Arrives at Natá—The Spaniards Gather much
Gold—They Encounter the Redoubtable Paris—A Desperate
Fight—Badajoz Loses his Gold and Returns to Darien—Pedrarias
on the War-path—He Strikes Cenú a Blow of Revenge—Acla
Founded—The Governor Returns Ill to Antigua—Expedition
of Gaspar de Espinosa to the South Sea—The Licentiate's
Ass—Robbery by Law—Espinosa's Relation—A Bloody-handed
Priest—Espinosa at Natá—He Courts the Acquaintance of
Paris—Who Kills the Ambassadors—Hurtado Surveys the
Southern Seaboard to Nicoya—Panamá Founded—An Aboriginal
Tartarus—Return of Espinosa's Expedition 412
CHAPTER XII.
THE FATE OF VASCO NUÑEZ DE BALBOA.
1516-1517.
Affairs at Antigua—Different Qualities of
Pacification—Complaints of Vasco Nuñez to the King—A
New Expedition Planned—Vasco Nuñez Made Adelantado and
Captain-general of the South Sea—Pedrarias Keeps Secret the
Appointment—Reconciliation of Balboa and Pedrarias—Betrothal
of Doña María—Vasco Nuñez Goes to Acla—Massacre of Olano—The
Municipality of Acla Established—Materials for Ships
Carried across the Mountains—Difficulties, Perils, and
Mortality—Balboa at the Pearl Islands—Prediction of Micer
Codro, the Astrologer—Rumored Arrival of a New Governor at
Antigua—Meditated Evasion of New Authority—The Infamy of
Garabito—Vasco Nuñez Summoned by Pedrarias to Acla—His Journey
thither—Trial and Execution 432
CHAPTER XIII.
DECLINE OF SPANISH SETTLEMENT ON THE NORTH COAST.
1517-1523.
Dishonesty the Best Policy—Pedrarias Stigmatized—His Authority
Curtailed—Quevedo in Spain—He Encounters Las Casas—The
Battle of the Priests—Oviedo Enters the Arena—Business in
Darien—The Interoceanic Road Again—Its Termini—Pedrarias
and Espinosa at Panamá—The Licentiate Makes another Raid—The
Friars of St Jerome have their Eye on Pedrarias—The Cabildo
of Antigua Shakes its Finger at Him—Continued Attempts to
Depopulate the North Coast—Albites Builds Nombre de Dios—Lucky
Licentiate—Arrival and Death of Lope de Sosa—Oviedo Returns
and Does Battle with the Dragon—And is Beaten from the Field 460
CHAPTER XIV.
GIL GONZALEZ IN COSTA RICA AND NICARAGUA.
1519-1523.
Andrés Niño and his Spice Islands—Fails to Obtain Authority
to Discover—Applies to Gil Gonzalez Dávila—Agreement with
the King—Royal Order for the Ships of Vasco Nuñez—Pedrarias
Refuses to Deliver Them—Gil Gonzalez Transports Ships across
the Mountains—Embarks from the Pearl Islands—Gil Gonzalez
Proceeds by Land and Niño by Sea—Visit to Nicoya—And to
Nicaragua—The Captain-general Converts many Souls—And Gathers
much Gold—Fight with Diriangen—Nicaragua Apostatizes—The
Spaniards Terminate the Discovery and Hasten to their
Ships—Niño's Voyage to Fonseca Bay—Return to Panamá 478
CHAPTER XV.
SPANISH DEPREDATIONS ROUND PANAMÁ BAY.
1521-1526.
European Settlement on the West Coast of America—Progress of
Panamá—Laws Respecting Spanish Settlements in America—Final
Abandonment of Antigua—Administration of the South Sea
Government—Piracy upon Principle—Pascual de Andagoya Explores
Southward—Conquers Birú—Return to Panamá—Colonies of Veragua
and Chiriquí—The Chieftain Urracá Takes up his Abode in
the Mountains and Defies the Spaniards—Pizarro, Espinosa,
Pedrarias, and Compañon in vain Attempt his Overthrow—Building
of Natá—Compañon as Governor—Hurtado Colonizes
Chiriquí—Conspiracy—Capture and Escape of Urracá—Several Years
more of War 495
CHAPTER XVI.
THE WARS OF THE SPANIARDS.
1523-1524.
Oviedo in Spain—He Secures the Appointment of Pedro de los
Rios as Governor of Castilla del Oro—Pedrarias Determines
to Possess Nicaragua—He Sends thither Córdoba, who Founds
Brusélas, Granada, and Leon—And Carries a Ship across the
Land from the Pacific to Lake Nicaragua—He Makes a Survey of
the Lake—Informed of Spaniards Lurking thereabout—Development
of the Spanish Colonial System—Gil Gonzalez Escapes with
his Treasure to Española—Despatches Cereceda to Spain with
Intelligence of his Discovery—Sails from Santo Domingo to the
Coast of Honduras—Arrives at Puerto Caballos—Founds San Gil
de Buenavista—Encounters Hernando de Soto—Battle—Cristóbal de
Olid Appears—Founds Triunfo de la Cruz 511
CHAPTER XVII.
COLONIZATION IN HONDURAS.
1524-1525.
Cortés in Mexico—Extension of his Conquests—Fears
of Encroachments on the Part of Spaniards in Central
America—Cristóbal de Olid Sent to Honduras—Touching at
Habana, He is Won from Allegiance to Cortés—Triunfo de la
Cruz Founded—Olid as Traitor—Meeting with Gil Gonzalez—The
Wrath of Cortés—Casas Sent after Olid—Naval Engagement in
Triunfo Harbor—Casas Falls into the Hands of Olid, Who is
soon Captured by the Captive—Death of Olid—Return of Casas
to Mexico—Trujillo Founded—Interference of the Audiencia of
Santo Domingo 522
CHAPTER XVIII.
MARCH OF CORTÉS TO HONDURAS.
1524-1525.
Doubts concerning Casas—Cortés Tired of Inaction—Determines to
Go in Person to Honduras—Sets out with a Large Party—Arrives
at Goazacoalco—The Gay Army soon Comes to Grief—The Way
Barred by Large Rivers and Deep Morasses—Scarcity of
Provisions—Sufferings of the Soldiers—The Trick of the
Merchant-cacique—Killing of the Captive Kings—Apotheosis of
a Charger—Fears of Rebellious Spaniards Dissipated on Nearing
Nito 537
CHAPTER XIX.
CORTÉS IN HONDURAS.
1525-1526.
He is Master of all the Miseries there—Miasma and Deep
Distress—Exertions of Cortés in Behalf of the Colonists—A
Vessel Appears with Provisions—Cortés Sends out Foragers—He
Seeks a Better Locality—Sandoval at Naco—Others Settle at
Caballos—Cortés at Trujillo—Vessels Sent to Mexico, Cuba,
and Jamaica—Troubles in Mexico—Cortés Irresolute—Starts for
Mexico—Is Driven back by a Storm—Pacification of Adjacent
Pueblos—Cortés Sends Presents to Córdoba—Shall Cortés Make
himself Master of Nicaragua?—Arrival of Altamirano—Return of
Cortés to Mexico 566
CHAPTER XX.
PEDRARIAS REMOVES TO NICARAGUA.
1525-1527.
Córdoba Meditates Revolt—Soto and Compañon Object—Their
Flight—Pedrarias Nurses his Wrath—Secret Motives for his
Departure for Nicaragua—Córdoba Loses his Head—The Governor
Covets Honduras, and Comes to Blows—The Indians Follow
the Example—Bloody Scenes—Pedrarias Interrupted in his
Reverie—Pedro de los Rios Succeeds as Governor at Panamá—His
Instructions and Policy—Residencia of Pedrarias—Triumphant
Result 584
CHAPTER XXI.
RIVAL GOVERNORS IN HONDURAS AND NICARAGUA.
1526-1530.
Colonial Policy—Salcedo Displaces Saavedra in the
Government of Honduras—Saavedra's Escape—Pedrarias'
Envoys Trapped—Salcedo Invades Nicaragua—His Cruelty
and Extortion—Distress among the Colonists—Rios
also Presents Claims, but is Discomfited—Pedrarias
Follows Triumphant—Salcedo's Ignominious Fate—Estete's
Expedition—Slave-hunting Profits and Horrors—Gladiatorial
Punishment of Revolted Natives—Pedrarias' Schemes for
Aggrandizement—He Grasps at Salvador and Longs for Peru—Both
Elude Him—Further Mortification, and Death—Character of the
Conquerors 597
CHAPTER XXII.
MARCH OF ALVARADO TO GUATEMALA.
1522-1524.
Rumors in Mexico concerning the Country to the
South-eastward—Pacification in that Quarter—The Chiefs of
Tehuantepec and Tututepec—At the Gate of Guatemala—Summary
of Aboriginal History—Allegiance and Revolt—Preparing of an
Expedition—Delayed by the Troubles at Pánuco—A Second Army
Organized—The March—Subjugation of Soconusco—The Taking of
Zapotitlan 617
CHAPTER XXIII.
CONQUEST OF GUATEMALA BEGUN.
February-March, 1524.
Overtures of Kicab Tanub to the Lords of the Zutugils
and Cakchiquels—Death of the Quiché King—Tecum Umam his
Successor—Gathers a Great Army—Intrenches Himself at
Zacaha—Passage of Palahunoh by the Spaniards—A Skirmish—A
Bloody Engagement—Quezaltenango Established—The Army Advances
on Xelahuh—The City Deserted—Battle of Xelahuh—Tecum Umam
Slain—Forcible Proselyting 632
CHAPTER XXIV.
DOWNFALL OF THE QUICHÉ NATION.
April, 1524.
Utatlan, Capital of the Quichés—Its Magnificence—The Royal
Palace and Pyramidal Fortifications—Private Apartments and
Gardens—Plan to Entrap the Spaniards—A Feast Prepared—The
Enemy Invited—The Treachery Discovered—Masterly Retreat of
Alvarado—The Quiché King and Nobles Entrapped—They are Made
to Gather Gold—And are then Destroyed—Utatlan Burned and the
Country Devastated—Subjugation of the Quichés Complete 643
CHAPTER XXV.
THE CAKCHIQUELS AND ZUTUGILS MADE SUBJECTS OF SPAIN.
April-May, 1524.
March to the Cakchiquel Capital—With a Brilliant Retinue
King Sinacam Comes forth to Meet the Spaniards—Description
of Patinamit—Occupation of the Cakchiquel Capital—Expedition
against Tepepul, King of the Zutugils—The Cliff City of
Atitlan—A Warm Battle—Entry into the Stronghold—Reconciliation
and Return to Patinamit—Love Episode of Alvarado 652
CHAPTER XXVI.
EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.
1524.
Campaign against Itzcuintlan—A Rough March—The Town
Surprised—Desperate Defence—Alvarado Determines to Explore
still farther South—Crossing the River Michatoyat—The
Spaniards Come to Atiquipac, Tacuylula, Taxisco,
Nancintlan, and Pazaco—The Towns Deserted—Poisoned
Stakes and Canine Sacrifice—Enter Salvador—Moquizalco and
Acatepec—Battles of Acajutla and Tacuxcalco—Blood-thirstiness
of this Conqueror—Entry into Cuzcatlan—Flight of the
Inhabitants—Return to Patinamit 663
CHAPTER XXVII.
REVOLT OF THE CAKCHIQUELS.
1524-1525.
Return of the Allies to Mexico—Founding of the City of
Santiago—The Cakchiquels Oppressed beyond Endurance—They
Flee from the City—Difficulty in again Reducing Them
to Subjection—Reinforcements from Mexico—Campaign
against Mixco—Capture of that Stronghold—Fight with the
Chignautecs—Superhuman Valor of a Cavalryman—Conquest of the
Zacatepec Valley—Expedition against the Mames—Defeat of Can
Ilocab—Entry into Huehuetenango—Siege of Zakuléu—Surrender of
Caibil Balam 678
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[Illustration: MAP OF DARIEN AND TIERRA FIRME ]
HISTORY
OF
CENTRAL AMERICA.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
SPAIN AND CIVILIZATION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
GENERAL VIEW—TRANSITION FROM THE OLD TO THE NEW
CIVILIZATION—HISTORICAL SKETCH OF SPAIN—SPANISH
CHARACTER—SPANISH SOCIETY—PROMINENT FEATURES OF THE
AGE—DOMESTIC MATTERS—THE NEW WORLD—COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS
AND SAVAGISMS—EARLIEST VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY.
How stood this ever changing world four hundred years ago? Already
Asia was prematurely old. Ships skirted Africa; but, save the
northern seaboard, to all but heaven the continent was as dark as
its stolid inhabitants. America was in swaddlings, knowing not its
own existence, and known of none. Europe was an aged youth, bearing
the world-disturbing torch which still shed a dim, fitful light and
malignant odor.
Societies were held together by loyalty to civil and ecclesiastical
rulers; not by that coöperation which springs from the common interests
of the people. Unhallowed were all things real; divine the unsubstantial
and potential. Beyond the stars were laid out spiritual cities,
and under foot the hollow ground was dismal with the groans of the
departed. Regions of the world outlying the known, were tenanted by
sea-monsters, dragons, and hobgoblins. European commerce crept forth
from walled towns and battlemented buildings, and peradventure, escaping
the dangers of the land, hugged the shore in open boats, resting by
night, and trembling amid-ships by day. Learning was chiefly confined
to the clergy. Feudalism as a system was dead, but its evils remained.
Innumerable burdens were heaped upon the people by the dominant classes
who gave them little protection in return. Upon the most frivolous
pretexts the fruits of their industry were seized and appropriated by
their masters. It was a praiseworthy performance for a hundred thousand
men to meet and slay each other to gratify the whim of a state minister
or a king's concubine. Then came a change, and by reason of their
revised Ptolemies, their antipodal soundings, and new geographies,
their magnetic needles, printing machines, and men-killing implements,
learning began to revive, and the people began in some faint degree to
think for themselves.
Under the shifting sands of progress truth incubates, and the hatched
ideas fashion for themselves a great mind in which they may find
lodgment; fashion for themselves a tongue by which to speak; fashion
for themselves a lever by which to move the world.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: TRANSITIONAL EPOCH.]
The epoch of which I speak rested upon the confines of two
civilizations, the old and the new. It was a transition period from
the dim twilight of the dark age to the brightness of modern thought;
from an age of unquestioning faith to one of curiosity and scepticism.
It was a period of concretions and crystallizations, following one
of many rarefactions; religion was embracing science; astrology was
merging into astronomy; magic into physics; alchemy into chemistry.
Saltpetre was superseding steel in warfare; feudalism having fulfilled
its purpose was being displaced by monarchical power; intercourse was
springing up between nations, and international laws were being made.
Even the material universe and the realms of space were enlarging with
the enlargement of mind. Two worlds were about that time unveiled to
Spain, an oriental and an occidental; by the capture of Constantinople
ancient Greek and Latin learning was emancipated, and the Christian
religion became settled as the faith of Europe; while toward the west,
the mists of the ages lifted from the ocean, and, as if emerging from
primeval waters, a fair new continent ripe for a thousand industries
stood revealed.
This was progress indeed, and the mind, bursting its mediæval fetters,
stood forth and took a new survey. With the dawn of the sixteenth
century there appeared a universal awakening throughout Christendom.
Slumbering civilization, roused by the heavy tread of marching events,
turned from royal prison-houses of learning, and beheld with wonder
and delight the unfolding of these new mysteries. The dust and cobwebs
of the past, which had so long dimmed the imagination, were disturbed
by an aggressive spirit of inquiry. The report of exploding fallacies
reverberated throughout Europe; and as the smoke cleared away, and
light broke in through the obscurity, there fell as it were scales
from the eyes of the learned, and man gazed upon his fellow-man with
new and strange emotions. For centuries men's minds had been chained
to the traditions of the past; thought had traveled as in a treadmill;
philosophy had advanced with the face turned backward; knight-errantry
had been the highest type of manhood, and Christianity, like its
founder, had been made to bear the sins of the many. While its friends
claimed for it all the virtues of mankind, its enemies charged it with
all the vices. The first efforts of scholastics in their exposition of
these new appearances was to square the accumulative information of the
day with the subtleties of the schools and the doctrines and dogmas
of the past. The source of all knowledge and the foundation of all
science were claimed to be in the holy scriptures and in the tenets of
the church. Any conception, or invention, or discovery that might pass
unscathed these two touchstones was denominated truth, though human
reason could not grasp it. Likewise, any stray fact which by these
tests failed satisfactorily to account for itself, was pronounced false,
though human reason declared it true.
I do not mean to say that all darkness and nescience were swept
away in a breath, or that knowledge fell suddenly on mankind like an
inspiration; it was enough for some few to learn for the first time of
such a thing as ignorance. Although the change was real and decisive,
and the mind in its attempt to fathom new phenomena was effectually
lured from the mystic pages of antiquity, there yet remained enough and
to spare of ignorance and credulity. Searchers after the truth yet saw
as through a glass darkly; the clearer vision of face to face could be
attained only by slow degrees, and often the very attempt to scale the
prison-house walls plunged the aspirant after higher culture yet deeper
into the ditch; but that there were any searchings at all was no small
advance. Shackles were stricken off, but the untutored intellect as
yet knew not the use of liberty; a new light was flashed in upon the
mental vision, but the sudden glare was for the moment bewildering,
and not until centuries after was the significance of this transitional
epoch fully manifest. It may be possible to exaggerate the importance
of this awakening; yet how exaggerate the value to western Europe of
Greek literature and the revival of classic learning, of the invention
of printing, or the influence for good or evil on Spain of her New World
discoveries?
Rightly to understand the condition of education in Spain in the
fifteenth century, we must remember that mental training and not the
acquisition of knowledge was the object of education, and as the object
to be attained differed greatly from that which we are now seeking, so
the result was proportionately different. The tendency of education
in the fifteenth century was toward a more determined reliance and
belief in authority and in revelation; the tendency of education in
the nineteenth century is toward inquiry and scepticism. As to the
comparative value of these results there are of course many differences
of opinion, and I shall not discuss them here. We may be sure, however,
that in whatsoever direction human mind is trained by other human mind,
there is ever present and underlying all activities inexorable progress,
an eternal unfolding into ever fairer proportions of all that is best
and noblest in mankind.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: SPANISH HISTORY.]
Our history dates from Spain, at the time when Castile and Aragon
were the dominant power of Europe. Before entering upon the doings, or
passing judgment upon the character, of those whose fortunes it is the
purpose of this work to follow into the forests of the New World, let
us glance at the origin of the Spaniards, examine the cradle of their
civilization, and see out of what conditions a people so unlike any on
the globe to-day were evolved.
Far back as tradition and theory can reach, the Iberians, possibly
of Turanian stock, followed their rude vocations, hunting, fishing,
fighting; guarded on one side by the Pyrenees, and on the others by the
sea. Next, in an epoch to whose date no approximation is now possible,
the Celts came down on Spain, the first wave of that Aryan sea destined
to submerge all Europe. Under the Celtiberians, the fierce and powerful
compound race now formed by the union of Iberian and Celt, broken
indeed into various tribes but with analogous customs and tongues, Spain
first became known to the civilized world. Then came the commercial and
colonizing Phœnician and planted a settlement at Cádiz. After them the
Carthaginians landed on the eastern shore of the Peninsula and founded
Carthago Nova, now Cartagena. The power of the Carthaginians in Spain
was broken by the Scipios, in the second Punic war, toward the close of
the third century B. C.; and yet, says Ticknor, "they have left in the
population and language of Spain, traces which have never been wholly
obliterated."
The Romans, after driving out the Carthaginians, attacked the interior
Celtiberians, who fought them hard and long; but the latter being
finally subjugated, all Hispania, save perhaps the rugged north-west,
was divided into Roman provinces, and in them the language and
institutions of Rome were established. Forced from their hereditary
feuds by the iron hand of their conquerors, the Celtiberians rapidly
increased in wealth and numbers, and of their prosperity the Empire
was not slow to make avail. From the fertile fields of Spain flowed
vast quantities of _cerealia_ into the granary of Rome. The gold and
silver of their metal-veined sierras the enslaved Spaniards were forced
to produce, as they in succeeding ages wrung from the natives of the
New World the same unjust service. The introduction of Christianity,
about the middle of the third century, brought upon the adherents of
this religion the most cruel persecutions; which, however, instead of
destroying it but rooted it the more firmly. Some say, indeed, that
Saint Paul preached at Saragossa, and planted a church there; however
this may be, it was not until the conversion of Constantine that
Christianity became the dominant religion of the Peninsula.
The fifth century opens with the dissolution of the empire of the
Romans, for the barbarians are upon them. Over the Pyrenees, in awful
deluge, sweep Suevi, Alani, Vandals, and Silingi. The Suevi, in A.
D. 409, take possession of the north-west, now Galicia; the Alani
seize Lusitania, to-day Portugal; and the Vandals and Silingi settle
Vandalusia, or Andalusia, the latter tribe occupying Seville. Blighted
by this barbaric whirlwind, civilization droops; the arts and sciences
introduced by the Romans fall into disgrace; the churlish conquerors
will have none of them; and the culture of ancient Greece and Rome,
turning toward its original seat, flees the inhospitable west and takes
refuge in the capital of the eastern empire, which thereafter becomes
the depository of the wrecks of classic learning. In their dilemma the
Romanized indigenes call to their help the less uncouth Visigoths. In
427 the Vandals pass into Africa. Between 455 and 584 the Visigoths
conquer the Romans and subjugate the Suevi; so that now their kingdom
stretches from the bank of the Loire to Gibraltar. Thus to the Latin
is added the Gothic element; the Latin language, corrupted as it had
become, gains upon, or rather for the most part holds its original
advantage over the Gothic tongue, and becomes the basis of the modern
Castilian, with such grammatical simplifications as the northern taste
renders necessary.
[Sidenote: ADVENT OF THE MOORS.]
Still the great Peninsula seethes and bubbles like a caldron over the
furnace-fires of its progressional unrest. Two centuries of contentions
between states, and between kings and nobles, aggravated by the usual
convulsions incident to elective monarchies, suffice to bring upon them
a new foe. The crescent of Islam, resting on Mecca and threatening at
once the Bosporus and the Pillars of Hercules, flames suddenly out at
its western horn over fated Spain. At Algeciras, near Gibraltar, in
711, in great force, the Mauritanian Arabs, or Moors, effect a landing,
invited thither by Count Julian, commander of Andalusia, in revenge
for the violation of his daughter by Rodrigo, last of the Gothic
kings. Routing the Visigoths in the battle of Jerez de la Frontera, in
five swift years the Saracens are masters of all save the mountainous
north-west; and penetrating Aquitania, the kingdom of the Franks is
prevented from falling into their hands only by the decisive victory
won by Charles Martel at Tours in 732. An emirate under the caliphate of
Bagdad is established at Córdova, and multitudes of Syrian and Egyptian
Mahometans flock to Spain. Thus pressed, to the rugged mountains
of Asturias, under Pelayo, one of their national heroes, flee such
Christians as will not submit. There the wreck of the Visigothic kingdom
takes refuge; there stubborn patriots rally and nurse their nationality
betimes in the caves of the Pyrenees, waiting opportunity to deliver
their country from the yoke of the hated Infidel. In 755 Abdurrahman,
the last caliph of the dynasty of Ommiades, having escaped the massacre
of Damascus, wrests Spain from the hands of the Abbassides and founds
the caliphate of Córdova, which then formed one of the four great
divisions of the Prophet's dominions. Moorish kings now take the place
of Moorish emirs, and thus is governed Córdova till 1238, and Granada
till 1492.
Meanwhile the Mahometans ruled mildly and well. The native Christians
living among them kept their religion, churches, and clergy, as well as
their laws and tribunals except in cases involving capital punishment,
or where a Mahometan was a party in the suit. The usual consequences
of race-contact followed; over wide tracts Arabic became the common
language, and so remained even after Moslem power had fallen. As late as
the fourteenth century public acts in many parts of Spain were written
in Arabic. As the result of this intermixture, there was the linguistic
medley called _lingua franca_, a composite of Arabic, Gothic, Latin,
Hebrew, and Gallic, with the Romance, or corrupted Latin of Spain,
united with the Limousin, the language of the gay science spoken in
Languedoc and Provence, as a base. Out of this came the Castilian,
which after undergoing various modifications settled into the Spanish
language, leaving it substantially in its present form, though refined
and polished by subsequent centuries of civilization. It was not,
however, until near the reign of Alfonso X., 1252-1282, long after
the Christians had emerged from the mountains and had mingled with the
reconquered indigenes, that the Castilian became perfectly established
as a written, settled, and polite language. Nor were the consequences
of Arabic occupation confined to language; they tinged the whole life
of the nation.
The Spaniards who under Pelayo had taken refuge in the mountains of
Asturias, in 716 founded a small government called the kingdom of
Oviedo. There the seeds of liberty, trampled by adversity, took root,
and from the patriot soil arose a nation that spread its branches wide
over the land. Gradually the Christian kingdoms enlarged. First Galicia,
then, two hundred years later, Leon and Castile were added to the little
empire. The latter part of the tenth century the kingdoms of Leon,
Castile, and Navarre, held the northern extremity of the Peninsula,
while all the rest was under the dominion of the caliphate of Córdova.
[Sidenote: THE EIGHT-CENTURY WAR.]
And now, emerged from the mountain fastnesses whither they had fled
before this southern swarm of turbaned Infidels, the sturdy Christians
press heavily on their foe. Inch by inch, each step counting a century,
they fight their way from the Pyrenees back to Granada. Assuming the
title of caliph, Abdurrahman III. defeats the Christians at Zamora on
the Douro, but is in turn repulsed, in 938, at Simancas. In vain the
Mahometans call to their aid the Almoravides of Morocco; their race
upon the Peninsula is run. As portions of the country are wrested from
them, lands are awarded to notable Christian leaders, who at intervals
pause in their holy crusade, and fall to warring on each other; and by
these intestine brawls more Christian blood is spilt than by all the
cimiters of the Saracens. At such times the Infidels might turn and make
the Christians an easy prey; but centuries of opulence, and, except
along their northern border, of inaction, have sapped their strength
and left them nerveless. It is the old story alike of peoples, sects,
and individuals; discipline, begotten by necessity, engenders strength,
which fattened by luxury swells to weakness.
The beginning of the eleventh century finds the Christians occupying
about half the Peninsula, that is to say the kingdoms of Leon, Castile,
Aragon, Navarre, and Portugal. Leon was but another name for the
kingdom of Oviedo, or Asturias, the birthplace of Spanish nationality.
Castile—Roman, _castella_; Arabic, _ardo-l-koláa_, land of castles,
so called from the _castillos_, or forts, built there—though destined
eventually to absorb all the kingdoms of the Peninsula, was at first a
republic, consisting of a few small towns or fortified castles, which
had united for mutual protection from both Mahometans and contentious
Christian brethren. In 1037 Leon was united by Ferdinand I., called
the Great, to Castile; and from its central position, and the strength
arising from perpetual vigilance, the new kingdom gradually widened
and added to its dominions, until eventually all the kingdoms of the
Peninsula were united under the banner of Castile. Navarre belonged to
a French count, whose successor drove the Saracens from the territory
adjacent on the south-west, and founded the kingdom of Aragon.
In 1085 the Cid, a Castilian chieftain, born at Búrgos, and famous in
poetry, romance, and war, seized Toledo, and overran Valencia; in 1118
Alfonso of Aragon wrested Saragossa from the Moors. Portugal, hitherto
a province of Castile, assumed the title of kingdom in 1139. Finally
the four kingdoms of the north, together with Portugal, formed a league
against the Infidels, and in a great battle fought in the Sierra Morena,
near Tolosa, in 1212, Mahometan power in Spain was effectually broken.
In this decisive engagement the Christian confederates were commanded
by Alfonso III. of Castile, who never rested till the followers of the
Prophet were driven from the central plateau. To the kingdom of Castile,
Ferdinand III., 1217-1252, annexed Jaen, Córdova, and Seville, which
with difficulty were held by his son Alfonso X., surnamed the Wise—a
better scholar than soldier, as we see. Alfonso XI. was succeeded by
Pedro el Cruel, who died in 1369.
[Sidenote: SPAIN'S GRANDEUR.]
A succession of singularly brilliant events, culminating in the empire
of Charles V., brought Spain, at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, to the front rank among European powers. The marriage of
Ferdinand and Isabella, which in 1479 united the crowns of Aragon and
Castile; the conquest of Granada in 1492, terminating eight centuries
of almost continuous warfare; the discovery of America the same year;
the annexation of Naples in 1503, and of Navarre in 1512, after the
union of Spain and the Netherlands in the marriage of Juana, daughter
of Ferdinand and Isabella, with Philip the Fair, son of the Emperor
Maximilian I., and father of Charles V., all coming in quick succession,
form a train of important incidents unparalleled in the history of
nations. Before the death of Philip II. in 1598, the empire of Spain
extended to every part of the globe—Portugal, conquered by the duke
of Alva in 1580; Sicily and Sardinia, Artois and Franche Comté, the
Balearic and Canary islands; in Africa—Melilla, Ceuta, Oran, and Tunis;
in Asia—the Moluccas and the Philippine Islands, together with several
settlements elsewhere; beside a large part of the two Americas, which
alone comprised about one fifth of the world.
But nations like men must die. The full measure of prosperity had been
meted out to Spain, and now she must lay it down—such is the inexorable
law of progress. It was the very irony of autocracy, that one man
should rule half the world! Spain's pyramid of greatness, which assumed
such lofty proportions during the reign of their Catholic Majesties,
culminated during the reigns of their immediate successors. A long line
of ambitious and able princes had raised the empire to a giddy height;
but with an illiterate and non-progressive populace, no sooner did
the rulers become incompetent than the nation fell in pieces. In the
height of his grandeur Spain's grandest monarch surfeited of success
and abdicated; and with the death of his son Philip the glory of the
empire departed. Then might her epitaph be written—Nine centuries of
steady growth—a long and lusty youth, more than falls to the lot of most
nations—and in three brief centuries more she rose, and ripened, and
rotted.
It is not with death, however, but life, we have to do. Intellectual
sparks were lighting up the dark corners of the earth, and a series of
brilliant epochs began with the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella—modern
Golden Ages they might be called. The golden age of Spain, dating from
1474 to 1516, was followed by Germany's golden age, which was during
the reign of Charles V., 1519-1558. Then came England with the reign
of Elizabeth, 1558-1603; then France under Louis XIV. and Louis XV.,
1640-1740; Russia under Peter the Great, 1672-1725; and Prussia under
Frederick the Great, 1740-1786. During this time European civilization
was bursting its narrow confines and encircling the hitherto unknown
world in every direction.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: MEASUREMENTS OF CHARACTER.]
The Spaniards we would know and judge. We shall judge them, even though
we know them not. We love to judge our fellows, and to think how much
better are we than they. Little attention we give it, though it is a
self-evident proposition, that to judge a people by any other standard
than that to which they have been taught to conform is to do them
great injustice. If we may believe psychology, thought, in its higher
phases, develops only with the development of language; the conceptions
of the mind can not rise much higher than forms of speech will enable
it to express. Apply this postulate to the measure of character,
and the corollary is, that to interpret fairly, we must restrict our
imagination to such ideas, our mind to such beliefs, and our tongue
to such formulas as belong to those we judge. This, however, is no
easy matter. In the present age of intellectual progress and changing
activity, when old delusions are being rapidly dispelled by science,
and new discoveries are constantly opening new channels to distinction,
it is almost impossible to place ourselves within the narrow limits of
mediæval restrictions, in which thought and opinion were not allowed to
germinate, but were passed unchanged from one generation to another. "It
often happens," as John Stuart Mill remarks, "that the universal belief
of one age of mankind—a belief from which no one was, nor, without an
extra effort of genius or courage, could at that time be, free—becomes
so palpable an absurdity, that the only difficulty then is to imagine
how such a thing can ever have appeared credible." Not only were the
Church dogmas of the Middle Age accepted as truth, but at that time to
hold opinions antagonistic to established creeds was seldom so much as
deemed possible.
From the foregoing premises it clearly follows, that rightly to measure
the character of those who carried European civilization into the
wilds of America, we must, in so far as we may, divest ourselves of the
present, and enter into the spirit of their times. We must fix in our
minds the precise epoch in the history of human progress to which the
discovery of this New World belongs. We must roll up four brilliant
centuries of the scroll of science, cloud nine tenths of the world
in obscurity, throw a spell upon the ocean; then wall the imagination
within the confines of this narrow horizon and conceive the effect. We
must know something, not alone of national polities and the attitude
of kings, but we must enter the society of individuals, and study the
impulses of the people. We must call up the inscrutable past, surround
ourselves with those influences that give the stamp to character and the
color to creed. We must familiarize ourselves with scenes familiar to
the people we discuss; we must walk their streets, look through their
eyes, think their thoughts; we must personate them and practically
construe them. We should fill our breast with the aspirations that
impelled them, our imagination with the fears that restrained them,
and feel those subtle forces which for generations had been developing
intellect and moulding opinion. We should dare even to gain access to
their domestic and religious _penetralia_, to invade the sanctity of the
hearth and altar, to sound the hidden chords of domestic life, to walk
softly through vaulted aisles and convent corridors, bending the ear
to catch the whisperings of the confessional; we should enter with the
monk his cloister-cell, with the gallant the presence of his lady-love,
and learn whence the significance and whither the tendency of their
strange conceits. If, at the outset, with the political position, we
also thus firmly grasp their inner social life, much that were otherwise
enigmatical or suspicious appears in a clearer light; and we can then
behold their chivalrous but cruel deeds with the same charity in which
we hope posterity may shroud our own enormities. Thus only may we be led
to understand the various processes by which this phase of civilization
was evolved.
* * * * *
The configuration and climate of the Peninsula assist in giving
variety to the character of its inhabitants. The interior is one vast
table-land, higher than any other plateau in Europe, being from two
to three thousand feet above the level of the sea. On either side
precipitous mountain ranges interpose between the table-land and
the shores, and through these numerous streams thread their way. The
table-land is for the most part dry and treeless, hot in summer and cold
in winter; Asturias is wet and wooded; the valleys of the Guadalquivir,
Douro, Ebro, Tagus, and other rivers, are in places quite fertile.
In the southern provinces of Andalusia and Murcia, autumn and winter
are mild and pleasant, and spring is surpassingly lovely; but the
_solano_ which during summer blows from the heated plains of Africa is
intolerable to any but the acclimated. From the snow-clad Pyrenees the
piercing blasts of winter sweep over Leon, Castile, and Estremadura,
at the north protracting the long winter and making cold and humid the
spring, and arrive at the middle provinces stripped of their moisture,
but not of their raw unwelcome chilliness.
* * * * *
During the eleven convulsive centuries preceding our epoch we
have seen mix and agglutinate the several ingredients of Spanish
character—Iberian, Celt, Phœnician; Roman, Goth, and Moor, all
contributing their quota. Christian, Infidel, and Jew, with their loves
and hates, season the mass; and thus society becomes an _olla podrida_,
and Spain presents the anomalous race of the world.
In different provinces different race-elements preponderate, that of
Rome tincturing the whole more strongly than any other. Under analysis
these several social ingredients may be easily detected. By comparison
with Strabo, Arnold traces many of the social characteristics of the
Spaniards back to the Iberians. "The grave dress, the temperance and
sobriety, the unyielding spirit, the extreme indolence, the perverseness
in guerilla warfare, and the remarkable absence of the highest military
qualities ascribed by the Greek and Roman writers," he affirms, "are
all more or less characteristic of the Spaniards of modern times. The
courtesy and gallantry of the Spaniard to women has also come down to
him from his Iberian ancestors."
So in the volatile, dark-haired Celt, where reckless courage and
indifference to human life reached their height, where quick perception
and ready wit supplied the place of sober thought and logical
deductions, where man was courageous and changeable, and woman was
at once fickle, chaste, and passionate—in these fierce barbarians we
see a multitude of traits handed by them to their descendants. Of
Phœnician and Iberian influence, traces are seen in their skill in
scientific mining; of Gothic, in their comparatively liberal forms of
government, their attachment to military display, and in their good
faith, integrity, and morality—would these latter had been a trifle
more Gothic; of Roman, in their love of ecclesiastical forms, church and
state loyalty, in their stately dignity and sobriety of deportment; of
Arab, in their hatred of work, their love of freedom, their religious
enthusiasm, their tactics in war, and in their language, poetry, art,
and architecture. Some of these terms appear paradoxical, but human
nature, in its ingredients, is ever paradoxical. In the Spanish language
Brace discovers that the principal "terms for agriculture and science
are Latin; for the Church, Latin or Greek; for arms, riding, and war,
Teutonic; and for arts and plants in southern Spain, Arabic." From the
north and east and south the boldest of the nations had congregated on
this frontier peninsula, waiting the outburst which, after a thousand
years of fermentation, broke over its western slope.
Buckle, in support of a theory referring the origin of character to
physical causes, ascribes the superstition of Spain to famine and
disease, to earthquakes and the awe-producing phenomena of wild scenery;
their fickleness he attributes to climate, the heat and dryness in
Spain interrupting labor and leading to desultory habits; their love
of romance and adventure he traces to pastoral life, which prevailed to
the neglect of agriculture during the Moorish invasion.
[Sidenote: EVOLUTION OF THE SPANISH NATION.]
The fall of Granada left the Peninsula occupied essentially as follows:
In the north and west were the descendants of Goths and Celts who,
unmolested by Roman or Moor, retained in a measure their ancestral
characteristics. Low of stature, thick-set and awkward, as strong and
as hairy almost as bears, the men of Asturias and Galicia, of Leon
and Biscay, century after century come and go, living as their fathers
lived, neither better nor worse, caring nothing for Arab or Dutchman,
and little even for the Spanish kings; proud as ever of Pelayo, of the
mountains that cradled Spanish liberty, of their great antiquity, which
they boast as greater than that of any living nation; superstitious,
irritable, and impetuous, but honest, frank, and sincere; implacable as
enemies, but faithful as friends. Their boast is that never have they
been subdued by Moor. Their chiefs were of the ancient Gothic blood,
blue blood they called it, not being tainted with Arabic like that of
their darker southern neighbors; of such material were early founded
the kingdoms of Leon and Castile.
On their eastern side was the kingdom of Navarre, founded by the counts
of the French marches. Though at one time these two sections had been
united, the usual partition of heritage had soon dismembered them.
Portugal, an offshoot of Castile, was permanently separated; Aragon,
founded by Navarre, became also independent. Upon the eastern seaboard
the people of Catalonia and Valencia, though diluted with the Limousin
element, yet retain traces of their foreign relationships. "Of the
modern evidences of race in the different provinces," says Brace,
"travellers tell us that in Valencia the people resemble both their
Keltiberian and Carthaginian ancestors, being cunning, perfidious,
vindictive, and sullen. The burning sun has tanned their skin dark
and aided to form in them an excitable and nervous temperament; they
have, too, the superstitious tendencies that characterize the people
of a hot climate. The Valencian women are fairer than the men, and
are conspicuous for their beauty of form. They wear the hair and the
ornaments of the head after the old Romish style. The Catalan is rude,
active and industrious, a good soldier, and fond of his independence,
resembling both Kelts and Iberians in his covetous, bold, cruel, and
warlike character. The Aragonese are two children of the Goths in their
force of will, their attachment to constitutional liberties, and their
opposition to arbitrary power."
The tall, tough, agile eastern mountaineer presents as marked a contrast
to the stubby Asturian as does the sparkling Andalusian to the grave
Castilian. For a long time the people of Andalusia were semi-Moorish
in their character. There, where the soft air of Africa comes fresh
from the Mediterranean, had dwelt the dusky, graceful Arab; worshipping
Mahomet as the Castilian worshipped Christ, and regarding his Christian
and Jewish neighbors with as little affection as either Jew or Christian
regarded him. Scattered along the banks of the Guadalquivir, and in
separate quarters of many towns of southern Spain, were bands of that
anomalous race, the gypsies. Short, dark, ugly, with long, coarse, wavy
hair, mixing with other men as light and darkness mix, they plied their
trade of buying, stealing, and selling. During the latter part of the
war they occupied themselves in bringing horses from Africa and selling
them to Moors or Christians.
In the mountain fastnesses of Toledo there yet lived a remnant of
Silingi stock, known as _almogávares_, who had never bent knee to
Infidel; who, throughout the long contest which waged on every side of
them, had kept green their liberty and their faith—a Christian oasis in
the broad pagan desert. There, too, a broken band of the chosen Israel,
now fairly launched upon their eternal wanderings, found a momentary
resting-place. Before the arrival of the Visigoths, it is said, a
colony of Hebrews planted themselves near Toledo, and by their industry
and superior financial ability, became at length the royal bankers,
and notwithstanding bitter prejudices, they rose high in influence,
even to the honor of having their daughters enrolled among the king's
mistresses.
Thus for a time the several parts of the Peninsula differ widely
in language, manners, and institutions; but at length, by wars and
political combinations, race-barriers are broken down, and opposing
clanships welded by an intenser hatred for some common enemy. The south
through its Mediterranean trade soonest attains eminence, but warlike
Castile subsequently acquires predominance. Meanwhile the masses
retain their old ways better than their leaders. The nobility, and
frequenters of courts, mingling more with the world, adopt the fashions
of courts, and change with their changes. The inhabitants of the
border provinces feel the influences of the war comparatively little;
upon the great central plateau, however, there meet and mix almost
all the stocks and creeds of the then known world. Aryan and Semite;
Roman, Goth, and Mauritanian; Mahometan, Christian, and Jew; planting
and plucking, building up and tearing down, fattening and starving,
fighting and worshipping and burning—the whole table-land of Spain
turned into a battle-arena of the nations, into a world's gladiatorial
show; its occupants alternately marrying and battling, Moslem with
Christian, Moslem with Moslem, Christian with Christian, Christian
and Moslem uniting now against Christian and now against Moslem, while
the slaughter of Jew, heretic, and gypsy fills the interlude. So pass
centuries; and from this alembic of nations is distilled the tall,
symmetrical, black-haired, bright-eyed, sharp-featured Castilian and
Estremaduran.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: RESULTS OF INTERMIXTURES.]
Out of this heterogeneous medley of opposing qualities we have now to
draw general characteristics.
In demeanor the Spaniard is grave, punctilious, reserved with strangers,
jealous of familiarity or encroachment on his dignity; but among
his acquaintances, or with those who are ready to recognize what
he conceives to be his due, he throws off restraint, and becomes an
agreeable companion and a firm friend. While impatient and resentful of
fancied slights, he is easily won by kindness, and is always dazzled by
skill in arms and personal valor.
In disposition he is serious almost to melancholy, firm to stubbornness,
imperturbable, lethargic, inert, moody; yet when roused there breaks
forth the deepest enthusiasm and the most ungovernable passion. So
punctilious is his sense of honor, so zealous and truthful is he
in his friendships, so affectionate and humane in all his private
relations, that at one time the term Spanish gentleman was synonymous
with everything just, generous, and high-minded throughout Europe. In
intellect he is contemplative rather than profound, apt in emergencies,
but lacking breadth and depth. In habits he is temperate and frugal,
easily satisfied, indolent. To live without work is his ideal of
enjoyment. Dissoluteness and intemperance can not be ranked among his
vices, nor do travellers place hospitality in his list of virtues. There
is no such word as rowdy in his vocabulary. Turbulent from imposition he
may be, and after injury vengeful; but brawler, disturber of peace and
social order, he is not. Though taciturn, he is deep in feeling; in his
love of country he is provincial rather than national. Though hard to
be driven he is easily led; acting collectively, officially, he is given
to venality, when personally thrown upon his honor he is scrupulous and
trusty.
In manners the Spaniard is proverbial for high breeding, courtesy,
and decorum. Whether beggar or courtier, his politeness seldom deserts
him. "Dios guarde á usted," May God protect you; "Vaya usted con Dios,
caballero," God be with you, sir; are the usual valedictions. In reply
to the importunities of a beggar the cavalier exclaims, "Perdone usted,
por Dios, hermano," For the love of God excuse me, my brother. To the
highest noble and to the meanest peasant the greeting is the same.
Sedate, sober-minded, reserved, the Spaniard is but the modified result
of his several exemplars. "All Spaniards," remarks Ford, "are prodigal
to each other in cheap names and titles of honor; thus even beggars
address each other as _señor y caballero_, lord and knight. The most
coveted style is _excelencia_, your excellency." Nicknames are common.
No one rises to distinction without carrying with him one or more
appellations significant of the skill or occupation of his early days.
[Sidenote: CASTILIAN PRIDE AND POLITENESS.]
The Castilian has less ingenuity in mechanics, less skill in trade,
less taste, less delicacy of perception, than the Italian, but far more
pride, firmness, and courage; a more solemn demeanor, and a stronger
sense of honor.
Every Spaniard of whatever class considers himself a _caballero_, a
well-born and Christian gentleman, the superior of most, the equal of
any, the inferior of none. Profuse in proffers of kindness, he is no
less slow to fulfil them than to accept favors from others. He is very
vain; vain of personal appearance, vain of his ancestry, his breeding;
vain of his ignorance and superstition; proud of many things he should
be ashamed of, and ashamed of nothing. Thieving was never prominent as a
national vice. As a rule Spaniards are too proud to steal; the impulse
of wounded affection or injured pride nerves the arm that strikes,
oftener than the desire for plunder.
The old German cosmographer Sebastian Munster quaintly writes, Basel,
1553: "The Spaniards have good heads, but with all their studying they
learn but little, for after having half learned a thing they think
themselves very wise, and in their talk try to show much learning
which they do not possess." Comparing them with the French, the same
chronicler says: "The Frenchmen are taller, but the Spaniards more
hardy. In war, the Spaniards are deliberate, and the French, impetuous.
The French are great babblers, but the Spaniards can well keep a secret.
The French are joyous and light of thought; they like to live well; but
the Spaniards are melancholy, serious, and not given to carousing. The
French receive their guests friendlily and treat them well, but the
Spaniards are cross to strangers, so that one must go from house to
house in search of entertainment. The cause of this is that Spaniards
have travelled little, and do not like to spend their money for food."
In Castile, more than elsewhere, was seen the perfect central type,
which in its earlier stages was so remarkable for practical sagacity,
for an insight into causes and motives, and skill in the adaptation of
means to ends. In the wars of the New World, affirms Macaulay, "where
something different from ordinary strategy was required in the general,
and something different from ordinary discipline of the soldier, where
it was every day necessary to meet by some new expedient the varying
tactics of a barbarous enemy, the Spanish adventurers, sprung from
the common people, displayed a fertility of resource, and a talent for
negotiation and command, to which history scarcely affords a parallel."
It must be borne in mind, however, that the New World adventurer was
not always a national type.
Graham declares that "the history of the expeditions which terminated
in the conquest of Mexico and Peru displays, perhaps, more strikingly
than any other portion of the records of the human race, what amazing
exertions the spirit of man can prompt him to attempt, and sustain
him to endure." And again—"The masses," says Ford, who has studied
them well, "the least spoilt and the most national, stand like pillars
amid ruins, and on them the edifice of Spain's greatness must be
reconstructed." "All the force of Europe," exclaims Peterborough, "would
not be sufficient to subdue the Castiles with the people against it."
[Sidenote: REVERENCE FOR ANTIQUITY.]
So great is their reverence for antiquity, that they appear to live
almost as much in the past as in the present. Age is synonymous with
wisdom; the older the habit or opinion, the more worthy of belief it is.
Innovation they abhor as dangerous; the universe of knowledge stands
already revealed; there is nothing more to learn. Their premises they
know to be sound, their conclusions correct, their beliefs true; what
necessity then for further troubling themselves? Children in everything
but teachableness, with themselves and their traditions they are
content. Their education is finished. This is the most hopeless form of
ignorance. Their legends they carefully preserve, old-time customs they
love to practise, and they dwell with devoted enthusiasm on the exploits
of their ancestors. To this day, twelve centuries after the occurrence,
the peasantry of Asturias are divided between the descendants of those
who aided the patriot Pelayo against the Moors, and those who did
not—the latter being stigmatized as _vaqueros_; while the Andalusian
Morisco keeps alive the story of Granada's grandeur, and dreams of
Moslem warriors, of Abencerrage knights, and the restoration of former
greatness. So strong is the influence of tradition and dead ancestry.
Speaking of the quality of firmness, and tenacity of purpose, says
Bell, "So obstinate is the Spaniard, and in some provinces so remarkably
self-willed, that the inhabitants of one part of Spain make a jest of
the others on that account. Thus the obstinate Biscayan is represented
as driving a nail into the wall with his head, whilst the still more
obstinate Aragonian is figured in the same act and attitude, but with
the point of the nail turned outward!" With the poniard at his throat,
many a prostrate foe will die rather than yield, and as surely will the
victor plunge in the fatal weapon if the cry for quarter be not quickly
uttered. In Andalusia there was a fashion prevalent among duellists,
when determined to fight their quarrel to the end, of firmly binding
together, below the elbows, the left arms of the combatants; then, with
knives in their right hands, they fought until one or both were dead.
Notwithstanding their excessive loyalty to their rulers, their love of
antiquity and hatred of change; and notwithstanding the oppression of
their princes, the condition of the lower classes in Spain at the close
of the fifteenth century was far above that of the same class in any
other European country. This was owing, not to any special consideration
on the part of their political or ecclesiastical rulers, but to that
greatest of scourges, war.
While the rulers were absorbed in conquering, and in keeping themselves
from being conquered, except within the immediate battle-arena the
people were left much alone. Besides, armies must have supplies, and
producers were held in esteem by the military consumers.
Inequalities of power and wealth, unless arrested by extrinsic causes,
ever tend to wider extremes. In Spain, the increase of wealth in
the hands of priests and princes was checked by long-continued war.
The products of the country must be used to feed the soldiery, and
the power of the nobility must be employed against the common enemy.
There was neither the time nor the opportunity to grind the people to
the uttermost. Though the war bore heavily upon the working classes,
it proved to them the greatest blessing; while the masses elsewhere
throughout Europe were kept in a state of feudalistic serfdom, the
necessity of Spain being for men rather than for beasts, elevation
followed. Further than this, race-contact, and the friction attending
the interminglings of courts and camps, tended in some degree towards
polishing and refining society. "Since nothing makes us forget the
arbitrary distinctions of rank," says Hallam, "so much as participation
in any common calamity, every man who had escaped the great shipwreck
of liberty and religion in the mountains of Asturias was invested with
a personal dignity, which gave him value in his own eyes and those of
his country. It is probably this sentiment transmitted to posterity, and
gradually fixing the national character, that had produced the elevation
of manner remarked by travellers in the Castilian peasant."
[Sidenote: CASTE AND SOCIAL STRATA.]
And yet there were caste and social stratification enough. The stubborn
manliness of the lower orders did not make them noble. Royalty alone was
divine. The nobles loved money, yet for them to traffic was disgraceful.
The ecclesiastic, whose calling placed him on a plane distinct from
these, aside from his religious teachings, stood out as the earnest
advocate of honest labor. Work was well enough for Moor, and Jew, and
Indian; but he whose line of fighting ancestors had not beginning within
the memory of man, must starve rather than stain his lineage by doing
something useful.
The several social strata, moreover, were jealously kept distinct.
The first distinction was that which separated them from foreigners.
In the days of Cæsar and Cicero, Rome was master of the world; Rome
was the world; were any not of Rome they were barbarians. So it was
with Spaniards. To be of Castile was to be the most highly favored of
mortals; to be a Spaniard, though not a Castilian, was something to be
proud of; to be anything else was most unfortunate.
The next distinction was between the Spaniard of pure blood and the
Christianized native of foreign origin. In the eyes of the Castilian
baptism could not wholly cleanse a Moor or Jew. Moriscos the Church
might make; heretics the Inquisition might reconstruct; but all Spain
could not make from foreign material a Christian Spaniard of the pure
ancient blood. About foreign fashions, foreign inventions, foreign
progress, foreign criticism, they cared nothing. And probably nowhere
in modern times was this irrational idea of caste carried to such an
absurd extent as in the New World. Children of Spanish parentage, born
in America, were regarded socially as inferior to children of the same
parents who happened to be born in Spain. To be born a Spanish peasant
was better than _hidalgo_, or cavalier, with American nativity; for at
one time the former, on migrating to America, was entitled by virtue
of that fact to the prefix 'Don.' Under the viceroys native Mexicans,
though of pure Castilian ancestry, were too often excluded from the
higher offices of Church and State; and this notwithstanding that both
canonical and civil law, if we may believe Betancur y Figueroa, provided
that natives should be preferred in all ecclesiastical appointments
from the lightest benefice to the highest prelacy. "But notwithstanding
such repeated recommendations," says Robertson, "preferment in almost
every different line is conferred on native Spaniards." Mr Ward,
English consul at Mexico in 1825-7, affirms that "the son, who had the
misfortune to be born of a creole mother, was considered as an inferior,
in the house of his own father, to the European book-keeper or clerk,
for whom the daughter, if there were one, and a large share of the
fortune were reserved. 'Eres criollo y basta;' You are a creole and
that is enough, was a common phrase amongst the Spaniards when angry
with their children." Truly it was a good thing in those days to be at
once 'of Christ' and 'of Spain.' It was positively believed by some that
blood flowed in accordance with the majesty of law, and that the quality
of one was inferior to the quality of another. The blood of the Indian
was held as scarcely more human than the blood of beasts, and was often
shed as freely.
Then, too, there was a distinction between the profession of arms and
all other professions. Following republican Rome again, the education of
no man aspiring to a public career was complete until he had served as
a soldier. No one can truthfully charge the Spaniards of the sixteenth
century with lack of courage. Military skill was the highest type of
manhood. Of danger they made a plaything, not only in their wars but in
their sports. Life was dull unless brightened by blood.
In Aragon the barons were limited to a few great families who traced
their descent from twelve peers, called _ricos homes de natura_.
Although obliged to attend the king in his wars, in every other respect
they were independent. They were themselves exempt from taxation and
punishment, and held absolute authority over the lives and property
of their vassals. The next lower order of nobility in Aragon was
called _infanzones_, corresponding to the hidalgos of Castile. The
_caballeros_, or knights, were the immediate followers of the _ricos
homes_, and were possessed of important privileges.
In La Mancha the peasantry were of a quality different from those
sent by Castile and Estremadura to the New World. Quintana writes of
them, "He who travels through La Mancha will see the scaffold before
he sees the town. They are lazy, dirty, quarrelsome, and never suffer
from hunger, for when they wish to become the owners of anything they
take it;" and remarks another, "They live on parched _garbanzos_, and
pass the winter lying on their bellies like reptiles in the sun." See
Murillo's matchless pictures.
[Sidenote: JEWS AND MOORS.]
Another class and race, broken fragments of which we have before
encountered, secured more rest in Spain than elsewhere, yet from a
different cause. Homeless Israel in the Arab found a friend. Not that
the Mahometans loved the Jews, but because the Christians hated them,
was their condition made so tolerable in Spain under Saracen rule.
Then, and until their expulsion, they occupied an important position,
being the chief money-handlers, merchants, and bankers. Overcome in
their dislike for each other by a more bitter hatred against their
common enemy, the Jews and Moors lived upon terms somewhat approaching
equality. The Jews surpassed their Moorish masters in wealth, and were
but little inferior to them in arts and letters. They were not only
usurers, but husbandmen, artisans, and doctors. As Christian domination
extended southward, this comparatively happy state of the Spanish Jews
disappeared. Under pretext of justice, their moneys were wrested from
them by the nobles; indeed, if too stubborn they were not unfrequently
put to death; and with the capitulation of Granada and the loss of
their Moorish allies, the condition of the Jews became pitiable in the
extreme. Two incidents of the crowning of Pope John XXIII., in 1410,
as related by Monstrelet, give us a tolerably fair idea of the feelings
entertained toward the Jews. In his progress through Rome, these people
presented him with a manuscript copy of the old Testament. He, "having
examined it a little, threw it behind him, saying, 'Your religion is
good, but this of ours is better.'" And again, "There were before and
behind him two hundred men-at-arms, each having in his hand a leathern
mallet, with which they struck the Jews in such wise as it was a
pleasure to see."
With such an example the condition of the Jews grew more serious. As
for the Spaniards, they bettered the instruction, as was sufficiently
proved by their expulsion-edict of March, 1492—an edict forbidding
unbaptized Jews to be found within the limits of Spain at the end of
four months; an edict allowing them in that time to sell their property,
but forbidding them at the end of that time "to carry away with them
any gold, silver, or money whatsoever;" "an edict," says the Catholic
historian, Lafuente, "that condemned to expatriation, to misery, to
despair, and to death, many thousands of families born and bred in
Spain."
In almost every mediæval town there was a Jewish district, in which,
says M. Depping, their historian, "Jews like troops of lepers were
thrust away and huddled together into the most uncomfortable and most
unhealthy quarters of the city, as miserable as it was disgusting;"
or, as Paul Lacroix describes it, "a large enclosure of wretched
houses, irregularly built, divided by small streets with no attempt at
uniformity. The principal thoroughfare is lined with stalls, in which
are sold not only old clothes, furniture, and utensils, but also new
and glittering articles." Within their prescribed limits, all their
necessities were supplied, and a dirt-begrimed prison-like synagogue
usually occupied the center. But even in these wretched places they were
often subjected to cruelties the most severe and sickening. Terrible as
were the indignities heaped upon this unfortunate people it must not be
supposed that they were wholly unprovoked, or that all the forbearance
was on the part of the sufferers. Opinions on these questions are
widely divergent, and I refer to them here only to show more clearly
the condition of Europe at the time of which I write.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: THE CHARGE OF CRUELTY.]
The Spaniards of the sixteenth century have been called a cruel people;
and so they were. Yet they were no more cruel than other nations of
their day, and no more cruel relatively, according to the progress
of humanity, than are we to-day. Time evolves in many respects a more
refined civilization, but the nature of man changes not. Individuals
may be less beastly; society may be regulated more by law and less by
passion; between nations in their wars and diplomacy there may be less
systematic torture, less unblushing chicanery; but the world has yet to
find a weightier right than might. I fail to discover in America, by
Catholic Spaniards or heathen savages, deeds more atrocious than some
committed in India and China within the century by Protestant England,
the world's model of piety and propriety; and yet the treatment of
Indians in North America by the people of Great Britain has been far
more just and humane than their treatment by the people of the United
States.
Before such a charge as that of excessive cruelty can be made good
against a people, there are several things to be considered. And
first the motive. The surgeon who amputates a limb to save a life is
not called cruel. Now the Spaniards were the spiritual surgeons of
their day. Nine tenths of all their cruelties were committed under
the conviction that what they did was in the line of duty, and that
to refrain from so doing would have been no kindness. Though with the
experience of the past and by the clearer light of the nineteenth
century we conclude that these convictions were false, and though
we contemplate them with horror and condemn the acts which resulted
from them as barbarous, yet it is almost superfluous to say that with
their teachings and surroundings we should have been the same. The
inherent qualities of human nature seem to be changed but little if at
all by the cultivation and development of mind. Secondly, the quality
of cruelty is not pronounced, but relative. There are cruelties of
the heart, of the sensibilities, no less cruel than bodily tortures.
The age of savagism is always cruel. Cruelty springs from ignorance
rather than from instinct. Childlike and thoughtless things, things
tender by instinct, are cruel from disingenuous perversity. A clouded,
unreasoning, unreasonable mind, even when hiding beneath it a tender
heart, begets cruelty; while a sterner disposition, if accompanied by
a clear, truth-loving intellect, delights in no injustice—and cruelty
is always unjust. This is why, if it be true as has been charged, that
notwithstanding boys are more cruel than girls, women are more cruel
than men. Children, women, and savages are cruel from thoughtlessness;
though the cruel boy may be very tender of his puppy, the cruel woman
of her child, the cruel savage of his horse. Even the moralities and
intellectual refinements of that day were not free from what would seem
to us studied and unnecessary cruelty. I will cite a few instances of
European cruelty, not confined to Spaniards, which will show not only
that Spain was not more cruel than other nations, but that the savages
of America were not more cruel than the Europeans of their day. Both
tortured to the uttermost where they hated, even as men do now; the
chief difference was, the Europeans, being the stronger, could torture
the harder. Civilization changes, not the quantity of cruelty, but the
quality only.
[Sidenote: THE BARBARISMS OF EUROPE.]
"Cæsar Borgia," writes Sebastiano de Branca in his diary, about the
year 1500, "Cæsar Borgia was the cruelest man of any age." To serve
his purposes he did not hesitate to use poison and perjury. He was
treacherous, incestuous, murderous, even keeping a private executioner,
Michilotto, to do his bidding. Louis XI. of France, and other princes,
kept a court assassin. The fifteenth century was lurid with atrocities.
Rodrigo Lenzuoli, the father, Lucretia, the daughter, and Cæsar,
the son, comprised the Borgia trio, distinguished no less for their
intellect, beauty, wealth, and bravery, than for their craft, lust,
treachery, and cruelty. Says Lecky: "Philip II. and Isabella the
Catholic inflicted more suffering in obedience to their consciences than
Nero or Domitian in obedience to their lusts."
In 1415 John Huss was burned for his religion, and in 1431 Joan of Arc
for her patriotism. In like manner perished thousands of others. Mahomet
II., disputing with the Venetian artist Gentile Bellini as to the
length of John the Baptist's neck after decollation, called a slave, and
striking off his head with one blow of his cimeter, exclaimed: "There!
did not I say yours is too long?"
Princes made bloodshed a pastime. Edward IV. put to death a tradesman
for perpetrating a pun; caused a gentleman to be executed for speaking
against a favorite; and condemned his own brother to death in a fit of
petulance. In an interview between this same Edward of England and the
king of France, the monarchs were brought together in huge iron cages,
each distrustful of the other. Louis XII. confined Ludovico Sforza, duke
of Milan, in an iron cage for ten years, and until his death. This was
a punishment common at that time in Italy and Spain. Pedro el Cruel is
charged by Hallam with having murdered his wife and mother, most of his
brothers and sisters, many of the Castilian nobility, and multitudes of
the commonalty.
The church tolerated the persecution of its enemies, believing it was
for the glory of God. Nor was this idea confined to Spain or to the
fifteenth century, for we find in England and even in America that
persecutions for conscience' sake, with all the cruelties that refined
civilization could devise existed at the opening of the present century;
nor indeed is the world yet completely emancipated from this thraldom.
Yet the Spaniards, I say, were bad enough. The cruelties following the
capitulation of Málaga, in 1487, were more befitting fiends than a man
and woman who prided themselves in the title of Catholic king and queen.
Since the establishment of the Inquisition, religious persecutions
had become but too gratifying to the national taste. On this occasion
at Málaga, the apostate Moors were first caught and burned. Twelve
apostate Christians were then fastened to stakes in an open place and
made the barbarous sport of Spanish cavaliers, who, mounted on fleet
horses, hurled at their naked bodies pointed reeds while rushing past
at full speed. This was continued until the torn and bleeding flesh
of their victims was filled with darts, and the wretched sufferers
expired under the most excruciating torments. Then, of the rest of the
Moorish prisoners, three divisions were made; one for the redemption of
Christian captives, one to be distributed among the victors as slaves,
and one to be publicly sold into slavery.
Spanish knights returned from their incursions against the Moors with
strings of turbaned heads hanging from their saddle-bows, which, as they
passed along, they threw to the boys in the streets, in order to inspire
their youthful minds with hatred to the foes of their religion.
From making slaves of prisoners of war, a traffic in human flesh
springs up. A slave-trade association was formed in Portugal in 1443.
Gonzalez brought slaves to Seville; Columbus sent to Spain a cargo of
Indian slaves in 1495; in 1503 the enslavement of American Indians
was authorized by Ferdinand and Isabella; and in 1508 the African
slave-trade unfolded in all its hideous barbarity. The slave-trade,
however, was tolerated by these sovereigns from mistaken kindness,
rather than from cruelty. It was to shield the Indian, who died under
the infliction of labor, that Isabella permitted the importation of
Africans into the colonies.
[Sidenote: CIVILIZED TORTURES.]
Cruelty was a prominent wheel in the machinery of government, as well as
in religious discipline. Torture was deemed inseparable from justice,
either as preparatory to trial to elicit a confession of guilt, or as
part of an execution to increase the punishment. Hippolite de Marsilli,
a learned jurisconsult of Bologna, mentioned fourteen ways of inflicting
torture, which are given by Lacroix. Among them were compressing the
limbs with instruments or cords; the injection of water, vinegar, or
oil; application of hot pitch; starvation; placing hot eggs under the
armpits; introducing dice under the skin; tying lighted candles to
the fingers which were consumed with the wax, and dropping water from
a great height upon the stomach. Josse Damhoudere mentioned thirteen
modes of execution or punishment—fire, the sword, mechanical force,
quartering, the wheel, the fork, the gibbet, dragging, spiking, cutting
off the ears, dismembering, hogging, and the pillory. Every country had
its peculiar system of torture.
In 1547 English vagrants were branded with a V and enslaved for two
years. Should the unfortunate attempt escape, a hot S was burned into
the flesh and he was a slave for life. A second attempted escape was
death. In those days wife-whipping was a common and respectable domestic
discipline; culprits in the pillory and stocks were stationed in the
marketplace where all the people might strike them; prisoners were
stripped of their clothes, confined in filthy dungeons half filled with
stagnant water, and there not unfrequently left to starve, while slimy
reptiles crawled over the naked body, or drove their poisonous fangs
into the quivering flesh.
The sports of the Spaniards we now regard as cruel, as ours will be
regarded four hundred years hence. Although delighting in games, in
pantomimic dance, in fencing, wrestling, running, leaping, hunting,
hawking, with the gentler pastime of song and guitar, the more popular
amusements were cock-fights, dog and bull fights, bull and bear fights,
bear and dog fights, enjoyed alike by high and low, by women, boys,
and men, by laity and clergy. Sometimes fighters would enter the arena
blindfolded and engage in deadly encounter. Yet how much more cruel were
these sports than modern horse-racing, cock-fighting, dog-fighting,
prize-fighting, rope-walking, lion-taming, steeple-chases, to say
nothing of the more gentlemanly cruelty of raising foxes to be hunted,
and worried, and finally torn in pieces by dogs, let posterity judge.
I do not say that the sixteenth-century sports of Spain were not more
cruel than the English sports of to-day. I think they were. But that
Spaniards were inherently more cruel, that is to say, that their hearts
were more wickedly wanton, their sympathies more inhumane, or that they
enjoyed a more ardent pleasure in inflicting pain upon others than men
do now, I do not believe. The Spaniards were a nation of soldiers, and
soldiers are necessarily cruel. Men go to war to hurt the enemy, not
to be kind to him. Unquestionably the effect of bull-fights, like the
gladiatorial shows of imperial Rome, was debasing, tending to excite
a love of the bloody and terrible, and to render insipid tamer and
more refined amusements. This to them was a misfortune, although the
repulsive sport did foster a spirit of courage and endurance.
The _corrida de toros_, bull-run, or bull-fight, the national sport of
Spain, is a relic of Moorish chivalry, yet no less Spanish than Arabic;
for the institution as it exists in Spain is found neither in Africa
nor in Arabia. Originally, as in the ancient tournament, in the sport
engaged only cavaliers, or gentlemen, in whom were combined such skill
and strength that the head of a bull was sometimes stricken off by
a single blow of the _montante_. Since which time the tournament has
degenerated into a prize-ring, and the chivalrous bull-fight which in
principle was a display of courage combined with skill in horsemanship,
and in the use of the lance, has become a sort of dramatic shambles,
where the actors are low-born and mercenary professionals.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: SPANISH DOMESTIC LIFE.]
The home life of the Spaniard, which pictures his softer shades of
character, and shows the more delicate tracings of his mental and moral
sensibilities, must not be disregarded. There alone we shall see him as
he is, stripped of the paraphernalia attending his appearance before
men, with the intents and purposes of heart and mind laid open before
us.
We have noticed how the genius of the Mahometan clung to the soil long
after he was driven away; to this day southern Spain is more Arabic
than Gothic. The towns of Andalusia—of which Cádiz, with its whitewashed
antiquity and its streets and walls clean as a _taza de plata_, is the
key; and Seville, radiant with sunny gardens and glittering towers,
is the pride—consist of narrow, tortuous streets walled by Moorish
mansions enclosing cool courts. Shutterless windows, through which
half-muffled lovers whisper soft nothings to bar-imprisoned _señoritas_,
open without; fresh young love and musty antiquity thus mingling in
harmonious contrast. Then, favored by the voluptuous air of spring, or
broiling beneath the enervating heat of summer, are Granada, Córdova,
and Málaga, where glory and shame, heroic virtue and unblushing vice,
erudition and ignorance, Christianity and paganism were so blended that
the past and present seem almost one. As if proud of their Moorish
origin, these cities of southern Spain battle with time, and hold in
fast embrace the shadows of departed grandeur. The better class of
Moorish houses are yet preserved; and the otherwise unendurable heat
of this so-called oven of Spain is rendered supportable by the narrow,
crooked streets—so narrow, indeed, that in some of them vehicles can
not pass each other—and by the irregular, projecting stories of the
terrace-roofed houses.
Though widely separate in their religious systems much there is alike
in the national characteristics of these grave and haughty sheiks and
the Spaniards. To both were given conquest, wealth, and opportunity.
Both struggled blindly and bravely, sinking into national decay and
corruption, which closed in around them like a pestilence. But in their
religion there was no doubt a difference. One was sensual, the other
spiritual. In one were the seeds of progress, of intellectual culture,
and of all those enlightenments and refinements which make men more
fit to dominate this earth. And though the _Allah akbar_ echoes from
the receding hosts who worship God and his prophet, yet its mission
is fulfilled. Where now is the might of Mauritania? Where the power
and pride that caused Egypt to dream again of the days of the Pharaohs
and the Ptolemies? Syria and Palestine are desolate, Bedouinized. To
Bagdad remains but the memory of ancient splendor; her palaces are
heaps. No more the good Haroun al Raschid walks her streets; no more
the universities of Kufa and Bassora, Samarcand and Balkh enlighten the
world. The sons of Hagar have had their day; their work is done. What
Spain and her colonies now are need not here be told.
[Sidenote: DWELLINGS AND FURNITURE.]
Every Spanish town has its plaza, great square, or public market-place,
which every day presents a busy scene. Thither in early morning resort
the improvident—though not specially lazy—common people for their daily
supply of food. Then there is the _paseo_, or public promenade, or,
as it is more frequently called, the _alameda_, from _álamo_, poplar,
a beautiful walk, shaded on either side by trees. There may be seen
every pleasant day after the _siesta_, or midday sleep, groups of
either sex, and all classes, high and low, rich and poor, walking to
and fro, chatting, smoking, flirting, drinking in health and content
and merriment with the cool, delicious evening air; while ladies in
carriages and cavaliers on curveting steeds occupy and enliven the
roadway.
Numberless kinds of dwellings obtain in various parts, conspicuous among
which are the Asturian caverns, the subterranean abodes of La Mancha,
the forts of Castile, and the Moorish palaces of Andalusia. Stone, hewn
and unhewn, is the material employed in mountainous districts; _adobe_,
or sun-dried brick, with thatched roof, upon the plains. A common class
of architecture is a windowless parallelogram divided into two rooms,
one for the family, and the other for the cattle, the attic being used
as a barn. Houses of this kind are built in one and two stories. An
out-house for stores, which is also used as a sleeping-place for the
women, perched on pillars eight feet high, sometimes stands adjacent.
Across one end of the family room, which, of necessity, is used for
all domestic purposes, extends a fire-place, ten or fifteen feet in
length and six feet in depth, over which is a large bell-shaped chimney
extending out into the middle of the room. This style of building might
be elaborated, wings added, or the form changed. Tiled roofs are common,
and overhanging eaves. Some houses are of three or four stories; others
run out long and low upon the ground. More pretentious dwellings are
often in the form of a hollow square, with a _patio_ and garden within.
Of such are convents with cloisters, and over them ranges of corridors
and rooms.
Among the upper classes the apartments of the lady consist of an
antechamber, or drawing-room, a boudoir, a bed-room, a dressing-room,
and an oratory. The drawing-room is furnished with tapestry hangings
on which are represented battles and biblical scenes—war and religion
even here; polished oak or mahogany high-backed chairs, clumsy, and
elaborately carved; in the corners of the room triangular tables on
which stand heavy silver or gold candlesticks with sperm candles,
the light from which is reflected by small oval Venetian mirrors, in
fantastically wrought gold or silver frames; cupboards with glass doors
for plate, etc. In the boudoir is a toilet-table before Venetian mirrors
profusely draped in handsome lace; a book-case, work-table, arm-chairs,
sacred paintings and family portraits; in the sleeping-room, a tall
heavy bedstead with damask or velvet curtains, a crucifix—the image
of silver or gold, and the cross of ivory—with a little basin of holy
water near it, a _priedieu_ and prayer-book; in the dressing-room a
wardrobe, and all necessary toilet appliances; in the oratory an altar,
a crucifix, two or more priedieux, and, if mass is said, as is often
the case in the houses of the great or wealthy, images of saints by the
masters, with all the accompanying ornaments of devotion.
The dwellings of southern Spain, large and small, lean toward the
Arabic in architecture—Arabic decorations, with second-story balconies;
the rooms rich in carved ceilings, wainscoting, and arabesque; the
entrance from the street in city houses being through a vestibule and
an ornamented iron-grated gate. During the summer, when the sun's rays
strike like poisoned darts, the family live for the most part in the
patio. There upon the marble pavement, beside the cooling fountain, and
amidst fragrant orange, palm, and citron trees, visitors are received,
chocolate drank, and cigarettes smoked. There too they dance to the
music of the guitar, play cards, and take their siesta.
To oriental customs may be attributed the jealous privacy by which
the women of Spain were guarded by husbands and fathers. Besides her
natural weakness, woman was yet inferior, inept, characterless, not
to be trusted. The fortress-like houses of the better sort, which are
scattered all over the table-land of the Peninsula, with their spacious
inner court and iron-barred windows, were so arranged that the part
occupied by the female members of the household was separate from the
more public rooms of the men. This precinct was unapproachable by any
but the most intimate friend or invited guest. Their domestic policy,
like every other, was suspicious and guarded.
This is further illustrated by the mode of entering a house, which also
shows the effect of centuries of warfare upon manners. In outer doors,
and in those of distinct floors, and apartments, was inserted a small
grate and slide. On knocking, the slide moved back, and at the grating
appeared the lustrous, searching eyes of the inmate. "Quien es?" Who
is it? was the salutation from within. "Gente de paz." Peaceful people,
was the reply.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: WOMEN AND DRESS.]
Extreme sensitiveness with regard to dress characterizes Spaniards
of the better sort, and rather than appear in public unbecomingly
attired, they remain hidden at home, only stealing out for necessities
at nightfall, or perhaps in the early morn, and then back to their home
for the day. In this we see a strong mixture of pride and _bienséance_,
in which there is more sensitiveness than sense. But man can not live
by reason alone. He who in this factitious world is guided only by the
instincts of a sound mind, regardless of the frivolities of fashion, of
_convenance_, indifferent to his neighbor's ideas of propriety, and to
any taste except his own, commits a mistake. Though he alone is wise,
and all the world fools, yet of necessity he must become foolish, else
he is not wise.
Males, in their costume, were the birds of gay plumage at the beginning
of the sixteenth century. So fantastically clad was the English
nobleman in his laced doublet and open gown, that he was scarcely to be
distinguished from a woman. In the time of Charles V. courtiers dressed
in bright colors, but with his sombre son Philip, all was black—black
velvet trimmed with jet; and stiff—stiff collars, and stiff black
truncated cone hats, with brim scarcely an inch wide, in place of the
soft slouchy _sombrero_.
[Sidenote: THE MANTILLA AND CAPA.]
The national and characteristic garment of both sexes in Spain for about
three centuries was, for the outer covering, the _capa_, or cloak, of
the cavalier, and the _mantilla_ of the lady. In the reign of Charles
V. the former was a short cape, and the latter simply a head-dress;
but with time both enlarged until one reached below the knee, and the
other below the waist. Some writers give to these garments a remote
antiquity. They point to ancient coins where Iberia is represented as
a veiled woman, and ignoring sex claim that to the Iberians the Romans
gave the _toga_, and that for fifteen centuries the fashion continued.
Others deny such connection. It is undoubtedly true that the capa of
the sixteenth century was much shorter than the cloak of to-day, being
a cape rather than a cloak, and not at all resembling the Roman toga.
Sebastian Franc in his _Weltbuch_, Tübingen, 1534, writes: "Their women
wear a curious dress around the neck; they have an iron band to which
are fastened bent prongs reaching over the head, over which, when they
desire it, they draw a cloth for the protection of the head, and this
they hold to be a great ornament." To the men and women of Spain this
garment is as the shell to the turtle; within it, though on a crowded
thoroughfare, they may at any moment retire from the world, and ensconce
themselves within themselves. The cavalier with a peculiar fling,
utterly unattainable by a foreigner, throws the skirt over the breast
and shoulder so as to partially or completely hide the face according to
his pleasure. On the way to and from church the lady's face is covered;
and the gallant sighing for a glimpse of features divinely fair, is
obliged to enter the sanctuary, hide behind a column near the altar;
then as one female after another approaches, kneels, and unveils, he
may feast his eyes on the faces before him. The mantilla serves as a
bonnet, veil, and shawl; formerly it was but an oblong piece of cloth,
with velvet or lace border; later a lace veil was added as part of it;
and now the Spanish female face is becoming more and more visible in
public.
The capa is indispensable to the Spaniard; it fits his nature like a
glove, and is almost a part of him. It may be worn over a rich dress,
or it may conceal rags or nakedness; it may cover a noble, generous
heart, or a multitude of sins. Hidden beneath it, in secret the wearer
may work out his purpose, though in the market-place. It keeps out the
cold; it may hide the assassin's dagger; it serves as a disguise in love
intrigues, and is a grateful protection from importunate creditors.
Twisted round the left arm, it is a shield; at night, it is a bed;
and with a sword, _capa y espada_, it not unfrequently constitutes the
entire earthly possessions of the haughty, poverty-stricken cavalier.
Whatever be the character or condition of the wearer, dignity is lent
him by its ample folds, and comeliness by its graceful drapery. It is
an unpardonable breach of decorum for a muffled cavalier to address
a person, or for any one to speak to him while so muffled. Politeness
teaches him to throw open to his friend both his garment and his heart,
that it may be plain that no concealed weapon is in the one, or malice
in the other. A son dare not speak to his own father when his face is
covered by his cloak.
The peasantry flaunted the gayest and most picturesque attire on holiday
occasions; the _majo_, a rustic beau, wore a figured velvet waistcoat
with square velvet buttons, and brilliant with colored ribbons;
embroidered stockings, silver-buckled shoes, and a colored capa thrown
gracefully over the left shoulder. The dress of Fígaro in the play, is
that of an Andalusian dandy. The costume of Valencia is more Asiatic,
or Asiatic-antique it might be called, partaking somewhat, as it does,
of the ancient Greek costume—wide linen drawers, linen shirt, hempen
sandals, footless stockings, wide red woollen belt, gay velvet jacket
with silken sash, with a colored capa over all. The long hair is bound
by a silken band in the form of a turban. The female peasant dress is
no less showy; a red velvet bodice, with scarlet or purple petticoat,
all profusely embroidered, a gay-colored square-cut mantilla fastened
by a silver brooch, with chains and jewels and colored stones according
to the purse of the wearer.
[Sidenote: VARIOUS COSTUMES.]
The ordinary peasant dress of Estremadura consists of wide cloth
knee-breeches, closely resembling those of the Moors, a gabardine
of cloth or leather, and cloth leggings. The men wear the hair long.
The women have a fashion of putting on a great number of petticoats;
the rustic belles of Zamarramala, a village of Estremadura, manage
to carry from fourteen to seventeen. In Andalusia the men have short
jackets ornamented with jet or steel beads, knee-breeches, and highly
ornamented leathern leggings; the women wear short embroidered and
flounced petticoats, and a Moorish sleeveless jacket embroidered with
gold or silver and laced in front. Asturian peasants have wooden shoes
with three large nails in the soles, which keep them from the ground;
leathern shoes they frequently carry in their travels, and to and from
church, under their arms, or on their heads, putting them on just before
entering the village or church. The women wear ear-rings and necklaces
of glass imitation of coral; a handkerchief, folded triangularly, covers
the head; at funerals, a large black mantle is worn. The Castilians
wear sandals, called _abarcas_, tied to the ankle by narrow strips
of rawhide. The Estremadurans wear a hat, very broad-brimmed; the
Catalonians, a red Phrygian cap; the Valencians, a kind of Greek cap;
the Asturians, a three-cornered black or dark blue cap with velvet
facings; the Biscayans, a flat red woollen cap; the Andalusians, a
turban-like hat, or a silk handkerchief. In Aragon, as well as in some
of the southern provinces, the broad-brimmed slouching sombrero obtains.
Hats were invented by a Swiss, Pansian, in 1404, and a Spaniard first
manufactured them in London in 1510. Jews in Spain were obliged to wear
yellow hats; in Germany bankrupts, in like manner, were required to wear
hats of green and yellow.
The general costume of a Spanish nobleman consisted of a silk gabardine,
with sleeves close-fitting at the wrist but puffed and slashed between
the elbow and shoulder so as to show the fine linen shirt beneath;
chamois-skin doublet, thick but flexible; silk hose, and silk trowsers
slashed; long bell-shaped boots with golden spur-supporters; broad,
polished leathern belt, from which hung a long sword on the left side,
and a long dagger in a leathern or velvet scabbard on the right; a
round, soft, broad-brimmed beaver hat, with an ostrich-feather fastened
by a diamond brooch on the side or in front; a cape or cloak embroidered
or laced with gold or silver thread, fastened with cord and tassel,
and worn hanging from the left shoulder, or thrown around the body so
as to cover part of the face. Within doors, the cloak was laid aside;
a velvet doublet was substituted for the leathern one; and instead of
boots, shoes of leather or velvet, slashed over the toes, were worn.
The dress of the lady was a heavy, flowing brocade or velvet skirt, open
in front, displaying an underdress of light silk or satin; a chemisette
with slashed sleeves; a stomacher with long ends hanging in front, and
a velvet sleeveless jacket laced with gold or silver cord. The breast
was covered with lace, and the neck and shoulders were bare, except
when covered by the _toca_, a kind of head-dress, out of which by
elongation grew the characteristic mantilla. Her shoes were of velvet,
her stockings of silk or wool; from the waist on the right side hung a
reticule, a silver or gold whistle for calling servants, and a poniard.
Her _dueña_ wore a black skirt, and a large black mantle completely
covering the head, face, and shoulders down to the waist. Swords formed
no part of domestic dress prior to the fifteenth century.
Black was the color of the church, certain clerical orders excepted.
Those of the learned professions wore black. The ladies usually attended
church in black, and indeed were sometimes seen in sombre hues upon
the alameda. Black robes and a canoe-shaped hat covered the Basque
priest; and the friar, sackcloth and gray, bound round the waist with a
twisted cord. _Alguaciles_, or constables, followed the ancient cavalier
costume—broad-brimmed hat, black cloak, short knee-breeches, black
stockings, silver-buckled shoes, Vandyke ruffles, and white lace collar.
This in the Basque provinces only. Friars appeared in a hooded robe,
extending to the ankles, over woollen breeches and jacket. A cord was
tied round the waist from which hung a rosary. Hempen or leathern shoes
were worn, and by some orders broad hats. The robe of the friar was of
coarse wool; that of the clergyman serge, with a cloak, low leathern
shoes with buckle, black stockings, knee-breeches, a white collar,
and a black hat with broad brim turned up at the sides. The robes of
vicars, parish curates, and other church dignitaries were of silk. The
Franciscan's robe was of a yellowish gray color, the Dominican's white,
the Carmelite's reddish gray, the Capuchin's silver gray, the Jesuit's
black. The bishop's color was violet, the cardinal's red or purple.
* * * * *
Domestic routine in Spain, with allowances for class, season, and
locality, was substantially as follows. The noble or wealthy master
of a household was served before rising with chocolate, which service
was called the _desayuno_. He then rose and dressed; after which,
kneeling before the crucifix, he said a prayer; then he proceeded to
the avocations of the day, taking _las once_, or the eleven o'clock
luncheon of cake and wine, either at home or at the house of a friend,
or wherever he happened to be. After a twelve or one o'clock dinner
came the siesta. At five o'clock there was to be eaten the _merienda_,
consisting of chocolate, preserved fruit, and ices; and between nine and
eleven, supper. In the private chapel of the grandees mass was said.
The middle class usually attended church about sunrise; after which
breakfast, and at noon dinner.
[Sidenote: EXCESSIVE RELIGIOUS TRAINING.]
The religious training of children was excessive. At daybreak the
_angelus_ was recited, then to chapel or church to mass, after which
the child might breakfast; at noon angelus and dinner; after the siesta
vespers at church, and rosary at home; at six o'clock angelus and
chocolate; prayers at eight; supper at nine; after which more prayers
and to bed. The child was expected to attend all these devotions, the
night prayer perhaps excepted, the youngest children being sent to bed
after the rosary. And this not alone Sunday, but every day.
A national dish, centuries old, common to Spain and all Spanish
countries, called the _olla podrida_, constitutes a staple food with
almost all classes. It is made of meat and vegetables boiled together,
but usually served in two dishes, and its constituents depend upon
the resources of the cook, for everything eatable is put into it that
can be obtained. Beef, mutton, pork, and fowl; beans, peas, potatoes,
onions, cabbage, and garlic; the water in which the mess is boiled is
served as soup with rice or bread, and the two courses constitute the
whole of every meal of the lower classes. On the tables of the wealthy,
after the olla podrida, fish, roast meats, and a profuse dessert of
sweetmeats, jellies, preserves, and bonbons are served. The Andalusians
make a salad of cucumbers, tomatoes, lettuce, green-peppers, chiccory,
with oil, vinegar, salt, pepper, and stale bread, which with them is a
staple dish, called _gazpacho_.
It was a gluttonous, sensual age, that of the century preceding
our epoch; but from these vices Spain was probably more free than
any other civilized nation of Europe. There the discipline of war
absorbed the attention which elsewhere was given to luxurious living.
We find nothing in Spain such as we are told about in England, where
the households of the great were composed of brawling retainers,
ill-mannered clowns, and riotous serving men and women who terminated
many a feast with bloodshed; where guests snatched and scrambled for
food, gorging themselves with whatever they could lay hands on; where
drunken broils were of daily occurrence, and the master of the household
was not unfrequently obliged to sheath his sword in the body of some
contumacious servant grown dangerous by the unbridled license in which
he had been indulged.
What shall we say of the monks and cardinals now grown fat from the
well filled coffers of the Church? With their wealth in some instances
they had grown sensuous and extravagant. Their cupboards were loaded
with rich viands, in which they freely indulged; and their tables were
surrounded by musicians and all the luxuries and delicacies the world
could contribute. Not to the faults of the few, however, would we call
too much attention, but to the virtues of the many; for during these
dark years of ignorance and voluptuousness the Church was planting and
watering the seeds of the sanctity of marriage and domestic life in
Spain, and surrounding the family altar with so many safeguards among
her people, that the long ages since have not sufficed to dispel nor
destroy them. The wealthy families of Spain had their court jesters,
but coarse buffoonery or indecent jests were seldom tolerated.
[Sidenote: FOOD AND FILTHINESS.]
Two persons often ate from one plate, using their fingers for forks.
A sheath-knife, or dagger, which they carried upon the person, served
to cut the food. Among the first books printed in Venice was a folio
volume on cookery, issued in 1475. In the English metrical _Stans Puer
ad Mensam_, following Wright, the guest is told to "bring no knyves
unskoured to the table;" in other words, his sheath knife should be
clean, and he is also informed that polite persons will not pick their
teeth with it while at table. It was considered a breach of good manners
to blow the nose with the same fingers used in conveying food to the
mouth. Hats were worn by the men, and head-dresses by the women, on all
domestic occasions. In France, the metrical _Contenances de Table_, or
manual of table manners, shows but little more refinement there than
elsewhere. Among other directions the reader is told first to examine
his seat whether it be clean:
"Enfant, prens de regarder peine
Sur le siege où tu te fierras,
Se aucune chose y verras
Qui soit deshonneste où vilaine."
He is forbidden to spit upon the table while at dinner:
"Ne craiche par dessus la table
Car c'est chose desconvenable."
Or to spurt water from his mouth into the basin used in common by the
company:
"Quant tu bouche tu laveras
Ou bacin point ne cracheras."
Or leave sops in his wine glass:
"Se tu fais souppes en ton verre
Boy le vin ou le gette à terre."
But by implication he may spurt and throw remnants on the floor, as much
as he pleases.
Even in their use of tobacco, of which they are excessively fond, the
Spaniards are temperate. Though they smoke it almost constantly, it is
in such small quantities, and in so mild a form, that tobacco does them
less injury than it inflicts on many other nations. It was the custom to
carry a daily supply wrapped in a lettuce or cabbage leaf to preserve it
moist. The cigarette was prepared for smoking by taking a small quantity
of tobacco, finely cut, rolling it in a piece of corn-husk or paper, and
lighting with flint, steel, and punk. Though the tobacco may be strong,
prepared in this way the effect is less injurious than when rolled in
larger quantities into a cigar, or cut from a plug and smoked from a
pipe or chewed.
Noble youths of both sexes were accustomed, to serve a sort of
apprenticeship for a number of years in the king's household. In like
manner the sons and daughters of gentlemen served in the houses of the
nobility, and common people in the houses of gentlemen, that each might
be benefited by the knowledge and refinement of his superior.
Spaniards, as I have said, are called inhospitable; but this charge must
be taken with allowance. Every phase of human nature has its generous
quality; locked in every heart is a wealth of kindliness which opens to
him who holds the key. By nature these people are reserved, suspicious.
They carry no window in their breast. In their domestic affairs they are
specially reticent before strangers. Their wives and daughters they hide
away; their troubles they cover within the ashes that preserve them;
their sensibilities shrink from cold contact with the world. If some
find certain Spaniards at given periods inhospitable, others at other
times and places find them very generous. In early times inns were not
common in Spain, and we are told that in certain places every private
house had its guest's quarters consisting of one or more rooms according
to the opulence of the owner. To this apartment every stranger of
whatsoever degree was welcome. There he lived as long as he pleased, fed
and cared for by the host; and—you may call it pride—if through poverty
provisions grew scarce, the family would undergo the greatest privation
rather than the guest should suffer want, or be forced to hasten his
departure. Furthermore all was free; to offer pay for entertainment was
deemed an insult, though a present might be given and accepted.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: AMUSEMENTS.]
While called a melancholy people, amusement appeared at times to be
the life of the nation. Royalty and religion at rest, peace here and
hereafter secured, there was nothing more of life than to enjoy it. To
labor when one might repose; to sigh when one might sing; to undergo the
pains of culture when sweet pleasure temptingly proposed a holiday—ah
no! Fools attempt to better their condition and make it worse. Let those
who need improving scour themselves; we know enough.
So lazily lapped in stupidity, beside their feast-days and bull-fights,
their passions and passion-plays, they lolled upon the greensward and
danced to tambourine and castanets, and wrestled, and ran races; they
fenced, fought, played cards, shook dice, and enlivened home monotony by
all sorts of games and gymnastic exercises. Dancing was carried to such
excess as to lead to dissoluteness and occasional death, even as it does
to-day. The dances of the peasantry in many instances bear a striking
resemblance to those of the native races of America. In Asturias, men,
and sometimes men and women, form a circle joining hands by the little
finger. A leader sings in plaintive monotone a description of some
Spanish feat of arms prior to the eleventh century, or of a tournament
of later days, or of some unhappy love adventure, or of a thrilling
incident in the conquest of America. At the end of every strophe, all
sing in chorus the refrain which sometimes terminates in an invocation,
as for example, May Saint Peter be with me! May the Magdalen protect
us! The dance is a long step forward, and two short steps backward and
laterally to the right, so that the circle keeps constantly moving in
that direction, meanwhile keeping time to the music with arms as well as
feet. These dances take place on Sunday afternoons, and on feast-days,
and when the priest is present men and women are separated in the dance.
The _fandango_, danced by two persons with castanets to the music of
the guitar, is peculiar to the south of Spain.
Between the eras proper of tournaments and bull-fights, a species
of tilting called _correr la sortija_ was greatly in vogue. A gold
finger-ring was suspended by a thread from the top of a pole, and at
it charged the cavalier with lance in rest and horse at full speed. The
smallness of the object, its constant motion, and its proximity to the
pole rendered it an exceedingly difficult feat to accomplish.
Cards and dice were at this time in the height of their fascination.
Every class, age, profession, and sex were filled with a passion
for gambling—a most levelling vice, at this juncture, bringing in
contact noble and commoner, knight and squire, women, servants, and
trades-people. An English poet about the year 1500 thus laments the
degeneracy of the nobles:
"Before thys tyme they lovyd for to juste,
And in shotynge chefely they sett ther mynde;
And ther landys and possessyons now sett they moste,
And at cardes and dyce ye may them ffynde."
From her low estate of mediæval drudge or plaything, woman was lifted
by the exaltation of the Virgin,—lifted too high by chivalry; then fell
too low with the sensual reaction. Finally, after many waverings, she
rises again, and in the more favored spheres takes her rightful place
beside her lord, his confidant and equal. At the time of which I write,
however, she was less respected than now, and hence less respectable;
less trusted, and consequently less trustworthy. Her virtue, fortified
by bolts and bars at home, was watched by servants abroad. Falling into
the customs of the invaders during Moslem domination, Castilian ladies
became more and more retired, until the dwelling was little better than
a nunnery. The days of tournaments, and jousts, and troubadours were
over, and indifference succeeded chivalric sentimentality.
[Sidenote: FEMALE CHASTITY.]
Seldom has Spanish society been conspicuous for its high moral tone.
Female chastity was an abstract quality, the property of the father
or husband, rather than an inherent virtue for the safe-keeping of
which the female possessor was responsible. The master of a household
exercised sovereign authority therein, claiming even the power of life
and death over the members of his family. He was addressed in the third
person as 'your worship;' sons dare not cover their head, cross their
legs, or even sit in his presence unless so directed; daughters were
betrothed without their knowledge, and to men whom they had never seen;
the selection of a husband rested entirely with the father, and the
daughter had only to acquiesce. Female decorum and purity were placed
under espionage. A dueña kept guard over the wife and daughter at home,
and closely followed at their heels whenever they stepped into the
street. Ladies, closely veiled, marched solemnly to church, preceded
by a _rodrigon_, or squire, with cushion and prayer-book, and followed
by a dueña. At service, her place was in front, and men took up their
station behind her. Teach woman first that she is inferior, next that
she is impotent; add to this intellectual inanity and implied moral
unaccountability, and you have a creature ripe for wickedness.