WOODES ROGERS
Captain Woodes Rogers was a very different stamp of man from Dampier,
and far better adapted by nature for the command of a privateering
expedition.
His father was a Bristol man, a sea-captain, and subsequently resided at
Poole; Woodes Rogers the younger was probably born at Bristol, about the
year 1678. Of his early life we know nothing in detail, but he was
evidently brought up as a seaman and attained a good position, for in
the year 1708 he proposed to some merchants of Bristol that they should
fit out a couple of privateers for a voyage to the South Seas. Whether
he put any money in the venture we do not know, but he held strong views
as to the folly of permitting the French and Spaniards to have it all
their own way in that part of the world, and put his case to such good
purpose that the necessary funds were speedily forthcoming. We are told,
in Seyer's "Memoirs of Bristol," that among the gentlemen who financed
the business, and to the survivors of whom, sixteen in number, Rogers
dedicates his account of the cruise, there were several Quakers: a
remarkable statement which, if true, would appear to indicate that the
privateering fever, with huge gains in prospect, was too much for the
principles even of the Society of Friends.
Like many another sailor who has sat down to write an account of his
doings, Rogers commences by disclaiming any pretensions to literary
skill: "I had not time, were it my talent, to polish the stile; nor do I
think it necessary for a mariner's journal." Nevertheless, the account
is written in pleasing fashion, occasionally very quaint in phraseology,
and has the merit also--which is decidedly lacking in some writings
whereof great parade is made of "polishing the stile"--of being very
lucid.
The two vessels, named the _Duke_, of 320 tons, 30 guns, and 117 men,
and the _Duchess_, of 260 tons, 26 guns, and 108 men, sailed from King
Road, near Bristol, on August 2nd, 1708, for Cork, where Rogers hoped to
complete his crews, or exchange some of the very mixed company for more
efficient seamen, having not more than twenty such on board, while the
_Duchess_ was very little better off; so they were fortunate in not
meeting with an enemy of any force on the way to Ireland; indeed, they
appear to have sailed from Bristol in the greatest disorder--the rigging
slack, ships out of trim, decks lumbered up, stores badly stowed, and so
on, which must have gone greatly against the grain with a good seaman
like Rogers. It is not difficult to imagine, however, the causes which
led to such hurried departure: merchants who had been putting their
hands in their pockets pretty freely for some months would be anxious
to see the two ships at sea, commencing to rake in the spoil. Even the
Quakers, perhaps, were impatient over the matter; and Rogers was
probably told that it was time he was off.
However, he made good use of the time at Cork, and reconstituted his
crews, if not entirely to his liking, at least with considerable
improvement.
The owners, with, as we may conclude, the assistance of Rogers, had
drawn up the constitution of a council, by which the progress of the
voyage was to be determined, and all questions and disputes were to be
settled. This is a very sensible document, providing for all probable
contingencies; and, in the event of an equality of votes upon any
matter, the casting vote was to be given by Thomas Dover, Rogers's
second in command, who was appointed president of the council; this
brings us to the subject of the officers of the two ships, and we find
some very improbable persons included among them.
In the first place, Thomas Dover, second captain, president of the
council, and captain of the Marines, appears to have been neither a
sailor nor soldier, but a doctor.[5] There were three lieutenants and
three mates, but John Ballet, third mate, was "designed surgeon if
occasion arose; he had been Captain Dampier's doctor, in his last
unfortunate voyage round the world." Samuel Hopkins, a kinsman of
Dover's, and an apothecary, was to act as Dover's lieutenant in case of
landing a party. Then there was John Vigor, a "Reformado," to act as
Dover's ensign if landed; while George Underwood and John Parker, _two
young lawyers_, were designed to act as midshipmen. The whole
arrangement has a savour of Gilbert and Sullivan, or Lewis Carroll,
about it; one is irresistibly reminded of the "Hunting of the Snark,"
where the captain was a bellman, and had for his crew a butcher, a
billiard-marker, and a beaver!
However, Rogers and his merry men were not for hunting any such shadowy
affair as a "Snark"; they meant business, and the list of sub-officers
includes further two midshipmen, coxswain of the pinnace, surgeon,
surgeon's mate, and assistant--they were well off in the medical
branch--gunner, carpenter, with mate and three assistants; boatswain and
mate; cooper, four quarter-masters, ship's steward, sailmaker, armourer,
ship's corporal (who was also cook to the officers), and ship's cook.
Also, as sailing-master and pilot for the South Seas, William Dampier
sailed under Rogers in the _Duke_, probably the best man who could have
been found for the post; he was a member of the council, and was no
doubt a very valuable addition to the staff.
The _Duchess_, commanded by Captain Stephen Courtney, was similarly
officered, the second lieutenant being John Rogers, a brother of Woodes
Rogers, some ten years his junior.
"Most of us," says Rogers, "the chief officers, embraced this trip of
privateering round the world, to retrieve the losses we had sustained by
the enemy. Our complement of sailors in both ships was 333, of which
alone one-third were foreigners from most nations; several of her
Majesty's subjects on board were tinkers, tailors, haymakers, pedlars,
fiddlers, etc., one negro, and about ten boys. With this mixed gang we
hoped to be well manned, as soon as they had learnt the use of arms, and
got their sea-legs, which we doubted not soon to teach them, and bring
them to discipline." Very hopeful!
One curious characteristic common to this mixed crew was that, as Rogers
puts it, they "were continually marrying whilst we staid at Cork, though
they expected to sail immediately. Among others there was a Dane coupled
by a Romish priest to an Irish woman, without understanding a word of
each other's language, so that they were forced to use an interpreter;
yet I perceived this pair seemed more afflicted at separation than any
of the rest. The fellow continued melancholy for several days after we
were at sea. The rest, understanding each other, drank their cans of
flip till the last minute, concluded with a health to our good voyage
and their happy meeting, and then parted unconcerned."
This "continual marrying" constitutes, in truth, a tribute to the
character of Irish women; had it been at Wapping there would have been,
it is to be feared, but little question of marrying.
Even when they had restowed their holds and set up the rigging, Rogers
is somewhat disheartened over the condition of the two ships: "Our holds
are full of provisions; our cables, a great deal of bread, and
water-casks between decks: and 183 men aboard the _Duke_, with 151
aboard the _Duchess_: so that we are very much crowded and pestered
ships, not fit to engage an enemy without throwing provision and store
overboard."
However, they sailed on September 1st, in company with the _Hastings_
man-of-war and some other vessels, from whom they parted on the 6th,
bound for Madeira; and a few days later there was trouble with the
undisciplined crew, who had as yet found neither their sea-legs nor
their manners.
Rogers had overhauled a vessel, sailing under Swedish colours; some of
her crew, who were more or less drunk, had declared that she carried
gunpowder and cables, so she was detained, in spite of the captain's
remonstrances. However, no sign of any contraband goods could be
discovered, so Rogers very properly let her go; upon which his men, who
had no notion of going a-privateering without the joys of plunder,
assumed a mutinous attitude, the boatswain at their head--all the
mutineers were Englishmen. One man was flogged, ten were put in irons,
and with the remainder Rogers reasoned, admitting, however, that he was
forced to wink at the conduct of some. Next day a seaman came aft, "with
near half the ship's company of sailors following him, and demanded the
boatswain out of irons. I desired him to speak with me by himself on the
quarter-deck, which he did, where the officers assisted me, seized him
[_i.e._ tied him up], and made one of his chief comrades whip him. This
method I thought best for breaking any unlawful friendship among
themselves; which, with different correction to other offenders, allayed
the tumult, so that now they begin to submit quietly, and those in irons
beg pardon and promise amendment."
An excellent method of "breaking friendship," unlawful or otherwise!
On September 18th, in sight of Teneriffe, a small Spanish vessel was
captured, belonging to Orotava, a port of Teneriffe.
"Amongst the prisoners were four friars, and one of them the Padre
Guardian for the island Forteventura, a good, honest old fellow. We made
him heartily merry, drinking King Charles III.'s health; but the rest
were of the wrong sort."
The quarrels and intrigues of other nations brought a good deal of
profit to privateersmen; the War of the Spanish Succession was then
still in progress, the Grand Alliance striving to place the Archduke
Charles of Austria on the Spanish throne, while others--"the wrong sort"
from Rogers's point of view--upheld the cause of Philip, grandson of
Louis XIV. of France; later on, as we shall see, the Austrian Succession
was the occasion of some more profitable privateering.
Rogers and his colleagues now found themselves involved, to their
surprise, in a dispute with their own countrymen over their capture,
the Vice-Consul and three merchants sending off a letter to say that it
had been agreed between Queen Anne and the Kings of Spain and France,
that vessels trading to the Canaries were to be exempt from
interference, and that unless the prize were released, Mr. Vanbrugh,
owners' agent on board the _Duke_, who had gone on shore, would be
detained.
Rogers was not to be so easily hoodwinked; he immediately detected the
self-interest which prompted a disingenuous representation, and insisted
that the prize should be ransomed; the cargo of wine and brandy he
designed for his own ships; and he finished his letter as follows: "We
are apprehensive you are obliged to give us this advice to gratify the
Spaniards": which hit the nail very fairly on the head. Still pressed by
the Spaniards, the Consul and his friends persisted; upon which Rogers
told them that, had it not been for their agent being on shore, they
would not have remained a moment to discuss the matter; but that now
they would remain longer among the islands, in order to make reprisals,
and that the Consul and his English and Spanish friends might expect a
visit from their guns at eight o'clock the next morning.
Accordingly, at that hour the two English privateers stood close in
shore; but the guns were not needed, for a boat put off immediately with
one of the merchants and Mr. Vanbrugh, bringing the ransom "in
kind"--wine, grapes, hogs, and other accessories.
And so they proceeded on their voyage; and a few days later they crossed
the tropic of Cancer, which appears to have been made the occasion, in
this instance, of some fun with those who had not come so far south
before. Usually it is the crossing of the Equator which is selected as
the occasion of these delights.
Rogers's tinkers, tailors, pedlars, fiddlers, etc., had a lively time of
it. "The manner of doing it was by a rope through a block from the
mainyard, to hoist 'em above half-way up to the yard, and let 'em fall
at once into the water; having a stick across through their legs, and
well fastened to the rope, that they might not be surprised and let go
their hold. This proved of great use to our fresh-water sailors, to
recover the colour of their skins, which were grown very black and
nasty."
Exemption could be purchased at the cost of half-a-crown, the whole
amount to be expended on an entertainment for all hands on their return
to England. Some of the crew--especially the Dutchmen--begged that they
might be ducked ten or twelve times--on the principle that, if immunity
could be paid for, an excess of dipping should logically entitle them to
a larger share of the pool! Sailors are queer creatures.
After the capture of the small Spanish craft, Rogers found it advisable
to lay down some rules, admitting the principle of plunder; he foresaw
incessant trouble and probable mutiny in the future, if the right of the
crew to the immediate distribution of a certain amount of spoil was not
recognised. It was quite irregular, and had not been contemplated by the
owners. However, the decision as to what should constitute plunder was,
with the consent of the men, left to the senior officers and agents, so
there was a certain safeguard against abuse.
The next place of call was the Cape Verde Islands, where they anchored
in the harbour of St. Vincent; here they watered with some difficulty,
on account of the sea; and they lost one of their crew, one Joseph
Alexander, who, by reason of his being a good linguist, was sent in a
boat to the Governor at St. Antonio, with a letter, and was left behind
to negotiate for supplies. However, he appears to have found the
prospect of life in the Cape Verde Islands more promising than
privateering. On October 5th "our boat went to St. Antonio to see for
our linguist, according to appointment"; on the 6th "our boat returned
with nothing but limes and tobacco, and no news of our linguist"; again
on the 7th the boat was sent in quest of "our linguist"--and by this
time they must have been getting pretty tired of his antics; on the 8th
"no news of our linguist"; so, as the Trade-wind blew fresh, they
concluded to leave him to practise his linguistic and other
accomplishments on shore, and made sail for the coast of Brazil, Captain
Rogers summing up the situation in a marginal note: "Our linguist
deserts."
The captains frequently exchanged visits, and even had little
dinner-parties on board each other's ships, in mid-ocean, when it was
held to be necessary to call a council; Rogers was very scrupulous about
having everything done in order, and properly recorded. It may appear
strange that there should be such frequent communication, especially
when a council or dinner-party is recorded together with the remark,
"fresh breeze, with heavy sea," and so on; but such boating exploits
were the fashion in those days, and very much later. When Nelson was
bound for the Baltic, as second in command under Sir Hyde Parker, with
whom he was never upon cordial terms, he set his men fishing for turbot
on the Doggerbank, and, having caught one, despatched it in a boat to
his chief, in spite of a heavy sea and approaching darkness, with a
polite note; the mission was accomplished without mishap, and the turbot
is said to have brought about a better understanding between the
Admirals. Such measures of policy were not, however, very much in
Nelson's line. The point is that the seamen of those times must have
been very masterly boatmen, for the lowering and hoisting of a boat in a
heavy sea is a very ticklish process, in which a small blunder may mean
disaster; yet it was constantly done, just for a friendly visit, and we
hear of no fatalities arising therefrom.
On October 22nd we hear of more trouble from insubordination. Mr. Page,
second mate of the _Duchess_, refusing to accompany Cook, who was
Courtney's second in command, on board the _Duke_, "occasioned Captain
Cook, being the superior officer on board, to strike him, whereupon Page
struck him again, and several blows passed; but at last Page was forced
into the boat, and brought on board of us. And Captain Cook and others
telling us what mutiny had passed, we ordered Page on the forecastle
into the bilboes" (leg-irons sliding upon a long iron bar). Page,
however, evaded his captors by a ruse and jumped overboard to swim back
to his own ship--a dangerous business, somewhere near the Equator, for
there is always the chance of a shark. But this foolish attempt availed
him little: he was brought back, flogged, and put in irons; and he found
a week of this kind of thing sufficient, submitting himself humbly and
promising amendment. Captain Rogers was already beginning to realise
that the lot of a privateer commander, unless he is willing, as so many
were, to degenerate into a mere filibuster, is not a happy one.
Possibly it was this conviction--or maybe that he found the Southern
Hemisphere a more devotional environment than the Northern--which
occasioned the following entry: "At five last night we were on the
Equinoctial [the Equator].... This day we began to read prayers in both
ships mornings or evenings, as opportunity would permit, according to
the Church of England, designing to continue it the term of the voyage."
Passing by the small island of Trinidad, on the night of November 13th,
the two ships lay to, Rogers believing they were near land: and sure
enough, at daybreak they sighted the coast of Brazil, and a few days
later anchored at Isle Grande, just to the southward of Rio Janeiro.
Here they were very busy--heeling both vessels to clean the bottoms, and
executing sundry repairs aloft--all of which was done under a broiling
sun, besides getting in a plentiful supply of wood and water, in so
short a space of time that we must conclude that Captain Rogers and
Captain Courtney had under them both well-disciplined and willing crews;
no man-of-war's men could have done better.
Here also Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh, owner's agent on board the _Duke_, got
into trouble for assuming executive command. A boat being manned to
overhaul a passing canoe, he shoved off, without any orders, pursued and
fired into the canoe, killing an Indian. This officiousness and
presumption obtained for him a wigging from Captain Rogers, who also
brought the matter before the council: "I thought it a fit time now to
resent ignorant and wilful actions publicly, and to show the vanity and
mischief of 'em, rather than to delay or excuse such proceedings; which
would have made the distemper too prevalent, and brought all to
remediless confusion, had we indulged conceited persons with a liberty
of hazarding the fairest opportunities of success."
Mr. Vanbrugh was accordingly "logged" as being censured by the council,
and was subsequently transferred to the _Duchess_, his opposite number
there, William Bath, taking his place.
On December 3rd they sailed from Isle Grande and made their way down the
coast of South America towards Cape Horn, chasing but losing a large
French ship on the 26th. On New Year's Day there was a large tub of hot
punch on the quarter-deck, of which every man had over a pint to drink
the health of the owners and absent friends, a happy New Year, a good
voyage, and a safe return. The _Duke_ bore down close to her consort,
and there, rolling and lurching at close quarters in the big seas, they
exchanged cheers and good wishes.
On January 5th it came on to blow hard, with a heavy sea, and while the
mainyard was being lowered on board the _Duchess_ the sail got aback,
and a great portion of it bagged in the water on the lee side, the
"lift" on that side having given way. This was rather a serious
business, in so heavy a sea; they were obliged to put the ship before
the wind for a time, and the sea "broke in the cabin windows, and over
their stern, filling their steerage and waist, and had like to have
spoiled several men; but, God be thanked, all was otherwise indifferent
well with 'em, only they were intolerably cold, and everything wet."
Next day Rogers found them "in a very orderly pickle, with all their
clothes drying, the ship and rigging covered with them from the deck to
the maintop."
Though it was high summer in these southern latitudes, they experienced
no genial warmth, only gales of wind, with an immense sea; they attained
the latitude of 61.53 South, which, as Rogers remarks, was probably the
furthest south reached at that time; and so they fought round the Horn,
and before the end of January we find the entry: "This is an excellent
climate."
This was in latitude 36.36 South, and they were looking forward
anxiously to sighting the island of Juan Fernandez. Many of the men had
suffered greatly from cold and exposure, some were down with scurvy, and
a rest in port, with fresh vegetables and sweet water, was very
necessary.
Juan Fernandez was not in those days accurately placed on the chart, and
all eyes no doubt were turned to William Dampier to bring them there;
which he did on January 31st, though they appear to have had a narrow
escape of missing it, for when they sighted land it bore W.S.W., so that
they had already somewhat overshot it. When we consider the very
inadequate means which these men possessed for navigating thousands of
leagues of trackless ocean, and making land which was very inefficiently
charted, we can only marvel at their success. The quadrant of those days
was a very rough affair, the compass was not perfect in construction,
neither were its vagaries understood as they are at the present day--for
the compass, emblem of faithfulness and constancy, is, alas! a most
capricious and inconstant friend; only we understand it nowadays, and
realise that it never--or hardly ever--points due north. Then
chronometers, sufficiently reliable to give correct longitude, were not
constructed until some sixty years later, when the earliest maker
contrived to turn out, to his credit, a marvellously good one. This was
John Harrison, and very scurvily he was treated by the authorities, only
receiving the full reward which was offered upon the intervention of
King George III. on his behalf.
Well, here was Juan Fernandez, and very welcome was the sight of the
high land, some five-and-twenty miles distant; but they were becalmed,
and got but little nearer for twenty-four hours. Next day, in the
afternoon, Rogers consented, rather against his better judgment, to
Dover taking a boat in, the land being then at least twelve miles
distant. At dark, a bright light was observed on shore, and the boat
returned at 2 a.m., Dover having been afraid to land, not knowing what
the light could mean.
The general idea was that there were French ships at anchor, and all was
prepared for action: "We must either fight 'em or want water, etc."
These desperate measures were not, however, necessary; sailing along the
land the following day, the two bays, which afford good anchorage, were
found to be empty. The yawl was sent in at noon, and after some hours
the pinnace was despatched to see what had become of her; for it was
feared that the Spaniards might be in possession.
Presently, however, the pinnace arrived, and, as she approached, it was
seen that she carried a passenger--a most fantastic and picturesque
person, attired in obviously home-made garments of goatskin.
This, of course, was Alexander Selkirk. On the afternoon of January
31st, sweeping the horizon, as he did so constantly, from his look-out,
he had seen the two sails in the offing. As they gradually rose, his
experienced eye told him that they were English; dusk was settling down,
and they were still a long way off--would they pass by?
Reasonably contented as he had latterly been in his solitude--broken in
upon twice by Spaniards, who upon one occasion saw and chased him,
forcing him to take refuge in a tree--the sight of these two English
ships filled him with a frantic longing to grasp the hand of a
countryman, to hear and speak once more his native language. Mad with
apprehension lest this joy should be torn, as it were, from his very
grasp, he hastily collected materials, and, as darkness set in, lit a
huge bonfire. He spent a couple of sleepless nights, keeping up his
fire, and preparing some goat's-meat for guests who, he fondly hoped,
would appear on the following day.
He saw the boat approaching, and, taking a stick with a rude flag
attached, ran down to the beach--they saw him--they shouted to him to
point out a good landing place. In a transport of joy at the sound of
their voices, he ran round with incredible swiftness, waving them with
his flag to follow him.
When they landed he could only embrace them; his emotion was too deep,
his speech too rusty--no words could he find; while they, on their part,
were mute with surprise at his wild and uncouth appearance.
Recovering themselves at length, Selkirk entertained them as best he
could with some of the goat's-flesh which he had prepared, and while
they ate he gave them some account of his sojourn and adventures on the
island.
There is but little in common with De Foe's description of Robinson
Crusoe's doings, excepting, of course, the expedients adopted for
obtaining food, which could scarcely have been different.
There was no "man Friday," no mysterious footprint in the sand, no
encounter with savages. There was, however, a narrow escape, already
alluded to, of capture by Spanish sailors; a fate to which Selkirk
decided that he preferred his solitary existence, for the Spaniards
would either have ruthlessly murdered him or sold him as a slave to
work in their mines. So when he found that he had incautiously exposed
himself while reconnoitring, he ran for the woods, the Spaniards in
chase; but he had acquired such fleetness of foot in catching the goats
that they had no chance, and, sitting aloft in a large tree, he saw them
below, completely at fault. They helped themselves to some of the goats,
and retired.
In describing his adventures and emotions, Selkirk attributed his
eventual contentment in his solitude to his religious training. He
appears to have possessed in full measure the deep, emotional religious
temperament of the Scots, and this in all probability saved his reason,
and certainly deterred him from suicide, which at one time presented
itself as the only possible release from acute mental suffering. He used
to recite his prayers and sing familiar hymns aloud, and it is easy to
understand what an immense solace such exercises were to him.
Learning from Dover and his companions that William Dampier was with the
expedition, Selkirk demurred at once to going on board. Not that he had
any personal quarrel with Dampier, but he had a most vivid recollection
of the hopeless mismanagement of that cruise under his command; of the
futile delays, half-fought actions, hastily abandoned plans which
promised some measure of success; and he declined to enlist again under
such an incompetent chief. This extreme reluctance on Selkirk's part to
sail again under the famous navigator constitutes a very strong
indictment against Dampier as commander of a privateer; nothing,
indeed, could well be stronger. When a man says practically, "I prefer
to remain alone on an island to sailing under him," there appears to be
little more to be said.
Understanding, however, that Dampier occupied a subordinate position as
pilot, he was ready enough to accompany his rescuers; and so presented
himself to the "admiring" gaze--using the term as it was frequently used
in those days--of the crew of the _Duke_.
Whatever Selkirk may have thought of Dampier, the latter, recognising
him as the former sailing-master of the _Cinque Ports_, gave him the
highest character, declaring that he was the best man on board
Stradling's ship; upon which Rogers at once engaged him as a mate on the
_Duke_, in which capacity he was, we are told, greatly respected, "as
well on account of his singular adventure as of his skill and good
conduct; for, having had his books with him, he had improved himself
much in navigation during his solitude."
Such application appears, under the circumstances, almost heroic; there
are probably few men so situated who would have had recourse to it.
It was long before Selkirk began to throw off the reserve which was the
natural outcome of his solitude, and it is said that the expression of
his face was fixed and sedate even after his return to England; nothing,
indeed, could ever efface the recollection of those years of absolute
loneliness, the grim lessons of self-restraint, endurance, and
resignation, so hardly learned.
[Footnote 5: The reader may be interested to learn that this Thomas
Dover was the inventor of the well-known preparation, "Dover's Powder."
After his adventures with Woodes Rogers he settled down as a regular
practitioner, and in the year 1733 he published a book entitled, "The
Ancient Physician's Legacy to his Country," in which the recipe for
Dover's Powder appeared; it was afterwards altered, but retained the
name. Dover died in 1742.]