afterwards gave the Queen a still harsher message, to the effect that not
only was she to be deprived of the regal title, but that the King would
not continue to provide for her household. "He would retire her to some
private house of her own, there to live on a small allowance, which, I am
told, will scarcely be sufficient to cover the expenses of her household
for the first quarter of next year." Katharine replied that, so long as
she lived, she should call herself Queen. As to beginning housekeeping on
her own account, she could not begin so late in life. If her expenses were
too heavy the King might take her personal property, and place her where
he chose, with a confessor, a physician, an apothecary, and two
chamber-maids. If that was too much to ask, and there was nothing for her
and her servants to live upon, she would willingly go out into the world
and beg for alms for the sake of God. (_Spanish Calendar Henry VIII._,
15th April 1533.)
[94] _Spanish Calendar Henry VIII._, Chapuys to the Emperor, 15th April
1533.
[95] It was shortly after this that Friar George Brown first publicly
prayed for the new Queen at Austin Friars.
[96] Chapuys to the Emperor, 27th April and 18th May 1533.
[97] An interesting letter from Cranmer on the subject is in the Harleian
MSS., British Museum (Ellis's Letters, vol. 2, series 1).
[98] The Duke of Norfolk was apparently delighted to be absent from his
niece's triumph, though the Duchess followed Anne in a carriage. He
started the day before to be present at the interview between Francis and
the Pope at Nice. He had two extraordinary secret conferences with Chapuys
just before he left London, in which he displayed without attempt at
concealment his and the King's vivid apprehension that the Emperor would
make war upon England. Norfolk went from humble cringing and flattery to
desperate threats, praying that Chapuys would do his best to reconcile
Katharine to Cranmer's sentence and to prevent war. He praised Katharine
to the skies "for her great modesty, prudence, and forbearance during the
divorce proceedings, as well as on former occasions, the King having been
at all times inclined to amours." Most significant of all was Norfolk's
declaration "that he had not been either the originator or promoter of
this second marriage, but on the contrary had always been opposed to it,
and had tried to dissuade the King therefrom." (_Spanish Calendar Henry
VIII._, vol. 6, part 2, 29th May 1533.)
[99] Norfolk, on the morning of the water pageant, told Chapuys that the
King had been very angry to learn that Katharine's barge had been
appropriated by Anne, and the arms ignominiously torn off and hacked; and
the new Queen's chamberlain had been reprimanded for it, as there were
plenty of barges on the river as fit for the purpose as that one. But Anne
would bate no jot of her spiteful triumph over her rival; and, as is told
in the text, she used Katharine's barge for her progress, in spite of all.
[100] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._, edited by the present writer,
1889.
[101] _Spanish Calendar Henry VIII._, Chapuys to the Emperor, 11th and
30th July 1533.
[102] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._, edited by the present writer.
[103] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ Cranmer, in his letter to Hawkins giving
an account of the festivities on this occasion (Harl. MSS., Ellis's
Original Letters, vol. 2, series 1), says that after the banquet in the
hall of the old palace, "She was conveyed owte of the bake syde of the
palice into a barge and, soe unto Yorke Place, where the King's Grace was
before her comyng; for this you must ever presuppose that his Grace came
allwayes before her secretlye in a barge as well frome Grenewyche to the
Tower, as from the Tower to Yorke Place."
[104] Stow gives some curious glimpses of the public detestation of the
marriage, and of the boldness of Friar Peto in preaching before the King
at Greenwich in condemnation of it; and the letter of the Earl of Derby
and Sir Henry Faryngton to Henry (Ellis's Original Letters, vol. 2, series
1) recounts several instances of bold talk in Lancashire on the subject,
the most insulting and opprobrious words being used to describe "Nan
Bullen the hoore."
[105] Lord Herbert of Cherbury.
[106] _Spanish Calendar Henry VIII._, 11th July 1533.
[107] Katharine was even more indignant shortly afterwards, when she was
informed that of the sum apportioned to her sustenance, only 12,000 crowns
a year was to be at her own disposal, the rest, 18,000 crowns, being
administered by an agent of the King, who would pay the bills and
servants. She was for open rebellion on this point--she would rather beg
her bread in the streets, she said, than consent to it--but Chapuys knew
that his master did not wish to drive affairs to an extremity just then,
and counselled submission and patience. (_Ibid._, 23rd August.)
[108] Chapuys to the Emperor, 30th July 1533.
[109] Chapuys writes a day or two afterwards: "The baptism ceremony was
sad and unpleasant as the mother's coronation had been. Neither at Court
nor in the city have there been the bonfires, illuminations, and
rejoicings usual on such occasions."
[110] Katharine had shortly before complained of the insalubrity of
Buckden and its distance from London.
[111] Katharine's appeal that she might not be deprived of the service of
her own countrymen is very pathetic. She wrote to the Council: "As to my
physician and apothecary, they be my countrymen: the King knoweth them as
well as I do. They have continued many years with me and (I thank them)
have taken great pains with me, for I am often sickly, as the King's grace
doth know right well, and I require their attendance for the preservation
of my poor body, that I may live as long as it pleaseth God. They have
been faithful and diligent in my service, and also daily do pray that the
King's royal estate may long endure. But if they take any other oath to
the King and to me (to serve me) than that which they have taken, I shall
never trust them again, for in so doing I should live continually in fear
of my life with them. Wherefore I trust the King, in his high honour and
goodness, and for the great love that hath been between us (which love in
me is as faithful to him as ever it was, I take God to record) will not
use extremity with me, my request being so reasonable."--_Privy Council
Papers_, December 1533.
[112] _Spanish Calendar Henry VIII._, 27th December 1533.
[113] _Spanish Calendar Henry VIII._, 27th December 1533.
[114] Chapuys to the Emperor, 17th January 1534.
[115] Many instances are given by Chapuys of Anne's bitter spite against
Mary about this time. In February 1534 he mentions that Northumberland
(Anne's old flame, who had more than once got into trouble about her) had
said that she was determined to poison Mary. Some one else had told him
that Anne had sent to her aunt, Lady Clare, who was Mary's governess,
telling her if the Princess used her title "to give her a good banging
like the cursed bastard that she was." Soon afterwards the girl is
reported to be nearly destitute of clothes and other necessaries. When
Anne visited her daughter at Hatfield in March, she sent for Mary to come
and pay her respects to her as Queen. "I know no Queen in England but my
mother," was Mary's proud answer: and a few days afterwards Norfolk took
away all the girl's jewels, and told her brutally that she was no princess
and it was time her pride was abated: and Lady Clare assured her that the
King did not care whether she renounced her title or not. Parliament by
statute had declared her a bastard, and if she (Lady Clare) were in the
King's place she would kick her out of the house. It was said also that
the King himself had threatened that Mary should lose her head. There was,
no doubt, some truth in all this, but it must not be forgotten that
Chapuys, who reports most of it, was Anne's deadly enemy.
[116] Lee's instructions are said to have been "not to press the Queen
very hard." It must have been evident that no pressure would suffice.
[117] The Queen wrote to Chapuys soon afterwards saying that the bishops
had threatened her with the gibbet. She asked which of them was going to
be the hangman, and said that she must ask them to hang her in public, not
secretly. Lee's and Tunstall's own account of their proceedings is in the
_Calendar of Henry VIII._, 29th May 1534.
[118] This lackey's name is given Bastian Hennyocke in the English State
Papers. To him Katharine left L20 in her will. The other Spanish servants
with Katharine at the time, besides Francisco Felipe, the Groom of the
Chambers, and the Bishop of Llandaff (Fray Jorge de Ateca), were Dr.
Miguel de la Sa, Juan Soto, Felipe de Granada, and Antonio Roca.
[119] This narrative is taken from the _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._,
edited by the present writer. The author of the Chronicle was a Spanish
merchant resident in London, and he was evidently indebted for this
description of the scene to his friend and countryman, Francisco Felipe,
Katharine's Groom of the Chambers. The account supplements but does not
materially contradict the official report of Lee and Tunstall, and
Chapuys' account to the Emperor gained from the Queen and her Spanish
attendants.
[120] Chapuys to the Emperor, 29th May 1534.
[121] She had written more than one fiery letter to Charles during the
previous few months, fervently urging him to strike for the authority of
the Church. All considerations of her safety and that of her daughter, she
said, were to be put aside. It was the duty of the Emperor to his faith
that the march of heresy and iniquity in England should be stayed at any
cost, and she exhorted him not to fail. (_Calendar Henry VIII._, February
and May 1534.)
[122] Bedingfield and Tyrell were instructed in May 1534 to inform
Katharine that the appeal she had made that her Spanish servants should
not be penalised for refusing to take the oath to the new Act of
Succession had been rejected, but licenses for the Spaniards to stay with
their mistress on the old footing were soon afterwards given. (_Calendar
Henry VIII._, May 1534.)
[123] The account here given, that of Chapuys himself, is quaintly and
minutely confirmed by that of one of the Spanish merchants who accompanied
him, Antonio de Guaras, the author of the _Spanish Chronicle of Henry
VIII._
[124] See Chapuys' many letters on the subject.
[125] Letters of Stephen Vaughan, Henry's envoy to Germany. (_Calendar
Henry VIII._, vol. 7, etc.)
[126] Letters of Chapuys in the autumn of 1534. (_Spanish Calendar._)
[127] Chapuys to the Emperor, 2nd May 1536.
[128] Lady Shelton.
[129] The plans for Mary's flight from Eltham and her deportation to the
Continent were nearly successful at this time.
[130] Katharine had first met the saintly Friar Forest when she had gone
on the famous pilgrimage to Walsingham after the victory of Flodden
(October 1513), and on his first imprisonment she and her maid, Elizabeth
Hammon, wrote heart-broken letters to him urging him to escape. (_Calendar
Henry VIII._)
[131] A vivid picture of the general discontent in England at this time,
and the steadfast fidelity of the people to the cause of Katharine and
Mary, is given by the French envoy, the Bishop of Tarbes. (_Calendar Henry
VIII._, October 1535.)
[132] The suggestion had been tentatively put forward by the English
Minister in Flanders three months before.
[133] This is according to Bedingfield's statement, although from Chapuys'
letters, in which the chronology is a little confusing, it might possibly
be inferred that he arrived at Kimbolton on the 1st January and that Lady
Willoughby arrived soon after him. I am inclined to think that the day I
have mentioned, however, is the correct one.
[134] In the previous month of November she had written what she called
her final appeal to the Emperor through Chapuys. In the most solemn and
exalted manner she exhorted her nephew to strike and save her before she
and her daughter were done to death by the forthcoming Parliament. This
supreme heart-cry having been met as all similar appeals had been by
smooth evasions on the part of Charles, Katharine thenceforward lost hope,
and resigned herself to her fate.
[135] Before Chapuys left Kimbolton he asked De la Sa if he had any
suspicion that the Queen was being poisoned. The Spanish doctor replied
that he feared that such was the case, though some slow and cunningly
contrived poison must be that employed, as he could not see any signs or
appearance of a simple poison. The Queen, he said, had never been well
since she had partaken of some Welsh beer. The matter is still greatly in
doubt, and there are many suspicious circumstances--the exclusion of De la
Sa and the Bishop of Llandaff from the room when the body was opened, and
the strenuous efforts to retain both of them in England after Katharine's
death; and, above all, the urgent political reasons that Henry had for
wishing Katharine to die, since he dared not carry out his threat of
having her attainted and taken to the Tower. Such a proceeding would have
provoked a rising which would almost certainly have swept him from the
throne.
[136] Even this small gold cross with a sacred relic enclosed in it--the
jewel itself not being worth, as Chapuys says, more than ten crowns--was
demanded of Mary by Cromwell soon afterwards.
[137] This account of Katharine's death is compiled from Chapuys' letters,
Bedingfield's letters, and others in the _Spanish_ and _Henry VIII.
Calendars_, and from the _Chronicle of Henry VIII._
[138] The letter tells Henry that death draws near to her, and she must
remind him for her love's sake to safeguard his soul before the desires of
his body, "for which you have cast me into many miseries and yourself into
many cares. For my part I do pardon you all, yea I do wish and devoutly
pray God that He will also pardon you." She commends her daughter and her
maids to him, and concludes, "Lastly, I do vow that mine eyes desire you
above all things." Katharine, Queen of England. (Cotton MSS., British
Museum, Otho C. x.)
[139] The death of Sir Thomas More greatly increased Anne's unpopularity.
It is recorded (More's _Life of More_) that when the news came of the
execution the King and Anne sat at play, and Henry ungenerously told her
she was the cause of it, and abruptly left the table in anger.
[140] Even the King's fool dared (July 1535) to call her a bawd and her
child a bastard.
[141] Chapuys to the Emperor, 24th February 1536.
[142] Chapuys to the Emperor, 29th January 1536.
[143] Probably the following letter, which has been frequently
printed:--"My dear friend and mistress. The bearer of these few lines from
thy entirely devoted servant will deliver into thy fair hands a token of
my true affection for thee, hoping you will keep it for ever in your
sincere love for me. Advertising you that there is a ballad made lately of
great derision against us, which if it go much abroad and is seen by you I
pray you pay no manner of regard to it. I am not at present informed who
is the setter forth of this malignant writing, but if he is found he shall
be straitly punished for it. For the things ye lacked I have minded my
lord to supply them to you as soon as he can buy them. Thus hoping shortly
to receive you in these arms I end for the present your own loving servant
and Sovereign. H. R."
[144] Chapuys to the Emperor, 1st April 1536.
[145] See p. 264.
[146] It will be recollected that this question of the return of the
alienated ecclesiastical property was the principal difficulty when Mary
brought England back again into the fold of the Church. Pole and the
Churchmen at Rome were for unconditional restitution, which would have
made Mary's task an impossible one; the political view which recommended
conciliation and a recognition of facts being that urged by Charles and
his son Philip, and subsequently adopted. Charles had never shown undue
respect for ecclesiastical property in Spain, and had on more than one
occasion spoliated the Church for his own purposes.
[147] Chapuys to the Emperor, 6th June 1536. (_Spanish Calendar._)
[148] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._, ed. Martin Hume. The author was
Antonio de Guaras, a Spanish merchant in London, and afterwards Charge
d'Affaires. His evidence is to a great extent hearsay, but it truly
represented the belief current at the time.
[149] British Museum, Cotton, Otho C. x., and Singer's addition to
Cavendish's _Wolsey_.
[150] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._
[151] It must not be forgotten that the dinner hour was before noon.
[152] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._
[153] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._
[154] See letter from Sir W. Kingston, Governor of the Tower, to Cromwell,
3rd May 1536, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x.
[155] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._
[156] Full account of her behaviour from day to day in the Tower will be
found in Kingston's letters to Cromwell, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x., which
have been printed in several places, and especially in the _Calendars
Henry VIII._
[157] The beautiful letter signed Ann Bullen and addressed to the King
with the date of 6th May, in which the writer in dignified language
protests innocence and begs for an impartial trial, is well known, having
been printed many times. It is, however, of extremely doubtful
authenticity; the writing and signature being certainly not that of Anne,
and the composition unconvincing, though the letter is said to have been
found amongst Cromwell's papers after his arrest. The genuineness of the
document being so questionable, I have not thought well to reproduce it
here.
[158] Strype's _Cranmer_. Cranmer was at Croydon when Cromwell sent him
news of Anne's arrest, with the King's command that he should go to
Lambeth and stay there till further orders reached him. This letter was
written as soon as he arrived there.
[159] Much appears to have been made of a certain alleged death-bed
deposition of Lady Wingfield recently dead, who had been one of Anne's
attendants, and as it was asserted, the conniver of her amours. Exactly
what Lady Wingfield had confessed is not now known, nor the amount of
credence to be given to her declarations. They appear, however, to have
principally incriminated Anne with Smeaton, and, on the whole, the balance
of probability is that if Anne was guilty at all, which certainly was not
proved, as she had no fair trial or defence, it was with Smeaton. The
charge that she and Norreys had "imagined" the death of the King is
fantastically improbable.
[160] Godwin.
[161] "Je ne veux pas omettre qu'entre autres choses luy fust objecte pour
crime que sa soeur la putain avait dit a sa femme (_i.e._ Lady Rochford)
que le Roy n'estait habile en cas de soy copuler avec femme, et qu'il
navait ni vertu ni puissance." This accusation was handed to Rochford in
writing to answer, but to the dismay of the Court he read it out before
denying it. (Chapuys to the Emperor, 19th May. _Spanish Calendar._)
[162] Chapuys to Granvelle, 18th May 1536. See also Camden.
[163] Froude says Smeaton was hanged; but the evidence that he was
beheaded like the rest is the stronger.
[164] The whole question is exhaustively discussed by Mr. Friedmann in his
_Anne Boleyn_, to which I am indebted for several references on the
subject.
[165] Lady Kingston, who was present, hastened to send this news secretly
to Chapuys, who, bitter enemy as he was to Anne, to do him justice seems
to have been shocked at the disregard of legality in the procedure against
her.
[166] The curious gossip, Antonio de Guaras, a Spaniard, says that he got
into the fortress overnight. Constantine gives also a good account of the
execution, varying little from that of Guaras. The Portuguese account used
by Lingard and Froude confirms them.
[167] Chapuys to the Emperor, 19th May 1536. (_Spanish Calendar._)
[168] This was Cromwell's version as sent to the English agents in foreign
Courts. He speaks of a conspiracy to kill the King which "made them all
quake at the danger he was in."
[169] Chapuys to the Emperor, 19th May. (_Spanish Calendar._)
[170] Chapuys to Granvelle, 20th May. (_Spanish Calendar._)
[171] The local story that the marriage took place at Wolf Hall, the seat
of the Seymours in Wiltshire, and that a barn now standing on the estate
was the scene of the wedding feast, may be dismissed. That festivities
would take place there in celebration of the wedding is certain; and on
more than one occasion Henry was entertained at Wolf Hall, and probably
feasted in the barn itself; but the royal couple were not there on the
occasion of their marriage. The romantic account given by Nott in his
_Life of Surrey_, of Henry's waiting with straining ears, either in Epping
Forest or elsewhere in hunting garb, to hear the signal gun announcing
Anne's death before galloping off to be married at Tottenham Church, near
Wolf Hall, is equally unsupported, and, indeed, impossible. Henry's
private marriage undoubtedly took place, as related in the text, at
Hampton Court, and the public ceremony on the 30th May at Whitehall.
[172] Henry's apologists have found decent explanations for his hurry to
marry Jane. Mr. Froude pointed to the urgent petition of the Privy Council
and the peers that the King would marry at once, and opined that it could
hardly be disregarded; and another writer reminds us that if Henry had not
married Jane privately on the day he did, 20th May, the ceremony would
have had to be postponed--as, in fact, the full ceremony was--until after
the Rogation days preceding Whitsuntide. But nothing but callous
concupiscence can really explain the unwillingness of Henry to wait even a
week before his remarriage.
[173] The Catholics were saying that before Anne's head fell the wax
tapers on Katharine's shrine at Peterborough kindled themselves. (John de
Ponte's letter to Cromwell, Cotton MSS., Titus B 1, printed by Ellis.)
[174] _Spanish Calendar_, 6th June 1536.
[175] The Parliament of 1536 enacted that all Bulls, Briefs, and
Dispensations from Rome should be held void; that every officer, lay or
clerical, should take an oath to renounce and resist all authority of the
Pope on pain of high treason. In Convocation, Cromwell for the King at the
same time introduced a new ecclesiastical constitution, establishing the
Scriptures as the basis of faith, as interpreted by the four first
Councils of the Church. Three sacraments only were acknowledged--Baptism,
Penance, and the Eucharist. The use of images and invocation of the saints
were regulated and modified, all idolatrous or material worship of them
being forbidden. Cromwell at the same period was raised to the peerage
under the title of Baron Cromwell, and made Vicar-General of the Church.
(Lord Herbert's _Henry VIII._)
[176] They are all in Cotton MSS., Otho x., and have been printed in
Hearne's _Sylloge_.
[177] She did her best for her backers during the Pilgrimage of Grace,
throwing herself upon her knees before the King and beseeching him to
restore the dissolved abbeys. Henry's reply was to bid her get up and not
meddle in his affairs--she should bear in mind what happened to her
predecessor through having done so. The hint was enough for Jane, who
appears to have had no strength of character, and thenceforward, though
interesting herself personally for the Princess Mary, she let politics
alone. (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 12.)
[178] Chapuys to the Emperor. (_Calendar Henry VIII._)
[179] _Hist. MSS. Commission_, Report XII., Appendix iv. vol. 1, Duke of
Rutland's Papers.
[180] _Ibid._
[181] The assertion almost invariably made that Bishop Nicholas Sanders,
the Jesuit writer, "invented" the story that the Cesarian operation was
performed at birth is not true. The facts of this time are to a great
extent copied textually by Sanders from the MS. _Cronica de Enrico Otavo_,
by Guaras, and the statement is there made as an unsupported rumour only.
[182] Henry's elaborate testamentary directions for the erection and
adornment with precious stones of a sumptuous monument to himself and Jane
were never carried out.
[183] An account of these confiscations will be found in the _Henry VIII.
Calendar_, vol. 13.
[184] Chastillon Correspondence in _Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 13.
[185] The extraordinary attentions showered upon the elderly French lady,
Mme de Montreuil, and her daughter, Mme de Brun, and their large train of
attendant ladies, in the autumn of 1538, is an amusing instance of Henry's
diplomacy. It has usually been concluded by historians that it was a
question of amour or gallantry on Henry's part; but this was not the case.
The lady had been the governess of the late Queen Madeleine of Scotland,
and was passing through England on her way home. The most elaborate comedy
was played by Henry and Cromwell on the occasion. The ladies were treated
like princesses. The Lord Mayor and all the authorities on their way to
the coast had to banquet them; they were taken sight-seeing and feasting
everywhere, and loaded with gifts; and the most ostentatious appearance
made of a close intimacy with them, in order to hoodwink the imperial
agent into the idea that a French match was under discussion. Henry
himself went to Dover to see them, and gave them all presents. But the
French and imperial ambassadors were in close touch one with the other,
and themselves dined with the ladies at Chelsea; having a good laugh with
them at the farce that was being played, which they quite understood.
(_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 13, part 2.)
[186] The terms of the arrangement were the maintenance of the _status quo
ante_, but were generally in favour of France, which retained Savoy and
some of the Lombard fortresses threatening Milan, that State, the
principal bone of contention, being still held by the Emperor's troops;
but with a vague understanding that it might be given as a dowry to a
princess of the Emperor's house, if she married a French prince. The
latter clause was hollow, and never intended to be carried out, as Henry
knew.
[187] Her own well-known comment on Henry's proposal was, that if she had
two heads one should be at the disposal of his Majesty of England.
[188] Pole had been sent to Spain by the Pope for the purpose of urging
the Emperor to execute the decree against England, at least to the extent
of stopping commerce with his dominions. Charles saw Pole in Toledo early
in March 1539. The Cardinal found the Emperor professedly sympathetic, but
evidently not willing to adopt extreme measures of force against Henry.
Pole, disappointed, thereupon returned to Papal Avignon instead of going
on to France with a similar errand. Nothing is clearer in the
correspondence on the subject (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 14) than
Charles' determination--which was invariable throughout his life--not to
allow Churchmen or ecclesiastical polity to guide his state action. Whilst
Pole was thus seeking in vain to urge the Catholic powers to overthrow
Henry, Wyatt the English ambassador in Spain, poet and gentle wit though
he was, was busily plotting the murder of the Cardinal, together with some
secret device to raise trouble in Italy and set Charles and Francis by the
ears. This was probably the treacherous surrender of Parma and Piacenza to
England for France, to the detriment of the Emperor and the Pope--who
claimed them.
[189] The influence of this party led by Norfolk and Gardiner, though it
sufficed to secure the passage of the Six Articles, did not last long
enough to carry them into rigid execution. Cromwell, by arousing Henry's
fears that the German confederation would abandon him to his enemies, soon
gained the upper hand; and the Saxon envoy Burchardus, writing to
Melancthon in the autumn, expressed hopes that the coming of Anne would
coincide with the repeal of the Act. (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 14,
part 2.) The English Protestants blamed Cranmer for what they considered
his timid opposition, soon silenced, to the passage of the Bill, and
approved of the action of Latimer, who fled rather than assent to it, as
did the Bishop of Salisbury. Before the Bill had been passed three months,
of its principal promoters Stokesley of London was dead, Gardiner sent
away from Court, and Norfolk entirely in the background.
[190] Wotton to the King, 11th August 1539. (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol.
14, p. 2.)
[191] It has been suggested that the Duchess with whom this comparison was
instituted was Anne's sister, the Duchess of Saxony, who was quite as
beautiful as the Duchess of Milan.
[192] Memorandum in _Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 14, part 2, p. 96.
[193] Marillac to Francis I., 3rd October 1539.
[194] The last passage meant that a union with France or the empire might
have led to the putting of the Princess Mary forward as heir after the
King's death, as against Prince Edward. The letter with Hertford's truly
dreadful spelling is printed by Ellis.
[195] A list of the personages appointed to attend will be found in the
_Calendar of Henry VIII._, vol. 14.
[196] As usual, tedious lists of the finery worn on the occasion are given
by Hall, and copied by Miss Strickland.
[197] The Duke of Suffolk to Cromwell. (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 14).
[198] Deposition of Sir A. Browne. (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 14, 2.)
[199] Russell's deposition. (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 14, 2.)
[200] Cromwell (after his disgrace) to the King. (Hatfield MSS.)
[201] For descriptions of the pageant see Hall, also _Calendar Henry
VIII._, vol. 15, and _Chronicle of Henry VIII._, edited by the present
writer.
[202] Hall.
[203] Cromwell to Henry. (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 14.)
[204] Cromwell's statement. (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 15, p. 391.)
[205] Wriothesley's deposition. (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 15.)
[206] The King got a double grant of four fifteenths and tenths, payable
by instalments in four years; a shilling in the pound on all lands, and
sixpence in the pound on personal property; aliens paying double; besides
the confiscation of the great revenues of the Order of St. John. Such
taxation was almost without precedent in England, and certainly added to
Cromwell's unpopularity, already very great, owing to the oppressiveness
of his religious policy with regard to the religious houses and his
personal harshness.
[207] _The Spanish Chronicle Of Henry VIII._, edited by the present
writer. In this record, Seymour, Earl of Hertford, is made to take a
leading part in the fall of Cromwell in the interests of his nephew the
Prince of Wales (Edward VI.), but I can find no official confirmation of
this.
[208] Memo. in Gardiner's handwriting, Record Office. (_Henry VIII.
Calendar_, vol. 15.)
[209] She does not appear to have done so, however, until the King had
received a letter from the Duke of Cleves, dated 13th July, couched in
somewhat indignant terms. She then wrote to her brother that she "had
consented to the examination and determination, wherein I had more
respect, as beseemed me, to truth than to any worldly affection that might
move me to the contrary, and did the rather condescend thereto for that my
body remaineth in the integrity which I brought into this realm." She
continues that the King has adopted her as a sister and has treated her
very liberally, more than she or her brother could well wish. She is well
satisfied. The King's friendship for her brother, she says, will not be
impaired for this matter unless the fault should be in himself (_i.e._
Cleves). She thinks it necessary to write this, and to say that she
intends to live in England, lest for want of true knowledge her brother
should take the matter otherwise than he ought. The letter is signed "Anna
Duchess, born, of Cleves, Gulik, Geldre and Berg; your loving sister." The
English and German drafts are in the Record Office, the former abstracted
in _Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 15. The King instructed Wotton and Clerk,
his envoys at Cleves, to deal with the Duke in the same spirit, holding
out hopes of reward if he took the matter quietly, and to assume a haughty
tone if he seemed threatening.
[210] Within a week of this--to show how rapid was the change of
feeling--Pate wrote to the King and to the Duke of Norfolk saying how that
"while Thomas Cromwell ruled, slanders and obloquies of England were
common," but that now all was changed. The brother of the Duke of Ferrara
had sent to him to say that he was going to visit the King of England, for
"the Emperor these years and days past often praised the King's gifts of
body and mind, which made him the very image of his Creator." This praise
had "engendered such love in the stomach" of Don Francesco d'Este that he
could no longer defer his wish to see such a paragon of excellence as
Henry, and he rejoices "that so many gentlemen belonging to the Emperor"
are doing likewise. This was even before the marriage with Anne was
declared invalid. (12th July, _Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 15.) Chapuys,
the Emperor's ambassador, was again sent to England immediately, and
cordial relations were promptly resumed. (_Spanish Calendar_, vol. 6, part
1.)
[211] Richard Hilles, the Protestant merchant, writing to Bullinger in
Latin (Zurich Letters, Parker Society), says that for some weeks before
the divorce from Anne of Cleves, Henry was captivated by Katharine Howard,
whom he calls "a very little girl"; and that he frequently used to cross
the Thames from Westminster to Lambeth to visit, both by night and day,
the Bishop of Winchester (Gardiner) providing feasts for them in his
palace. But at that time Katharine was, Hilles tells us, looked upon
simply as Henry's mistress--as indeed she probably was--rather than his
future wife.
[212] Hilles to Bullinger (Parker Society, Zurich Letters) gives voice to
bitter complaints, and Melancthon wrote (17th August, etc.) praying that
God might destroy "this British Nero." (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 15.)
[213] There is in the British Museum (Stowe MS. 559) a list of the jewels
and other things given by Henry to Katharine at the marriage and
subsequently. The inventory was made at the time of her attainder, when
she was deprived of everything. The jewels appear to have been very
numerous and rich: one square or stomacher, given on New Year's Day 1540,
containing 33 diamonds, 60 rubies, and a border of pearls. Another gift at
Christmas the same year was "two laces containing 26 fair table diamonds
and 158 fair pearls, with a rope of fair large pearls, 200 pearls."
Magnificent jewels of all sorts are to be counted by the dozen in this
list, comparing strangely with the meagre list of Katharine of Aragon's
treasures. One curious item in Katharine's list is "a book of gold
enamelled, wherein is a clock, upon every side of which book is three
diamonds, a little man standing upon one of them, four turquoises and
three rubies with a little chain of gold enamelled blue hanging to it."
This book, together with "a purse of gold enamelled red containing eight
diamonds set in goldsmith's work," was taken by the King himself when poor
Katharine fell, and another splendid jewelled pomander containing a clock
was taken by him for Princess Mary.
[214] He had on the same morning taken the Sacrament, it being All Souls'
Day, and had directed his confessor, the Bishop of Lincoln, to offer up a
prayer of thanks with him "for the good life he (Henry) led, and hoped to
lead with his wife." (_Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 16, p. 615.)
[215] _Calendar Henry VIII._, vol. 16, p. 48, September 1540. This was a
year before he made his statement to Cranmer. The hatred expressed to the
King's new Catholic policy by Lascelles proves him to have been a fit
instrument for the delation and ruin of Katharine.
[216] They are all in the Record Office, and are summarised in the _Henry
VIII. Calendar_, vol. 16.
[217] Lady Rochford, who seems to have been a most abandoned woman, was
the widow of Anne Boleyn's brother, who had been beheaded at the time of
his sister's fall.
[218] In the Record Office, abstracted (much condensed) in _Henry VIII.
Calendar_, vol. 16. For the purposes of this book I have used the original
manuscripts.
[219] In the curious and detailed but in many respects unveracious account
of the affair given in the _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._, edited by
the present writer, it is distinctly stated that Culpeper made his
confession on the threat of the rack in the Tower. He is made in this
account to say that he was deeply in love with Katharine before her
marriage, and had fallen ill with grief when she became Henry's wife. She
had taken pity upon him, and had arranged a meeting at Richmond, which had
been betrayed to Hertford by one of Katharine's servants. The writer of
the _Chronicle_ (Guaras), who had good sources of information and was a
close observer, did not believe that any guilty act had been committed by
Katharine after her marriage.
[220] Record Office, State Papers, 1, 721. The Duke had gone to demand of
his stepmother Derham's box of papers. He found that she had already
overhauled them and destroyed many of them. In his conversation with her,
she admitted that she knew Katharine was immoral before marriage.
[221] The Commissioners included Michael Dormer, Lord Mayor, Lord
Chancellor Audley, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with the Lords of the
Council and judges. Norfolk, in order to show his zeal and freedom from
complicity, jeered and laughed as the examination of the prisoners
proceeded. For a similar reason he brought his son, the Earl of Surrey, to
the trial: and it was noted that both the Queen's brothers and those of
Culpeper rode about the city unconcernedly, in order to prove that they
had no sympathy with the accused. As soon as the trial was over, however,
Norfolk retired to Kenninghall, some said by the King's orders, and
rumours were rife that not only was he in disgrace, but that danger to him
portended. We shall see that his fate was deferred for a time, as Henry
needed his military aid in the coming wars with Scotland and France, and
he was the only soldier of experience and authority in England.
[222] One of Katharine's love letters to Culpeper, written during the
progress in the North, is in the Record Office; and although it does not
offer direct corroboration of guilt, it would have offered good
presumptive evidence, and is, to say the least of it, an extremely
indiscreet letter for a married woman and a queen to write to a man who
had been her lover before her marriage. The letter is all in Katharine's
writing except the first line. "Master Culpeper," it runs, "I heartily
recommend me unto you, praying you to send me word how that you do. I did
hear that ye were sick and I never longed so much for anything as to see
you. It maketh my heart to die when I do think that I cannot always be in
your company. Come to me when my Lady Rochford be here, for then I shall
be best at leisure to be at your commandment. I do thank you that you have
promised to be good to that poor fellow my man; for when he is gone there
be none I dare trust to send to you. I pray you to give me a horse for my
man, for I have much ado to get one, and therefore I pray you send me one
by him, and in so doing I am as I said before: and thus I take my leave of
you trusting to see you shortly again; and I would you were with me now
that you might see what pain I take in writing to you. Yours as long as
life endures, Katheryn. One thing I had forgotten, and that is to speak to
my man. Entreat him to tarry here with me still, for he says whatsoever
you order he will do it." The letter is extremely illiterate in style and
spelling. (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 16.)
[223] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 6, part 1.
[224] Marillac Correspondence, ed. Kaulec. There is a transcript in the
Record Office and abstracts in the _Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 16.
[225] They were soon afterwards pardoned.
[226] This difficulty seems to have been met by sending to the unhappy
girl a committee of the Council to invite her to appear in person and
defend herself if she pleased; but she threw herself entirely upon the
King's mercy, and admitted that she deserved death. This facilitated her
condemnation, and there was no more difficulty. The Duke of Suffolk in the
House of Lords and Wriothesley stated that she had "confessed her great
crime" to the deputation of the Council, but exactly what or how much she
confessed is not known. She most solemnly assured the Bishop of Lincoln
(White) in her last hours that she had not offended criminally after her
marriage; and as has been pointed out in the text, she is not specifically
charged with having done so in the indictment. This might be, of course,
to save the King's honour as much as possible; but taking all things into
consideration, the probability is that no guilty act had been committed
since the marriage, though it is clear that Katharine was fluttering
perilously close to the flame.
[227] This was Anne Bassett. Lord Lisle, the illegitimate son of Edward
IV., was at this time released from his unjust imprisonment in the Tower,
but died immediately.
[228] Chapuys to the Emperor, 29th January 1542.
[229] The accounts of Chapuys, Hall, and Ottewell Johnson say simply that
she confessed her faults and made a Christian end. The _Spanish Chronicle
of Henry VIII._ gives an account of her speech of which the above is a
summary.
[230] The book which, although it was largely Gardiner's work, was called
"The King's Book," or "The Necessary Doctrine and Erudition of any
Christian Man," laid down afresh the doctrines to be accepted. It was
authorised by Parliament in May 1543, and greatly straitened the creed
prescribed in 1537. Just previously a large number of persecutions were
begun against those who questioned Transubstantiation (see Foxe), and
printers were newly harried for daring to print books not in accordance
with the King's proclamation. Strict inquests were also held through
London for any householders who ate meat in Lent, the young, turbulent
Earl of Surrey being one of the offenders. (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol.
17, part 1.) It is to be noted, however, that, side by side with these
anti-Protestant measures, greater efforts than ever were made to emphasise
the King's supremacy; the Mass Books being carefully revised in order to
eliminate all reference even indirectly to the Pope, and to saints not
mentioned in the Bible.
[231] In his account of these and similar interviews Chapuys dwells much
upon Gardiner's anxiety to adopt the best course to induce Henry to enter
into the agreement. He begged the imperial ambassador not to rub the King
the wrong way by dwelling upon the advantage to accrue to England from the
alliance. (_Spanish Calendar_, vol. 6, part 2.)
[232] The treaty is in the Record Office. Printed in full in Rymer.
[233] At the time of Katharine's marriage, her brother, Lord Parr, was on
the Scottish border as Warden of the Marches; and a few days after the
wedding the new Queen-Consort wrote to him from Oatlands saying that "it
having pleased God to incline the King to take her as his wife, which is
the greatest joy and comfort that could happen to her, she desires to
inform her brother of it, as the person who has most cause to rejoice
thereat. She requires him to let her hear sometimes of his health as
friendly as if she had not been called to this honour." (_Henry VIII.
Calendar_, vol. 18, part 1.)
[234] It depends upon a metrical family history written by Katharine's
cousin, Sir Thomas Throckmorton.
[235] The document is in the Record Office. About half way down the margin
is written, "For your daughter." At the top is written, "Lady Latimer."
[236] The author of the _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ thus portrays
Katharine's character: "She was quieter than any of the young wives the
King had, and as she knew more of the world she always got on pleasantly
with the King and had no caprices. She had much honour to Lady Mary and
the wives of the nobles, but she kept her ladies very strictly.... The
King was very well satisfied with her."
[237] Many years afterwards when Parr, then Marquis of Northampton and a
leading anti-Catholic, was with other nobles urging Queen Elizabeth to
drop shilly-shally and get married in earnest, the Queen, who was of
course playing a deep game which they did not understand, turned upon Parr
in a rage and told him that he was a nice fellow to talk about marriage,
considering how he had managed his own matrimonial affairs. (Hume,
"Courtships of Queen Elizabeth.")
[238] Record Office. _Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 18, part 1.
[239] _Spanish State Papers, Calendar_, vol. 6, part 2. The author of the
_Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (Guaras) says that the King ordered Anne to
come to the wedding, but if that be the case there is no record of her
presence; though all the other guests and witnesses are enumerated in the
notarial deed attesting the marriage. The Spanish chronicler puts into
Anne's mouth, as a sign of her indifference, a somewhat ill-natured gibe
at the "burden that Madam Katharine hath taken upon herself," explaining
that she referred to the King's immense bulk. "The King was so fat that
such a man had never been seen. Three of the biggest men that could be
found could get inside his doublet." Anne's trouble with regard to her
brother was soon at an end. The Emperor's troops crushed him completely,
and in September he begged for mercy on his knees, receiving the disputed
duchies from Charles as an imperial fief. Anne's mother, who had stoutly
resisted the Emperor's claims upon her duchies, died of grief during the
campaign.
[240] Strype's "Memorials of Cranmer."
[241] Strype's "Memorials," Foxe's "Acts and Monuments," and Burnet; all
of whom followed the account given by Cranmer's secretary Morice as to
Cranmer's part.
[242] Morice's anecdotes in "Narratives of the Reformation," Camden
Society. See also Strype's "Memorials" and Foxe. The MS. record of the
whole investigation is in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. I am indebted
for this fact to my friend Dr. James Gairdner, C.B.
[243] How necessary this was is seen by the strenuous efforts, even thus
late, of the Pope to effect a reconciliation between Charles and Francis
rather than acquiesce in a combination between the former and the
excommunicated King of England. Paul III. sent his grandson, Cardinal
Farnese, in November 1543 to Flanders and to the Emperor with this object;
but Charles was determined, and told the Cardinal in no gentle terms that
the Pope's dallying with the infidel Turks, and Francis' intrigues with
the Lutherans, were a hundred times worse than his own alliance with the
schismatic King of England. (_Spanish Calendar_, vol. 7.)
[244] Hertford had sacked Edinburgh and Leith and completely cowed the
Scots before the letter was written. His presence in London at a crisis
was therefore more necessary than on the Border.
[245] _Hatfield Papers_, Hist. MSS. Commission, part 1.
[246] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 7. This reparation to Mary had been urged
very strongly by the Emperor, ever since the negotiations began. Mary,
however, was not legitimated, and not only came after Edward, but also
after any children Katharine might bear. The Queen undoubtedly urged
Mary's cause.
[247] It was constantly noted by foreign visitors that English ladies were
kissed on the lips by men. It appears to have been quite an English
custom, and greatly surprised Spaniards, who kept their women in almost
oriental seclusion.
[248] MSS. British Museum, Add. 8219, fol. 114.
[249] A full account of his visit and service will be found in my
_Chronicle of Henry VIII._ In the _Spanish Calendar_ and in the
_Chronicle_ it is asserted that the Duke stayed with Henry very
unwillingly and at the Emperor's request.
[250] We are told that even the sails of his ship were of cloth of silver,
and probably no King of England ever took the field under such splendid
conditions before or since.
[251] Hearne's _Sylloge_.
[252] "Prayers and Meditations," London, 1545. The prayer is printed at
length by Miss Strickland, as well as several extracts from Katharine's
"Lamentations of a Sinner," which show that she had studied Vives and
Guevara.
[253] Although this letter is always assigned to the period when Henry was
at Boulogne, I have very considerable doubt as to its having been written
then. I should be inclined to ascribe it to the following year.
[254] The following is his letter to Katharine informing her of this: "At
the closing up of these our letters this day the castle aforesaid with the
dyke is at our commandment, and not like to be recovered by the Frenchmen
again, as we trust, not doubting with God's grace but that the castle and
town shall shortly follow the same trade, for as this day, which is the
8th September, we began three batteries and have three mines going,
besides one which hath done its execution, shaking and tearing off one of
their greatest bulwarks. No more to you at this time, sweetheart, but for
lack of time and great occupations of business, saving we pray you to give
in our name our hearty blessings to all our children, and recommendations
to our cousin Margaret, and the rest of the ladies and gentlewomen, and to
our Council also. Written with the hand of your loving husband--HENRY
R."--"Royal Letters."
[255] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume.
[256] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume.
[257] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume.
[258] _Ibid._ The Duchess of Suffolk, a great friend of Katharine Parr's,
and widow of Charles Brandon, who had recently died, was the daughter of a
Spanish lady and of Lord Willoughby D'Eresby, which title she inherited.
She soon after married one of her esquires, Francis Bertie, and became a
strong Protestant.
[259] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume. September 1546.
[260] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume. September 1546.
[261] Surrey prompted his sister on this occasion to appeal to the King
for permission to marry Seymour, and to act in such a way that the King
might fall in love with her, and make her his mistress, "so that she might
have as much power as the Duchess d'Etampes in France." The suggestion was
specially atrocious, as she was the widow of Henry's son.
[262] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 8. Hume.
[263] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ Hume.
[264] The author of the _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ makes Paget and his
wife the first promoters of the match between Seymour and Katharine,
though I can find no confirmation of his story. He says that the Queen
being in the great hall with her ladies and Princess Mary, Lord Seymour
came in as had been arranged, looking very handsome. Lady Paget whispered
to the Queen an inquiry as to what she thought of the Lord Admiral's
looks, to which Katharine replied that she liked his looks very much. "All
the ill I wish you, Madam," whispered Lady Paget, "is that he should
become your husband." "I could wish that it had been my fate to have him
for a husband," replied Katharine; "but God hath so placed me that any
lowering of my condition would be a reproach to me." The arguments used to
both lovers by Lady Paget are then detailed, and the final consent of
Katharine to accept Seymour. There may have been a small germ of truth in
this account, but it can hardly have happened as described, in view of the
correspondence of the lovers now before us.
[265] This use of the words brother and sister as referring to the
Herberts, who were no relations of Seymour's, indicates that the latter
and the Queen were already betrothed.
[266] _State Papers, Domestic_, vol. 1.
[267] Hearne's _Sylloge_, &c.
[268] The deposition of Katharine Ashley. (_Hatfield Papers_, part 1.)
INDEX
A
Abell, martyred, 358
Adrian, Pope, 105, 107
Alburquerque, Duke of, accompanies Henry to the war, 422
Alencon, Duchess of, proposed marriage of Henry VIII., 116
Alexander VI. (Pope), Borgia, 14
Amelia of Cleves, 322
Angouleme, Duke of, 245
Anne Boleyn, early life, 124-128;
the divorce, 129-162;
courtship of Henry, 137, 139-147;
her party, 168-170;
her life with Henry, 171, 180, 181, 182, 183, 190, 192;
in France, 193-197;
married, 199, 202;
her procession through London, 204-208;
her unpopularity, 209;
birth of her child, 214-216, 217, 222, 227, 233;
her influence declines, 240-243, 244, 257, 260-261;
her fall inevitable, 269-270, 271;
her betrayal, 271-274;
her arrest, 275;
in the Tower, 276-280;
her trial, 281;
condemnation and death, 282-288, 291
Anne of Cleves, 320, 322;
her voyage to England, 324-330;
her arrival and interview with Henry, 331-334;
her marriage, 334-339, 340, 341, 342, 349, 350-352;
her repudiation, 353-356, 360, 368;
talk of her rehabilitation, 386, 387, 397, 409
Aragon, ambition of, 3-5
Arras. _See_ Granvelle
Arthur, Prince of Wales, his first betrothal to Katharine, 6, 8-12, 15,
16, 17, 18;
his first meeting with Katharine, 27;
description of him, 28;
his marriage, 29-33, 34, 36, 37;
his death, 38
Arundel, Earl of, 305
Audrey, Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor, 201, 270, 326, 369, 371, 376, 380
Ayala, Bishop, Spanish envoy, 36
B
Bar, Duke of, betrothal of Anne of Cleves to, 322, 323, 338, 348
Barnes, Dr., prosecution of, 341, 344, 358
Bassett, Anne, 393
Bastian, Katharine's Burgundian lackey, 231, 255
Bedingfield, 252, 256
Bennet, Dr., 184
Boleyn, Anne. _See_ Anne
Boleyn, Mary, 112, 124, 284
Boleyn, Thomas (Earl of Wiltshire), 124, 169, 170, 190, 200, 270
Bonner, Dr., 343, 365
Boulogne, siege of, &c., 423-427, 435
Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 85, 87, 96, 162, 169, 175, 178, 181,
201, 216, 217, 219, 234, 243, 251, 263, 286, 300, 326, 328, 338, 392,
394, 409, 422
Brereton, William, 272, 276, 280;
executed, 282
Brian, Sir Francis, 93, 290, 312, 314
Bridewell, the divorce tribunal there, 157, 163-166
Bridgewater, Lady, 382
Brittany, Duchess of, 12, 13
Brown, Friar George, 199
Browne, Sir Anthony, 331, 332, 370, 382, 393
Buckingham, Duke of, 28
Buckler, Katharine Parr's secretary, 435
Bulmer, Mrs. Joan, 359
Burgo, Baron di, the Papal envoy, 199
C
Campeggio, Cardinal, 140, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153,
154, 157-159, 162, 163-166, 167, 168
Canazares, Protonotary, 26
Carew, Sir Nicholas, 262, 287, 290, 317
Carey, William, 112, 124
Carne, Dr., 320
Carroz, Spanish ambassador, 78
Carthusians, martyrdom of, 246
Castillon, French ambassador, 221
Chabot de Brion, Admiral of France, in England, 243, 244
Chantonnay (Perennot), 402
Chapuys, imperial ambassador, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 211, 214, 215,
228, 234;
his journey to Kimbolton, 235-239, 240, 242, 245;
last interviews with Katharine, 250-256, 259, 265, 266;
his coldness towards Anne, 267, 282, 285;
his reception by Jane Seymour, 293, 385, 388-399, 393, 398, 401, 409,
432, 433, 434
Charles V., Emperor, 60, 65, 69, 70, 85, 90, 97, 98;
visits to England, 99-106;
his attitude towards the divorce, 129-130, 154, 155, 160, 170, 173,
174, 177, 181, 188, 192, 209, 232, 238, 243, 248, 263;
his attitude after Katharine's death, 263-4, 288, 300-302, 312, 313,
319, 322, 326, 343, 357;
renewed friendship with Henry, 357-366, 388-390, 398;
his alliance with Henry, 402, 416, 417, 418, 427-431;
makes peace, 428-431;
attacks the Lutherans, 435, 438
Charles VIII. of France, 7, 12, 13-15, 40
Christian III. of Denmark, 316, 319, 324
Christina of Denmark, Duchess of Milan, 314-15, 324, 343
Clare, Lady, 228
Clement VII., Pope, 107, 115, 129, 141, 153, 160, 170, 173, 174-177,
183, 198, 199, 210, 216, 220, 221, 222;
gives sentence in the divorce case, 223;
death of, 243
Clergy, English, and the divorce, 176, 177, 221, 247
Cleves, Anne, Princess of. _See_ Anne
Cleves, Duke of, 319, 320, 323, 342, 346, 386, 387, 409
Cleves, Duchess of, 323
Compton, Sir William, 78, 106
Cook martyred, 358
Cranmer, Archbishop, 185-187, 190, 194, 196, 197;
appointed to Canterbury, 198, 199, 201;
pronounces the divorce from Katharine of Aragon, 203-204, 208, 209,
215, 217, 222, 223, 264, 283, 288, 317, 321, 326, 328, 338, 339,
341, 344, 354, 369, 370, 375, 386, 410, 411;
plots of Gardiner against him, 411-415, 436-437, 438, 444, 446, 448
Cromwell, Richard, 274
Cromwell, Thomas, 186, 187, 190, 192, 200, 212, 215, 217, 222, 233, 235,
237, 238, 239, 245, 246, 248, 263, 266, 268, 269, 270, 271-281,
288, 295, 296, 301, 311, 315, 319, 322, 324, 326, 333, 338, 339;
decline of his influence, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345;
created Earl of Essex, 345, 346;
his arrest, 347;
execution, 348, 349, 351, 352, 357, 358, 359
Culpeper, Thomas, the lover of Katharine Howard, accused, 375, 378
_et seq._;
trial and execution, 383-385, 395
Cuero, Juan de, chamberlain of Katharine of Aragon, 35
D
Dacre, Lord, 365
Darrel, Mistress, 255
Daubeney, Giles, 10
Dauphin of France, betrothed to Princess Mary, 94, 95, 97, 99
De la Sa, Katharine's apothecary, 218, 231, 250, 253, 256
Denny, Sir Anthony, 340, 444
Derham, Francis, accused of immorality with Katharine Howard, 373
_et seq._;
trial and execution, 383-385
Divorce proceedings between Henry and Katharine of Aragon, 117-123,
129-162, 170, 184-192, 198-204
Dogmersfield, Hants, Katharine meets Arthur there, 27
Dorset, Marquis of, commands English contingent in Navarre, 81
Douglas, Lady Margaret, 328, 421, 427
Dowry of Katharine of Aragon, 9, 11, 15, 34-37, 39, 40, 55, 57, 58, 61, 70
Du Bellay, Bishop of Paris, 220, 221, 222
Dudley, John (Lord Lisle, afterwards Earl of Warwick, and Duke of
Northumberland), 434, 438, 440, 441, 443, 450
E
Edward, Prince of Wales, 304;
his baptism, 305-6, 326, 367, 425, 442, 455
Elizabeth of York, Queen, 10, 30, 38;
death of, 42
Elizabeth, Princess, 214, 215, 216, 223, 228, 238, 243, 245, 257, 284,
295, 305, 425, 456
Empson and Dudley, 33, 69
Erasmus, 44, 410
Estrada, Duke of, 39
Etampes, Duchess of, 344, 428
Europe, condition of, at the end of the fifteenth century, 4
Evil May Day, 91, 92
Exeter, Bishop of, 10
Exeter, Marquis of, 229, 305, 317
Exeter, the Marchioness of, 264, 265, 305, 317
F
Felipe, Francisco, Katharine's groom of the chambers, 121, 122, 129,
231, 255
Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 1-24, 34, 39, 43, 44, 45, 51, 52, 55-60, 70,
71, 78, 80, 87, 90
Fernandez, Diego, Katharine's confessor, 63-68, 78
Fetherston martyred, 358
Field of the Cloth of Gold, 101
Fisher, Dr., Bishop of Rochester, 122, 150, 159, 164, 177, 179, 215, 233
Fitzwilliam, Sir William, 275, 325, 326, 328, 329, 330, 338, 370, 382,
394
Flodden, battle of, 82, 83
Fox, Bishop of Winchester, 83, 138, 139, 188, 221
Francis I., 97, 98, 99;
on the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 101;
at war with England, 103, 108, 109, 113, 117;
receives Wolsey, 129, 154, 155;
his attitude towards the divorce, 190-192;
meets Henry, 193-197;
renewed coolness, 209-211, 220, 233, 310, 312, 313, 319, 322, 326,
343, 362, 389, 390;
at war with Charles, 400, 423, 427
G
Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester, 119, 138, 139, 166, 179, 184,
190, 211, 221, 320, 321, 333, 341, 344, 352, 354, 359, 361, 364,
366, 368, 369, 386, 387, 391, 398, 400, 410, 411;
his plots against Cranmer and Katharine Parr, 411-415, 422;
with Henry in France, 424, 434, 436, 438, 439, 441
Garrard, Dr., 344, 358
German Protestants and England, 209, 211, 241, 248, 310, 311, 315,
316-320, 322-325, 338, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 358, 364, 387, 390,
397, 431, 435, 436, 440
Germaine de Foix, second wife of Ferdinand, 52
Ghinucci, Henry's envoy to Spain and Rome, 129, 130
Gomez de Fuensalida, Spanish envoy, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 70, 74
Granvelle, Bishop of Arras, 429, 430
Grey, Lord Leonard, 365
Guildford, Sir J., Controller, 179, 180, 181
Guildford, Lady, 28
H
Haines, Dr., 412
Hall, Mary, 370 _et seq._
Heneage, Sir Thomas, 340, 376
Henry VII., his political aims, 6;
his relations with Puebla, 7-8;
his negotiations for the Spanish marriage, 9-20;
his first meeting with Katharine, 26, 27;
at Arthur's marriage, 30, 33, 34;
his treatment of Katharine, 35-42;
proposes to marry Katharine, 43;
his negotiations with Ferdinand after Henry's betrothal, 45;
his treatment of Katharine, 48;
receives Philip and Juana, 49-54;
proposes marriage to Juana, 55-60, 62, 66, 68;
his death, 68, 69, 70
Henry VIII., at Arthur's wedding, 31;
first betrothal to Katharine of Aragon, 39-43, 44, 46;
secret denunciation of his betrothal, 49;
his accession, 69;
marriage, 71-77;
his character, 72, 73;
his first tiff with Katharine, 78;
birth of his first child, rejoicings, 79-80;
war with France, 80-83;
French alliance, 84, 85;
his relations with Katharine, 83-89;
his pretensions to the imperial crown, 97-99;
meets Charles and Francis, 101-106;
war with France, 107, 108;
proposed alliance with France, 116;
proposals for divorcing Katharine and marrying a French princess, 117;
the divorce, 119-123;
in love with Anne Boleyn, 127, 128;
his attempts to obtain a divorce, 129-173;
his courtship of Anne Boleyn, 141-147;
appears at Bridewell, 157, 163-166;
defies the Pope, 174-177, 180-183;
second meeting with Francis, 192-197;
the divorce, 199;
marries Anne, 200-208;
change of policy, 210-211, 220-223;
further emancipation, 223-226, 238-241, 243;
estrangement from Anne, 245;
approaches the Emperor, 251;
his behaviour on Katharine's death, 257;
he tires of Anne, 260, 261;
in love with Jane Seymour, 265;
approaches the Emperor, 266-269;
his sacrifice of Anne, 271-287;
marries Jane Seymour, 291;
his religious measures, 294;
his treatment of Mary, 295, 296, 302-303;
religious persecutions, 308-310;
proposes a matrimonial alliance with France, 312-313, 315;
approaches the German Protestants, 315-320;
religious measures, 320-322;
betrothed to Anne of Cleves, 323-330;
his reception of his bride, 331;
his discontent, 332-334;
his marriage, 334-340;
his attempts to get rid of Anne, 340-352, 353-356;
his approaches to the Emperor, 357-359;
marries Katharine Howard, 360;
change of policy, 361-367;
Katharine Howard accused, 369-372;
plans for her repudiation, 375;
great grief at Katharine Howard's conduct, 385, 386;
preparations for an alliance with the Emperor, 388, 398, 401;
the alliance signed, 402;
at war with France, 402;
enamoured of Katharine Parr, 405;
marries her, 409;
his invasion of France, 417, 418, 419, 420;
at the siege of Boulogne, 424, 427;
left in the lurch by Charles, 428-431;
approaches of the German Protestants, 435, 436;
his last illness, 441;
death, 444;
his character and career, 445-449
Herbert, Lady, 451
Hertford, Countess of, 418, 453, 455
Hesse, Philip of, 310, 311, 319, 343, 435
Hoby, Sir Philip, 412
Howard, Lord William, 382, 392
I
Isabel, Princess of (Castile), 7
Isabel, the Catholic, of Castile, 1-5, 13-16, 17, 20, 21, 34, 39, 41,
42, 43;
death of, 47, 48
J
James IV. of Scotland, 15, 25, 41, 81;
death at Flodden, 82
James V. of Scotland, 312, 366, 389;
death of, 401
Jerome, Dr., 358
John, Prince of Asturias, 5, 17, 21
John II. of Aragon, 3
Juana, Queen of Castile, 5, 18, 21, 47, 48;
visit to England, 49-54;
widowed, 55;
negotiations for her marriage with Henry VII., 55-60, 69
K
Katharine of Aragon, first betrothal to Arthur, Prince of Wales, 6,
8-12, 15, 16, 17;
her coming to England, 18, 19, 20, 21;
her voyage, 21-24;
her arrival, 25-26;
her character, 28;
her reception in London and marriage, 29-33;
her journey to Wales, 36, 37;
widowed, 38, 39;
betrothed to Henry, 39-43, 44-49;
her betrothal denounced, 49;
her position in England, 49, 50, 54-60;
her relations with her confessor, 63-68;
marriage with Henry, 70, 71-77;
birth of her first child, 79;
Regent of England, 81-85;
her life with Henry, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 95, 96, 102-106,
109, 110, 111, 112;
her separation from Henry, 112, 116;
the divorce, 117-123, 129-173;
her statement to Campeggio, 151;
her firmness, 155, 156, 159;
appears at Bridewell, 164, 165;
her appeals to the Pope, 177-179;
sent away from court, 181, 191, 195;
renewed hopes, 198, 199;
again undeceived, 200;
persecution, 201, 211-213, 216-224, 227, 229-232;
illness of, 234-238, 247, 248;
death of, 249-256
Katharine Howard, her origin, 351-359;
married to Henry, 360, 365, 367, 368;
denunciation of her by Cranmer and his friends, 369-372;
the story of her accusers, 372-384;
her attainder, 392, 393;
her execution, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398
Katharine Parr, 403-408;
married to Henry, 409, 410;
her religious leanings, 411;
Gardiner's plots to ruin her, 412-415, 419;
described, 421;
Regent in Henry's absence, 424, 425, 426, 427;
Chapuys' interviews with her, 432, 433;
sides with the Protestants, 435;
her danger, 438, 439, 443;
her widowhood, 450;
marries Thomas Seymour, 450-456;
her death, 457-458
Kingston, Sir W., Governor of the Tower, 275, 276, 285
Knight, Dr., sent to the Pope, 133, 138
L
Lascelles, John, denounces Katharine Howard, 369 _et seq._
Latimer, Bishop, 411
Latimer, Lord, 404
Lee, Dr., Henry's ambassador to the Emperor, 130;
interview with Katharine, 179, 186, 199, 230
Lennox, Earl of, 427
Leo X., Pope, 102, 104
Lisle, Lord, 365, 393
Llandaff, Bishop of, Jorge de Ateca, Katharine's confessor, 218, 231,
254, 256
London, reception in, of Katharine of Aragon, 29-32, 75
London, Anne Boleyn's reception in, 205-208
London, Dr., 411, 412, 414
Longueville, Duke of, 83, 84, 85
Lorraine, Duke of, 428
Lorraine, Duke of. _See also_ Bar
Louis XII. of France, 84, 85, 86
Ludlow, Arthur at, 18, 20, 38
Luiz, Dom, of Portugal, 314
Luther, 102, 103, 154, 173, 362
M
Mannoch accused of immorality with Katharine Howard, 370 _et seq._
Manuel, Dona Elvira, 35, 41, 44, 48, 49, 50, 60
Manuel, Don Juan, 18, 50
Margaret of Austria, 17, 48, 49, 52, 53, 58, 60
Margaret Plantagenet, Duchess of Burgundy, 6, 25
Marillac, French ambassador, 344, 351, 361
Mary of Hungary, governess of Flanders, 315, 400, 423, 427
Mary of Lorraine, 312
Mary Queen of Scots, 401
Mary Tudor (daughter of Henry VII.), 46, 60, 65, 66, 69, 70, 84, 85, 86,
87, 88, 90, 101, 125, 195
Mary Tudor (daughter of Henry VIII.), 88, 94, 95, 97, 99, 101;
betrothed to Charles, 103-107, 110;
betrothed to the Duke of Orleans, 113-115, 117, 130, 174, 181, 202,
213, 215, 216, 222, 227, 228, 233, 238, 239, 242, 243-245,
246-247, 249, 258-260, 264, 266-267, 269, 289;
her submission, 296, 299, 301-303, 305, 307, 315, 319, 326, 337, 381,
389, 399, 404, 409, 410, 421, 425, 432
Mason, Dr., 365
Maximilian, Emperor, 5, 13, 15, 17, 18, 48, 90
Medici, Alexander de, Duke of Florence, 222
Medici, Katharine de, 192, 210
Mendoza, Diego Hurtado de, Spanish ambassador, 315
Mendoza, Inigo Lopez de, Spanish ambassador, 118, 129, 130, 132
Mont, Christopher, 319, 320, 324
Montague, Lord, 317
Montreuil, Mme. de, 313
More, Sir Thomas, 169, 187, 190, 201, 233, 258
Morton, Margery, 377, 378
Mountjoy, Katharine of Aragon's chamberlain at Ampthill, 201
N
Najera, Duke of, his visit to the English court, 420, 421, 422
Naples, Queen of, 43
Neville, Sir Edward, 317
Nevinson, Cranmer's nephew, 413
Norfolk, Duke of, 26, 81, 83, 131, 162, 169, 171, 173, 174, 175, 178,
179, 190, 192, 201, 202, 205;
mission to France, 205, 209-210, 219, 227, 243, 258, 263, 268, 270,
275, 276, 280, 281, 296, 297, 298, 300, 321, 338, 341, 346, 347,
348, 351, 359, 361, 366, 369, 371, 380, 381, 382, 383, 386, 389,
395, 398, 422, 441, 442, 443
Norfolk, Duchess of, 26, 370-377, 382, 392
Norreys, Sir Henry, 167, 272, 273-275, 280;
executed, 282
O
Ockham, 412, 413
Olsiliger, Chancellor, 329, 386
Orleans, Henry, Duke of, second son of Francis I., and afterwards
Dauphin, 114, 192, 210, 381, 389, 428
P
Pace, Richard, 93
Paget, Secretary, 434, 438, 450
Palmer, Sir Thomas, 365
Parr, Lord, 381, 403, 404, 405, 407, 408
Pate, Henry's envoy to the Emperor, 357, 365
Paul III. (Farnese), Pope, 242, 249, 294, 416
Paulet (Lord St. John), 438, 441, 443
Pavia, battle of, 107, 108
Peachy, 95
Pembroke, Marchioness. _See_ Boleyn, Anne
Percy, Henry (Earl of Northumberland), 126, 127
Percy, Thomas, 272
Perkin Warbeck, 15, 18
Peto, Friar, 209
Petre, Dr., 424
Philip, Duke of Bavaria, 337, 440
Philip the Handsome, 5, 18, 19, 21, 23, 47, 48;
visit to England, 49-54;
death of, 55
Pilgrimage of Grace, 298, 308
Plymouth, arrival of Katharine of Aragon at, 23
Pole, Cardinal Reginald, 186, 215, 316, 317, 322, 364
Pole, Geoffrey, 316
Pole, Richard, 45
Poles, the, 45, 299
Powell martyred, 358
Poynings commands English contingent in Flanders, 80
Puebla, Dr., Spanish ambassador, 7-8, 10, 16, 17, 19, 31, 34, 36, 37,
39, 42, 49, 50, 51, 54, 56, 57, 60, 61, 62
R
Renee of France, Princess, proposed marriage with Henry VIII., 116
Richards, Griffin, 165
Richmond, Duchess of, 202, 295, 296, 328, 442
Richmond, Duke of, Henry's son, 96, 110, 202, 284, 286, 289, 295, 296
Rochford, Lord, 169, 209, 273, 280;
his trial, 281;
executed, 282
Rochford, Lady, 242, 280, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 384;
her execution, 395
Rome sacked by the Imperial forces under Bourbon, 114
Russell, Sir John, 291, 331, 332, 370
Rutland, Earl of, 200, 353
S
Sadler, Sir Ralph, 365
Salisbury, Countess of, 316, 317;
beheaded, 365
Saxony, Hans Frederick of, 319, 322, 323, 324, 343, 435
Saxony, George, Duke of, 310
Sampson, Dr., 121, 164, 179, 184
Sepulveda, Juan de, Spanish ambassador, 8, 10
Seymour, Sir Edward (Lord Beauchamp, Earl of Hertford, and afterwards
Duke of Somerset), 262, 265, 266, 293, 300, 304, 305, 306, 326, 346,
369, 380, 419, 424, 434, 435, 438, 440, 441, 443, 450, 454, 455, 456
Seymour, Jane, her first appearance, 261;
her family, 262, 265, 269, 282, 284, 286, 290;
married to Henry, 291;
her small political influence, 293, 296-299;
gives birth to a son, 304;
her death, 307, 308, 309
Seymour, Sir Thomas (Lord Seymour of Sudeley), 262, 402, 405, 441;
marries Katharine Parr, 450-458
Shelton, Lady, 259
Six Articles, the Act so called, 320, 321, 362, 399, 411, 413, 437, 445
Smeaton, Mark, 271, 272;
arrested, by Cromwell, 273;
his admissions, 273-274, 280;
executed, 282
Solway Moss, 401
Spurs, Battle of, 81
Stokesley, Bishop of London, 179, 184, 186, 221
Succession, Act of, 223, 230-232, 233
Suffolk, Duke of. _See_ Brandon
Suffolk, Duchess of (Katharine, Lady Willoughby), 438, 443
Suffolk, Earl of (Pole), 45, 53
Supremacy, Act of, 246, 445
Surrey, Earl of, 395, 441, 443
Sybilla of Cleves, Duchess of Saxony, 319, 324
T
Tarbes, Bishop of (Grammont), 113, 114, 117
Tailebois, Lady (Eleanor Blunt), 85, 88, 96, 112, 128
Talbot, Lord, 179, 180
Therouenne, Henry at the siege of, 82, 83
Thirlby, Dr., 424
Throckmorton, Sir George, 404
Trenchard, Sir John, 53
Tunstall, Bishop of Durham, 179, 230, 326, 338, 344
Turenne, Vicomte de, 113, 114
Tylney, Katharine, 377, 378
Tyrwhitt, Lady, 457
V
Van der Delft, Imperial ambassador in England, 432, 435, 441
Vargas, Blanche de, 255
Vaughan, Stephen, 236, 237, 253
Vives, J. Luis, 410
W
Wallop, Sir J., commands the English contingent in Flanders, 416
Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, 74, 75, 108, 119, 150, 174, 189;
death of, 193
Weston, Sir Thomas, 276, 280;
executed, 282
Wingfield, 95
Wingfield, Lady, 280
Willoughby, Lady, 252
Wolf Hall, the home of the Seymours, 261, 262, 291
Wolsey, Cardinal, 82, 83, 87, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95;
his French leanings, 96, 97, 99;
won to the side of the Emperor, 101-106;
renewed approaches to France, 107-109, 110, 111, 114;
proposes Katharine's divorce, 116-123, 126;
his attitude towards Anne Boleyn, 127;
embassy in France, 129-134;
decline of influence, 134-135;
acts as Legate, 140, 149-154, 160-167;
his disgrace, 167-169;
his death, 173
Wotton, Dr., 320, 322, 405
Wriothesley, Thomas, 341, 342, 370, 377, 380, 392, 408, 424, 434, 438,
439, 441, 443
Wuertemburg, Duke of, 435
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 137, 276, 315, 343, 365, 393
Wyatt, Lady (daughter of Lord Cobham), 393, 408
THE END
Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO.
Edinburgh & London
Transcriber's Notes:
Passages in italics are indicated by _underscore_.
Superscripted letters are shown in {brackets}.
The following misprints have been corrected:
"FitzWilliam" corrected to "Fitzwilliam" (page 180)
"been been" corrected to "been" (page 204)
"Francisans" corrected to "Franciscans" (page 255)
"Cramner" corrected to "Cranmer" (page 369)
"wth" corrected to "with" (page 389)
"appproaching" corrected to "approaching" (page 424)
"wore" corrected to "were" (footnote 118)
"ininstructed" corrected to "instructed" (footnote 209)
"Dona" standardized to "Dona" (index)
"Inigo" standardized to "Inigo" (index)
"Nagera" corrected to "Najera" (Index)
Other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in
spelling and hyphenation usage have been retained.
Some quotes are opened with marks but are not closed. Obvious errors
have been silently closed, while those requiring interpretation have
been left open. Other punctuation has been corrected without note.