Meanwhile, there was discord in the palace. The Empress Anne fell out

with her chief supporter. She had a violent quarrel with the patriarch.

Her prime minister Apocaucus was assassinated. Through the aid of his

Turkish ally Cantacuzenus was successful. The empress-regent showed a

determination to defend herself in the palace, but her partisans were

less courageous than she, and she was compelled to submit. But

Cantacuzenus was as wily as he was ambitious. Recognizing the strength

of his opponents, after he himself had been crowned emperor, he

determined on the marriage of his daughter Helena with the young

heir-apparent, and agreed to associate John V. with him on the throne

when he reached the age of twenty-five. The children, for John was only

fifteen and Helena thirteen, were betrothed and wedded with great

ceremony, and then received the crown, and the courtiers and people were

entertained by the rare spectacle of two emperors and three empresses

seated on their thrones.

"The strange spectacle delighted the gazers; but it was not viewed

without some feeling of contempt, for it was generally known that the

imperial crowns were bright with false pearls and diamonds; that the

robes were stiffened with tinsel; that the vases were of brass, not

gold; and instead of the rich brocade of Thebes, the hangings were of

gilded leather."

Cantacuzenus deserves to rank with the two Angeli as the third of the

great destroyers of the Eastern Empire. Through civil wars he depleted

its resources; and by introducing the Turk into his dominions, he paved

the way for the final downfall. Fortunately, John V. asserted himself at

the age of twenty-four; Cantacuzenus was tonsured and placed in a

monastery where he passed the rest of his days in literary labors. In

native gifts and force of character, and in her checkered history, the

Empress Anne of Savoy deserves a place by the side of the earlier

self-asserting empresses of Constantinople.

The tale of the last hundred years of the Byzantine Empire is a mere bit

of local history, and no longer forms an important warp in the woof of

the annals of Christendom. Women there were who were deserving of a

better destiny, but they are naturally obscured in the general

demoralization. The Mussulman might have taken Constantinople

seventy-five years earlier. The end came on May 29,1453. The city was

captured by Mohammed II., and Constantine XIII., the last of the Cæsars,

the worthy scion of degenerate sires, fell in the breach. Mohammed

proceeded quickly to convert Constantinople from a Christian into a

Turkish capital. The city was sacked. The Byzantine women were sold into

slavery, or became wives or concubines of the conquerors and passed the

rest of their days in a Turkish harem. And, from this date, for

centuries the life of Greek womanhood under Turkish domination was

passed in oppression and obscurity.

The fragment of the Greek Empire known in the history of the Middle Ages

as the Empire of Trebizond was the creation of accident. A young man

descended from the worst tyrant of Constantinople, but of an illustrious

name which retained the glamour inspired by the founder of the Comneni

dynasty, grasped the sovereignty of a most important commercial centre,

and his descendants continued to hold it until overwhelmed by the

all-conquering power of the Turk. The Empire of Trebizond possesses

unique grandeur in the romances of the West: the beauty of its

princesses was a theme of universal praise; its reputed wealth and

splendor excited the cupidity of Venetian and Genoese merchants. But it

was, after all, an insignificant kingdom, which owed its strength merely

to the weakness of surrounding peoples; and whose ostentatious court

ceremonials were but an attempt to keep up the traditions of the

Byzantine Empire and of the Comneni family in more prosperous days.

Shortly after the assassination of Andronicus by Isaac II.,

--Angelus,--his son Manuel, with other members of his family, met a

similar fate. Manuel was survived by two sons, Alexius and David, the

former a little lad of four. The boys were concealed for a time, and

were brought up in obscurity in Constantinople, where faithful friends

gave them an education worthy of their station. At the time when the

Crusaders captured the city, Alexius escaped, raised an army, and took

possession of Trebizond, then one of the most important commercial seats

on the borders of the Black Sea. The surrounding province gladly

recognized him as the lawful sovereign of the Roman Empire, and the

Comneni dynasty was continued through him for two and a half centuries

or more. To mark the legitimacy of his claim, and to prevent confusion

with the rival family of Alexius III.,--Angelus,--Alexius assumed the

designation of "Grand-Comnenus," and by this title the family was known

until its extermination.

The earlier years of the Empire of Trebizond were notable chiefly for

the efforts of its rulers to retain and extend their power, which was

circumscribed by the stronger empire of Nicæa. After the latter had been

merged into the restored Byzantine Empire with Constantinople as its

capital, Trebizond was still strong enough to maintain an independent

existence. A league was formed between the reigning sovereigns, Michael

VIII.,--Palæologus,--of Constantinople, and John II., then Emperor of

Trebizond, through the espousal of the latter to Michael's youngest

daughter, Eudocia, who was destined to show herself one of the best and

most capable of the Palæologi princesses.

The ceremony was solemnized with great ostentation on September 12,

1282. The question of precedence was an important one, as the Trebizond

government had considered itself the direct successor of the Empire of

the Cæsars. But through this marriage the wily monarch of Constantinople

gained the advantage; for John on this occasion laid aside the title of

"Emperor of the Romans," to be henceforth reserved exclusively for the

sovereign of the city of the Golden Horn, while that of Trebizond

assumed the title of "Emperor of all the East, Iberia, and Perateia."

Furthermore, the inhabitants of the city saw in the respective marriage

robes a certain inferiority of the Trebizontine monarch to the family of

his wife; for while the robes of John were embellished with

single-headed eagles, the bride appeared in a dress covered with

double-headed eagles to mark her rank in the Empire of the East and West

as a princess of the Palæologi, born in the purple chamber.

John and his royal bride had not been long settled on the throne when he

experienced a sudden and unexpected discomfiture at the hands of an

aspiring sister. Theodora, the oldest child of Manuel I. by his marriage

with Roussadan, an Iberian princess, jealous of the popularity of her

sister-in-law, and proud of the superiority of Comneni traditions to

those of the usurper of Constantinople, availed herself of the party

intrigues of the nobles, and the popular dissensions in the capital, to

assemble an army, surprise her imperial brother, and mount the throne.

Her glory was of brief duration, but the existence of coins bearing her

name and effigy demonstrates that her power was stable and that she was

fully recognized as a sovereign of the Empire. No clue exists which

enables us to determine how Theodora obtained the throne or how she was

at length driven from power, but John appears to have finally recovered

his throne and capital and to have expelled the ambitious princess.

During succeeding years the influence of Byzantine womanhood and the

relations between the two kingdoms continued prominent. John died in

1297, leaving two sons, Alexius II. and Michael. The former succeeded

his father at the age of fifteen, and was placed under the guardianship

of his mother Eudocia's brother, the Byzantine emperor Andronicus II.

Andronicus ordered his ward, the young emperor of Trebizond, though an

independent sovereign prince, to marry Irene, the daughter of a

Byzantine subject, Choumnus, one of his favorite ministers. But the idea

of a Comnenus marrying below his station was offensive both to Alexius

and his people. In obedience to the blood within his veins, and in

contempt of his guardian's command, Alexius rejected the proposed

mesalliance, and married the daughter of an Iberian prince.

The young married couple presented a beautiful example of conjugal

tenderness and devotion, but this did not soften the hard heart of the

guardian. Andronicus even went so far as to endeavor, to make the Greek

Church declare the marriage null and void on the ground that it had been

contracted by a union without the consent of his guardian. But the

patriarch and clergy, sympathizing with the lovers, and alarmed at the

ludicrous position in which they would be placed, took advantage of the

interesting condition of the bride to refuse to gratify the spleen of

the chagrined emperor.

At this time also, Eudocia, the mother of Alexius, who was in partial

durance in the imperial palace at Constantinople, saw an opportunity of

obtaining her freedom and of returning to her dominions. Her brother

Andronicus was offended with her because she had rejected his proposal

to form a second marriage with the Krai of Servia.

She persuaded her brother that her influence over her son, who was

devotedly attached to her, would have far more weight in making the

young emperor agree to a divorce than the sentence of an ecclesiastical

tribunal whose authority he was able to decline; and to this end she

obtained her brother's permission to return to Trebizond. Upon arriving

at her son's court Eudocia was so much impressed with the conjugal

fidelity of her son Alexius that she at once approved of his conduct,

and supported him in his determination to resist the tyrannical

pretensions of his guardian. Eudocia is an excellent example of the

superiority of the Palæologi women over their weaker and more selfish

brothers. In every situation, even in her months of exile from her

dominions, she maintained herself with dignity, and in her careful

rearing of her son and regard for his interests she exhibited motherly

traits of a high order.

In the next generation there was also an alliance between the royal

families of the two kingdoms. The emperor Basilius, second son of

Alexius II., married Irene Palæologina, the natural daughter of

Andronicus III. of Constantinople. Basilius had no legitimate issue, but

falling in love with a beautiful lady of Trebizond, also named Irene, he

made her his mistress and conferred on her every possible honor. She

bore him four children. To insure the succession of one of his natural

sons, Basilius in 1339 persuaded or forced the clergy to celebrate a

public marriage with his Trebizontine mistress, though there is no

evidence that he obtained a divorce from his lawful wife Irene, beyond

his own decree. He died suddenly in the April following his marriage to

his mistress.

Irene Palæologina, who was, in spite of his second nuptials, universally

regarded as the lawful wife of Basilius, was suspected of having

hastened his end; and her unfaithful husband had certainly tried the

soul of the proud lady. At any rate she was prepared for the sad event,

and had already organized a faction which placed her on the throne, as

the second independent Empress of Trebizond.

This promptitude in profiting by her husband's death, was worthy of the

first Empress Irene in Byzantine history, and gave just ground for

suspicion. But in considering an age when it was usual for people to

circulate calumnious reports against their rulers, the evidence should

be strong before we condemn the Palæologi princess. However, the

flagrant immorality of the court circles, and the lightness of character

of Irene herself, as well as her conduct after the event, tended to give

credibility to the rumor.

Irene, as soon as she was safely established on the throne, sent off her

rival of Trebizond and the two sons of Basilius to Constantinople where

her father Andronicus detained them as hostages for the tranquillity of

her empire. A strong party of the nobility, however, who had hoped to

gain wealth and power through the favor of the Trebizontine Irene, whom

they purposed to make regent during the minority of her children, were

chagrined at the success of the schemes of the Palæologi princess, and

at once began to plan her downfall. Two great parties arose, and the

little empire was once more disturbed by the turmoil of civil war.

Irene, with all her daring, was, like her father, of a gay and

thoughtless disposition, and did not fully realize the danger of her

situation. She recognized, however, that a second husband would

strengthen her cause; and she urged her father Andronicus to send her a

husband chosen from among the Byzantine nobles, who could aid her in

repressing the factions which threatened her throne. Andronicus gave a

favorable reception to Irene's ambassadors, but died before he had time

seriously to attend to her request. The light-minded Irene consoled

herself during the delay by falling in love with the grand domesticos of

her palace. But this bit of favoritism only divided her own court into

factions and strengthened the cause of her enemies.

A new storm now burst over the head of the thoughtless empress. Another

woman, whose title to rule was far stronger than that of Irene, appeared

to claim the throne. Anna, called Anachoutlon, was the eldest daughter

of the Emperor Alexius II. She had in early womanhood taken the veil,

and until this time had lived in seclusion. The opposition party

searched out her retreat and persuaded her to quit her monastic dress

and escape to Lazia, where she was proclaimed Empress of Trebizond, as

the nearest legitimate heir of her brother Basilius. All the provincials

united in demanding the sovereignty of a member of the house of

Grand-Comnenus in preference to the usurpation of a Palæologi princess,

who was planning to marry a foreigner. The popular demand for the rule

of a scion of the house of Grand-Comnenus gave Anna a triumphal march to

the capital, and with but little opposition she was admitted within the

citadel and universally recognized as the lawful empress. Irene was

dethroned after a troubled reign of one year and four months. Three

weeks later Michael Grand-Comnenus, second son of John II. and Eudocia,

who had been selected at Constantinople as a suitable husband of Irene,

arrived on the scene, to find the change of sovereignty. The Empress

Anna was surrounded by a cabal of powerful chiefs, who determined to

keep the reins of power in their hands. She graciously received her

kinsman, but he was later treacherously seized and imprisoned by Anna's

partisans. Irene was sent on, under suitable escort, to Constantinople,

to pass the rest of her life in retirement. The treatment of Michael

aroused the fury of many adherents of the house of Grand-Comnenus.

Another upheaval followed. John III., son of Michael, was brought over

from Constantinople, and proclaimed emperor by a constantly growing

faction. The hapless Anna, who had doubtless ofttimes regretted giving

up the peaceful life of the monastery for the troubles and cares of a

crown, was taken prisoner in the palace, and was immediately strangled.

She had occupied the throne hardly more than a year.

The next period of importance in our study of Trebizontine princesses is

that covered by the long reign--1349-1390--of Alexius III., the second

son of Basilius by Irene of Trebizond. His wife was also a Byzantine

princess, Theodora, the daughter of Nicephorus Cantacuzenus, brother of

the emperor John V., Cantacuzenus, whose stormy career of opposition to

Anne of Savoy we have already noticed. Theodora bore to Alexius a number

of beautiful daughters, whom he utilized when they became of

marriageable age to form alliances with his powerful neighbors, both

Mohammedan and Christian. His eldest daughter, Eudocia, Alexius first

wedded to the Emir Tadjeddin, who had gained possession of the important

district of Limnia; after Tadjeddin was slain in a quarrel with a

neighboring emir, the beautiful and accomplished princess became the

wife of the Byzantine emperor, John V. That aged monarch had chosen her

to be the bride of his son, the emperor Manuel II.,--Palæologus; but

when she arrived at Constantinople for the celebration of the nuptials,

her beauty and grace so powerfully captivated the decrepit old debauchee

that he set aside the inclinations of his son, who was also enamored of

his prospective bride, and married the young widow himself.

Anna, another daughter of Alexius, was married to Bagrat VI., King of

Georgia; and a third daughter was bestowed on Taharten, Emir of

Erdsendjan. Alexius's sisters met a similar fate. His sister Maria was

married to Koutloubeg, the chief of the great Turkoman horde of the

White Sheep; and his sister Theodora, to Hadji Omer, Emir of Chalybia.

These marriages with Mohammedan nobles, though one revolts at the

immolation of Christian maidens on the altar of selfish expedience, are

yet the strongest proof how the Christian state was being surrounded by

powerful Mohammedan chieftains, who must be conciliated to ward off the

evil day of extinction. Such alliances, too, may account in part for the

moral degradation which henceforth characterizes the house of

Grand-Comnenus.

In the next generation, Alexius IV. wedded Theodora Cantacuzenus, of the

celebrated Byzantine family of that name. Neglected by her husband, the

princess consoled herself with too close an intimacy with one of the

chamberlains of the palace; her son John, indignant at his mother's

disgrace, assassinated her lover with his own hands. He later murdered

his own father, and ascended the throne as John IV.

Under this cruel and intriguing ruler and his successors, the Christian

population of the country regarded the dynasty of Grand-Comnenus as a

dynasty of pagan or foreign tyrants, so little of religion or morality

survived in Trebizond. His alliances with the Turkoman plunderers of the

frontiers increased the popular aversion. John early recognized the

growing strength of the Turks, and sought to prepare to meet the coming

invasion by forming an alliance with Ouzoun Hassan, chief of the

Turkomans of the White Horde, whose daring courage and rapid career of

conquest made him, in the general estimation, a formidable rival of

Mohammed II.

When invited to join in the league against Mohammed, Hassan demanded as

the price of his assistance the hand of the emperor's daughter

Katherine, renowned throughout the Orient as the most beautiful virgin

in the East. John IV. was highly pleased at the prospect of purchasing

so powerful an alliance on such easy terms, and readily agreed,

doubtless without consulting the fair Katherine. Yet, in order to save

his credit as a Christian emperor, and perhaps as a balm to his own

conscience in sacrificing his daughter to an infidel, he stipulated in

the treaty that Katherine should be permitted always the exercise of her

own religion, and should have the privilege of keeping a certain number

of Christian ladies as her attendants, and of Greek priests in her

suite, to serve a private chapel in the harem. It is to the honor of a

Mussulman to observe that Hassan strictly kept his promises, even after

the empire of Trebizond and the house of Grand-Comnenus were no more.

Before this matrimonial alliance was fulfilled, John came to his end;

but his brother David, who displaced the heir and usurped the throne,--a

fit agent for consummating the ruin of an empire,--completed the

arrangement. The beautiful Katherine was sent with suitable pomp to the

court of her bridegroom, Hassan, and readily adapted herself to the

changed conditions of her life. She soon acquired great influence over

her infidel husband, who was the soul of honor and good faith, and in

every phase of her life which is known to us she showed herself the most

attractive character of the whole house of Comnenus.

But no matrimonial alliance could save the doomed empire. Constantinople

had fallen in 1453, and it was merely a matter of time when the last

surviving Greek kingdom should succumb to the Mohammedan yoke. Mohammed

II., by the exercise of intrigue, gradually detached from the emperor

his infidel allies. When finally the Mohammedan forces came against the

city, David showed that he possessed nothing of the heroic spirit of the

last Constantine. He offered but a feeble resistance, and readily

sacrificed the city to outrage and plunder on an assurance of safety for

himself and his family. David basely deserted his empire and embarked on

board one of the Turkish galleys, with his family and his treasures, to

enjoy for a brief period luxurious ease in the European appanage

assigned him by Mohammed.

David's family consisted of seven sons and a daughter borne him by

Helena Cantacuzena, his second wife, who, through her devotion to

husband and children, deserves to rank among the noblest of mothers in

the chronicles of history.

The dethroned emperor was not long permitted to enjoy the repose he had

purchased with so much infamy. Mohammed at length suspected him of

carrying on secret communications with Ouzoun Hassan, his niece's

husband, and plotting to reestablish the Empire of Trebizond. He was

suddenly arrested on his luxurious estate, and conveyed with his whole

family to Constantinople. While they were on the way a letter from

Despina Katon--the popular designation of the fair Katherine--to her

uncle David was intercepted by the Ottoman emissaries. In this the

amiable spouse of Hassan, requested David to send her brother, or one of

her cousins, to be educated at her husband's court. This letter afforded

convincing proof to the suspicious Sultan that David was plotting with

Ouzoun Hassan and other enemies of the Porte for the restoration of his

empire.

The bare suspicion of Mohammed was a sentence of death to the whole race

of Grand-Comnenus. As soon as the unfortunate prisoners reached

Constantinople, David was ordered to embrace Islam under pain of death.

His life had been ignoble, but in his death David showed that he still

possessed something of the nobility of the Comneni, and he chose death

rather than dishonor his name by renouncing his religion. David, his

seven sons and his nephew Alexius were all slaughtered in one day, in

the year 1470: the daughter was lost in a Turkish harem.

The bodies of the princes were thrown out unburied beyond the walls. No

one ventured to approach them for fear of the vengeance of the Sultan.

They would have been abandoned to the dogs, the usual scavengers of

Christian flesh, had not the Empress Helena, the wife and mother,

repaired to the spot where they lay. She was clad in a peasant's garb,

to escape detection, and carried a spade in her hand. The day was spent

in guarding the remains of husband and children from the ravenous dogs,

and in digging a grave to receive their bodies. In the darkness of the

night a few faithful souls came to her relief and assisted her in

committing the bodies to the dust. The widowed and childless empress,

who had seen the last of her race, the last of the glories of the

Byzantine kingdom, then retired to a convent to pass the remainder of

her days in prayers for the repose of the souls of her loved ones. Grief

soon brought her to a refuge from all earthly sorrows in the grave.

The story of womanhood in the Byzantine Empire of the decadence is an

extremely sad one. The times were out of joint; corruption and

immorality prevailed; the emperors were almost without exception

extremely selfish, cruel, and unprincipled. It was impossible for

womanhood in such a period not to be tainted by the general ruin, yet we

have found many noble characters, and whatever may have been their

feminine weaknesses and foibles, however much their lots may have been

circumscribed by the caprices of sovereigns and the ceremonials of

courts, the princesses of the Comneni, the Palæologi and the Cantacuzeni

have, as a rule, shown themselves in virtue and in capability the

superiors of their brothers.

The rest of our story of Christian women of Greek or Byzantine

traditions is soon told. During all the period we have covered in this

chapter there was a flourishing mediæval life further south under Greek

skies, in Athens, under a Frankish and, later, a Florentine duchy, and

in the Peloponnesus, or the Morea, under Frankish or Venetian princes.

But this was the feudal life of mediæval times transferred to Greek

soil, the life of foreigners among a conquered people, and does not

concern us here.

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