The State Guard responded most efficiently. Thousands have volunteered
for the Guard and the Militia. Money has been contributed from every
walk of life by the hundreds of thousands for the encouragement and
relief of these loyal men. These acts have been spontaneous,
significant, and decisive. I propose to support all those who are
supporting their own Government with every power which the people have
entrusted to me.
There is an obligation, inescapable, no less solemn, to resist all those
who do not support the Government. The authority of the Commonwealth
cannot be intimidated or coerced. It cannot be compromised. To place the
maintenance of the public security in the hands of a body of men who
have attempted to destroy it would be to flout the sovereignty of the
laws the people have made. It is my duty to resist any such proposal.
Those who would counsel it join hands with those whose acts have
threatened to destroy the Government. There is no middle ground. Every
attempt to prevent the formation of a new police force is a blow at the
Government. That way treason lies. No man has a right to place his own
ease or convenience or the opportunity of making money above his duty to
the State. This is the cause of all the people. I call on every citizen
to stand by me in executing the oath of my office by supporting the
authority of the Government and resisting all assaults upon it.
Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-fourth day
of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
the one hundred and forty-fourth.
CALVIN COOLIDGE
By His Excellency the Governor,
HERBERT H. BOYNTON
_Deputy, Acting Secretary of the Commonwealth_
God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
XXXVIII
HOLY CROSS COLLEGE
JUNE 25, 1919
To come from the press of public affairs, where the practical side of
life is at its flood, into these calm and classic surroundings, where
ideals are cherished for their own sake, is an intense relief and
satisfaction. Even in the full flow of Commencement exercises it is
apparent that here abide the truth and the servants of the truth. Here
appears the fulfillment of the past in the grand company of alumni,
recalling a history already so thick with laurels. Here is the hope of
the future, brighter yet in the young men to-day sent forth.
"The unarmed youth of heaven. But o'er their heads
Celestial armory, shield, helm and spear,
Hung bright, with diamond flaming and with gold."
In them the dead past lives. They represent the college. They are the
college. It is not in the campus with its imposing halls and temples,
nor in the silent lore of the vast library or the scientific instruments
of well-equipped laboratories, but in the men who are the incarnation of
all these, that your college lives. It is not enough that there be
knowledge, history and poetry, eloquence and art, science and
mathematics, philosophy and ethics, ideas and ideals. They must be
vitalized. They must be fashioned into life. To send forth men who live
all these is to be a college. This temple of learning must be translated
into human form if it is to exercise any influence over the affairs of
mankind, or if its alumni are to wield the power of education.
A great thinker and master of the expression of thought has told us:
"It was before Deity, embodied in a human form, walking among men,
partaking of their infirmities, leaning on their bosoms, weeping over
their graves, slumbering in the manger, bleeding on the cross, that the
prejudices of the Synagogue, and the doubts of the Academy, and the
pride of the Portico, and the fasces of the Lictor, and the swords of
thirty Legions, were humbled in the dust."
If college-bred men are to exercise the influence over the progress of
the world which ought to be their portion, they must exhibit in their
lives a knowledge and a learning which is marked with candor, humility,
and the honest mind.
The present is ever influenced mightily by the past. Patrick Henry spoke
with great wisdom when he declared to the Continental Congress, "I have
but one lamp by which my feet are guided and that is the lamp of
experience." Mankind is finite. It has the limits of all things finite.
The processes of government are subject to the same limitations, and,
lacking imperfections, would be something more than human. It is always
easy to discover flaws, and, pointing them out, to criticize. It is not
so easy to suggest substantial remedies or propose constructive
policies. It is characteristic of the unlearned that they are forever
proposing something which is old, and, because it has recently come to
their own attention, supposing it to be new. Into this error men of
liberal education ought not to fall. The forms and processes of
government are not new. They have been known, discussed, and tried in
all their varieties through the past ages. That which America
exemplifies in her Constitution and system of representative government
is the most modern, and of any yet devised gives promise of being the
most substantial and enduring.
It is not unusual to hear arguments against our institutions and our
Government, addressed particularly to recent arrivals and the sons of
recent arrivals to our shores. They sometimes take the form of a claim
that our institutions were founded long ago; that changed conditions
require that they now be changed. Especially is it claimed by those
seeking such changes that these new arrivals and men of their race and
ideas had no hand in the making of our country, and that it was formed
by those who were hostile to them and therefore they owe it no support.
Whatever may be the condition in relation to others, and whatever
ignorance and bigotry may imagine, such arguments do not apply to those
of the race and blood so prominent in this assemblage. To establish this
it were but necessary to cite eleven of the fifty-five signers of the
Declaration of Independence and recall that on the roll of Washington's
generals were Sullivan, Knox, Wayne, and the gallant son of Trinity
College, Dublin, who fell at Quebec at the head of his troops,--Richard
Montgomery. But scholarship has answered ignorance. The learned and
patriotic research of men of the education of Dr. James J. Walsh and
Michael J. O'Brien, the historian of the Irish American Society, has
demonstrated that a generous portion of the rank and file of the men who
fought in the Revolution and supported those who framed our institutions
was not alien to those who are represented here. It is no wonder that
from among such that which is American has drawn some of its most
steadfast defenders.
In these days of violent agitation scholarly men should reflect that the
progress of the past has been accomplished not by the total overthrow of
institutions so much as by discarding that which was bad and preserving
that which was good; not by revolution but by evolution has man worked
out his destiny. We shall miss the central feature of all progress
unless we hold to that process now. It is not a question of whether our
institutions are perfect. The most beneficent of our institutions had
their beginnings in forms which would be particularly odious to us now.
Civilization began with war and slavery; government began in absolute
despotism; and religion itself grew out of superstition which was
oftentimes marked with human sacrifices. So out of our present
imperfections we shall develop that which is more perfect. But the
candid mind of the scholar will admit and seek to remedy all wrongs with
the same zeal with which it defends all rights.
From the knowledge and the learning of the scholar there ought to be
developed an abiding faith. What is the teaching of all history? That
which is necessary for the welfare and progress of the human race has
never been destroyed. The discoverers of truth, the teachers of science,
the makers of inventions, have passed to their last rewards, but their
works have survived. The Phoenician galleys and the civilization which
was born of their commerce have perished, but the alphabet which that
people perfected remains. The shepherd kings of Israel, the temple and
empire of Solomon, have gone the way of all the earth, but the Old
Testament has been preserved for the inspiration of mankind. The ark of
the covenant and the seven-pronged candlestick have passed from human
view; the inhabitants of Judea have been dispersed to the ends of the
earth, but the New Testament has survived and increased in its influence
among men. The glory of Athens and Sparta, the grandeur of the Imperial
City, are a long-lost memory, but the poetry of Homer and Virgil, the
oratory of Demosthenes and Cicero, the philosophy of Plato and
Aristotle, abide with us forevermore. Whatever America holds that may be
of value to posterity will not pass away.
The long and toilsome processes which have marked the progress of the
past cannot be shunned by the present generation to our advantage. We
have no right to expect as our portion something substantially different
from human experience in the past. The constitution of the universe
does not change. Human nature remains constant. That service and
sacrifice which have been the price of past progress are the price of
progress now.
This is not a gospel of despair, but of hope and high expectation. Out
of many tribulations mankind has pressed steadily onward. The
opportunity for a rational existence was never before so great.
Blessings were never so bountiful. But the evidence was never so
overwhelming as now that men and nations must live rationally or perish.
The defenses of our Commonwealth are not material but mental and
spiritual. Her fortifications, her castles, are her institutions of
learning. Those who are admitted to the college campus tread the
ramparts of the State. The classic halls are the armories from which are
furnished forth the knights in armor to defend and support our liberty.
For such high purpose has Holy Cross been called into being. A firm
foundation of the Commonwealth. A defender of righteousness. A teacher
of holy men. Let her turrets continue to rise, showing forth "the way,
the truth and the light"--
"In thoughts sublime that pierce the night like stars,
And with their mild persistence urge man's arch
To vaster issues."
XXXIX
REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON
OCTOBER 4, 1919
Ancient custom crystallized to law has drawn us here. We come to renew
our pledge publicly at the altar of our country. We come in the light of
history and of reason. We come to take counsel both from experience and
from imagination. Over us shines a glorious past, before us lies a
promising future. Around us is a renewed determination deep and solemn
that this Commonwealth of ours shall endure.
The period since our last election has been one of momentous events.
Within its first week the victorious advance of America and her allies
terminated in the armistice of November eleventh. The power of organized
despotisms had been proven to be inferior to the power of organized
republics. Reason had again triumphed over absolutism. The "still small
voice" of the moral law was seen to be greater than the might of kings.
The world appeal to duty triumphed over the world appeal to selfishness.
It always will. There will be far-reaching results from all this which
no one can now foresee. But some things are apparent. The power of the
people has been revealed. The worth of the individual man shines forth
with an increased glory. But most significant of all, for it lies at the
foundation of all civilization and all progress, was the demonstration
that the citizens of the great republics of the earth possess the power
which they dare to use, of maintaining among all men the orderly
processes of revealed law.
These are no new doctrines in Massachusetts. For nearly three hundred
years she has laid her course according to these principles, extending
the blessings which arise from them to her citizens, ever ready to
defend them with her treasure and her blood. In this the past year has
been no exception.
In recognition of the long-established policy of making this
Commonwealth first in humanitarian legislation, the General Court
enacted a law providing for reducing a fifty-four hour week for women
and minors to a forty-eight hour week. It passed the weavers'
specification bill. The allowance under the workmen's compensation law
was increased. Local option was provided on the question of a
twelve-hour day for firemen. Authority was granted corporations to give
their employees a voice in their management. Representatives of the
employees have been appointed to the Board of Trustees of great public
service corporations. Profiteering has been made a crime. A special
commission of which the chairman is Brigadier-General John H. Sherburne
was established to deal with the problem of the high cost of
living--with power which has been effective in reducing the prices of
the necessaries of life. No other State has taken any effective measure.
The compensation of public employees has been increased. The entire
public service of the Commonwealth has been reorganized in accordance
with the constitutional amendment into twenty departments. In caring for
her service men Massachusetts led all the States of the Nation in relief
and in assistance, besides voting the stupendous sum of twenty million
dollars, not as compensation, but as recognition of the gratitude due
those who had represented us in the great war. The educational
opportunities of the youth of the State have been improved. All of these
acts of great importance, which are of course only representative of the
character of current legislation, had the executive approval. There has
been not only a sympathetic but a very practical attitude toward the
ideal expressed in my inaugural address, that there is a right to be
well born, well reared, well educated, well employed, and well paid. We
shall not be shaken in the mature determination to promote these
policies. The ancient faith of Massachusetts in the worth of her
citizens, the cause of great solicitude for the welfare of each
individual, will remain undiminished.
The many uncertainties in transportation which are State, Nation, and
world wide, sent our street railway problems to an expert commission
which will report to a special session of the General Court. It is
recognized that the rate of fare necessary to pay for the service
rendered has in some instances become prohibitive. Some roads and
portions of roads have been closed down. There must be relief. But such
relief must be in accord with sound economic principles. What the public
has the public must pay for. From this there is no escape. Under
private, or public, ownership or operation this rule will be the same.
We must face the facts and restore this necessary service to the people
in such a form that they can meet its costs. In meeting this issue, not
hysterically, not with demagogy, but calmly, with candor, applying an
adequate remedy to ascertained facts, Massachusetts, as usual, will lead
all the other States of the Nation.
That agitation and unrest which has been characteristic of the whole
world since the close of the war has had some manifestations here. There
is a natural desire in every human mind to seek better conditions. Such
a desire is altogether praiseworthy. There must, however, be
discrimination in the methods employed. Wholesale criticism of everybody
and everything does not necessarily exhibit statesmanlike qualities, and
may not be true. Not all those who are working to better the condition
of the people are Bolsheviki or enemies of society. Not all those who
are attempting to conduct a successful business are profiteers. But
unreasonable criticism and agitation for unreasonable remedies will
avail nothing. We, in common with the whole world, are suffering from a
shortage of materials. There is but one remedy for this, increased
production. We need to use sparingly what we have and make more. No
progress will be made by shouting Bolsheviki and profiteers. What we
need is thrift and industry. Let everybody keep at work. Profitable
employment is the death blow to Bolshevism and abundant production is
disaster to the profiteer. Our salvation lies in putting forth greater
effort, in manfully assuming our own burdens, rather than in
entertaining the pleasing delusion that they can be shifted to some
other shoulders. Those who attempt to lead people on in this expectation
only add to their burdens and their dangers.
The people of Boston have recently seen the result of agitation and
unrest in its police force. The policy of that department, established
by an order of former Commissioner O'Meara and adopted by a rule which
has the force of law by the present Commissioner Curtis, prohibited a
police union from affiliating with an outside union. In spite of this
such a union was formed and persisted in with acknowledged and open
defiance of the rules and of the counsel and almost entreaties of the
officers of the department. Such disobedience continuing, the leaders
were cited for trial on charges and heard with their counsel before the
Commissioner. After thorough consideration, and opportunity again to
obey the rules, they were found guilty. In order to give a chance to
recant sentence was suspended. Shortly after, three fourths of the
police force abandoned their posts and refused further to perform their
duties. During the next few hours, there was destruction of property in
the city but happily no loss of life.
Meantime there had been various efforts to save the situation. Some
urged me to remove the Commissioner, some to request him to alter his
course. To all these I had to reply that I had no authority whatever
over his actions and could not lawfully interfere with him. It was my
duty to support him in the execution of the law and that I should do. I
was glad to confer with any one and give my help where it was sought.
The Commissioner was appointed by my predecessor in office for a term of
years. I could with almost equal propriety interfere in the decisions of
the Supreme Court.
To restore order, I at once and by pre-arrangement with him and the
Commissioner, offered to the Mayor to call out the State Guard. At his
request I did so, immediately beginning restoring obedience to the law.
On account of the public danger, I called on the Commissioner to aid me
in the execution of my duties of keeping order, and issued a
proclamation to that effect.
To various suggestions that the police be permitted to return I replied
that the Attorney-General had ruled that by law that could not be done
and while I had no power to appoint, discharge, or reinstate, I was
opposed to placing the public security again in the keeping of this body
of men. There is an obligation to forgive but it does not extend to the
unrepentant. To give them aid and comfort is to support their evil doing
and to become what is known in law as an accessory after the fact. A
government which does that is a reproach to civilization and will soon
have on its hands the blood of its citizens.
The response to the appeal to support the Government of Massachusetts in
sustaining law and order was instantaneous. It came from the State
Guard, from volunteers for police, and the militia, from contributions
gathered among all classes now reaching hundreds of thousands of
dollars, from the loyal police of Boston, from all quarters of the
Commonwealth and beyond. These forces may all be dissipated, they may be
defeated, but while I am entrusted with the office of their
Commander-in-Chief they will not be surrendered. Over them and over
every other law-abiding citizen has gone up the white flag of
Massachusetts. Who is there that by compromising the authority of her
laws dares to haul down that flag? I have resisted and propose to
continue in resistance to such action.
This issue is perfectly plain. The Government of Massachusetts is not
seeking to resist the lawful action or sound policy of organized labor.
It has time and again passed laws for the protection and encouragement
of trade unions. It has done so under my administration upon my
recommendation to a greater extent than in any previous year. In that
policy it will continue. It is seeking to prevent a condition which
would at once destroy all labor unions and all else that is the
foundation of civilization by maintaining the authority and sanctity of
the law. When that goes all goes. It costs something but it is the
cheapest thing that can be bought; it causes some inconvenience but it
is the foundation of all convenience, the orderly execution of the laws.
The people understand this thoroughly. They know that the laws are their
laws and speak their voice. They know that this Government is their
Government founded on their will, administered by their representatives.
Disobedience to it is disobedience to the people. They know that the
property of the Commonwealth is their property. Destruction of it
destroys their substance. The public security is their security. When
that is gone they are in deadly peril. And knowing this the people have
a determination to support the Government with a resolution that is
unchanging.
It is my purpose to maintain the Government of Massachusetts as it was
founded by her people, the protector of the rights of all but
subservient to none. It is my purpose to maintain unimpaired the
authority of her laws, her jurisdiction, her peace, her security. This
ancient faith of Massachusetts which became the great faith of America,
she reestablished in her Constitution before the army of Washington had
gained our independence, declaring for "a government of laws and not of
men." In that faith she still abides. Let him challenge it who dares.
All who love Massachusetts, who believe in America, are bound to defend
it. The choice lies between living under coercion and intimidation, the
forces of evil, or under the laws of the people, orderly, speaking with
their settled convictions, the revelation of a divine authority.
XL
WILLIAMS COLLEGE
OCTOBER 17, 1919
There speaks here with the voice of immortality one who loved
Massachusetts. On every side arise monuments to that enduring affection
bred not of benefits received but of services rendered, of sacrifices
made, that the province of Massachusetts Bay might live enlightened and
secure. A bit of parchment has filled libraries. A few hundred dollars
has enriched generations. The spirit of a single liberty-loving soldier
has raised up a host that has shaken the earth with its martial tread,
laying low the hills but exalting the valleys. Here Colonel Ephraim
Williams still executes his will, still disposes of his patrimony, still
leads the soldiers of the free to an enduring victory, and with a power
greater than the sword stands guard on the frontier marches of the
Commonwealth.
Honor compels that honor be recognized. In compliance with that
requirement this day has been set apart by this institution of letters
in testimony of the merit of her sons. Nearly one half of her living
alumni were under the direct service of the Nation in the great war.
Into all branches of the service, civil and military, they went from the
alumni, from the class rooms, from the faculty, up to President Garfield
himself, who served as Director of the Fuel Administration. From America
and her allies has come the highest of recognition, conferred by
citation, awards, and decorations. Their individual deeds of valor I
shall not relate. They are known to all. Advisedly I say that they have
not been surpassed among men. Their heroism was no less heroic because
it was unconscious there or because of befitting modesty it is
unostentatious here. There was yet a courage unequaled by the most
momentous dangers which were met by those now marked with fame and a
capacity in the others which would have matched equal events with equal
fortitude. In the most grateful recognition of all this, to the living
and the dead, by their Alma Mater the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
reverently joins.