SECTION I.

A Supplement to

A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS

1789-1902

BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON

A REPRESENTATIVE FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEE

COMPILED AND ARRANGED BY

GEORGE RAYWOOD DEVITT, M.A.

MEMBER NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC SOCIETY, ETC., ETC.

THIS VOLUME PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF BUREAU OF NATIONAL LITERATURE AND

ART

1904

Prefatory Note

As the exigencies which prompted, at a late date, the change of plans

in the compilation of this work, left the messages and papers of the

McKinley administration incomplete and defective, it has been felt that

the time has now arrived for their collection. In this supplement are

included the messages, proclamations and executive orders of President

McKinley which do not appear in Volume X, and those of his successor,

President Roosevelt, to date. They set forth the home affairs of the

nation, and illustrate the stability of the government and institutions

of the United States. They demonstrate that affairs were conducted with

attention and directness unaffected by the apparently distracting, but

glorious, incidents, which marked her interposition by arms and the

extension of her sheltering aegis to Cuba. They teach us that the

foundations of this country are deep-rooted and that the process of

nation-building, as recounted in these volumes, has proceeded upon

right lines and with an unbounded fidelity to principle and purpose.

GEORGE RAYWOOD DEVITT.

WASHINGTON, D.C., _October 1, 1902._

SUPPLEMENT

* * * * *

William McKinley

March 4, 1897, to September 14, 1901

* * * * *

Additional Messages, Proclamations, Executive Orders and Last Public

Utterance to the People at Buffalo

William McKinley

(For portrait and early biographical sketch see Vol. X, pp. 125, 126,

127)

At the National Republican Convention which met at Philadelphia in June,

1901, William McKinley was again nominated the Republican candidate for

the Presidency of the United States. At the November election he was

re-elected, receiving 292 electoral votes, against 155 votes for William

J. Bryan.

In September, 1901, he accepted an invitation to be present at the

Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo. On September 5 he delivered his

last public utterance to the people, in the Temple of Music, to a vast

audience. The next day, returning from a short trip to Niagara Falls, he

yielded to the wishes of the people and held a reception in the Temple.

Among those who, passing in single file, took him by the hand, was one

who approached with his hand wrapped and held to his breast as though

injured. Concealed within the covering was a loaded revolver; and as he

gave his other hand to the President, a token of friendship, he quickly

fired two shots, from the effects of which the President sank into the

arms of those near him. He was taken to the residence of Mr. John G.

Milburn, President of the Exposition Company, where on September 14,

1901, after an unexpected relapse, he died. The body was taken to

Washington, D.C., and the state funeral was held in the rotunda of the

Capitol. Thence the body was taken to his home in Canton, Ohio, for

interment.

The period covered by the administration of William McKinley was,

undoubtedly, more crowded with events calculated to try and to touch the

very heart of the nation than was any period since the Civil War. The

United States has passed through crisis after crisis in quick succession

and has emerged not only in safety but with untarnished honor, increased

glory, and the great consciousness of solidarity and unification. This

is attested by the wise management of affairs in connection with the

Nicaragua Canal; the increase of the navy, the formation of an army and

the imposition of taxes which in no way impeded the march of industry;

the settlement of railway claims; and the successful starting in life of

Cuba and the administration of far colonial affairs. Aside from the wise

counsels of the Executive of the nation, the calmness and cool action of

the people, amid distracting and perplexing events, have contributed to

the honor of the nation in no slight degree. All of this, and more, was

abundantly testified to, at the time of the deplorable circumstances

attending William McKinley's death by the unexampled outburst throughout

the world of sympathy with the bereaved nation and of admiration for the

man.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS

_Fellow-Citizens_:

In obedience to the will of the people, and in their presence, by

the authority vested in me by this oath, I assume the arduous and

responsible duties of President of the United States, relying upon the

support of my countrymen and invoking the guidance of Almighty God. Our

faith teaches that there is no safer reliance than upon the God of our

fathers, who has so singularly favored the American people in every

national trial, and who will not forsake us so long as we obey His

commandments and walk humbly in His footsteps.

The responsibilities of the high trust to which I have been

called--always of grave importance--are augmented by the prevailing

business conditions, entailing idleness upon willing labor and

loss to useful enterprises. The country is suffering from industrial

disturbances from which speedy relief must be had. Our financial system

needs some revision; our money is all good now, but its value must not

further be threatened. It should all be put on an enduring basis, not

subject to easy attack, nor its stability to doubt or dispute. Our

currency should continue under the supervision of the Government.

The several forms of our paper money offer, in my judgment, a constant

embarrassment to the Government and a safe balance in the Treasury.

Therefore I believe it necessary to devise a system which, without

diminishing the circulating medium or offering a premium for its

contraction, will present a remedy for those arrangements which,

temporary in their nature, might well in the years of our prosperity

have been displaced by wiser provisions. With adequate revenue secured,

but not until then, we can enter upon such changes in our fiscal laws as

will, while insuring safety and volume to our money, no longer impose

upon the Government the necessity of maintaining so large a gold

reserve, with its attendant and inevitable temptations to speculation.

Most of our financial laws are the outgrowth of experience and trial,

and should not be amended without investigation and demonstration of

the wisdom of the proposed changes. We must be both "sure we are right,"

and "make haste slowly." If, therefore, Congress, in its wisdom,

shall deem it expedient to create a commission to take under early

consideration the revision of our coinage, banking and currency laws,

and give them that exhaustive, careful and dispassionate examination

that their importance demands, I shall cordially concur in such action.

If such power is vested in the President, it is my purpose to appoint

a commission of prominent, well-informed citizens of different parties,

who will command public confidence, both on account of their ability and

special fitness for the work. Business experience and public training

may thus be combined, and the patriotic zeal of the friends of the

country be so directed that such a report will be made as to receive the

support of all parties, and our finances cease to be the subject of mere

partisan contention. The experiment is, at all events, worth a trial,

and, in my opinion, it can but prove beneficial to the entire country.

The question of international bimetallism will have early and earnest

attention. It will be my constant endeavor to secure it by co-operation

with the other great commercial powers of the world. Until that

condition is realized when the parity between our gold and silver money

springs from and is supported by the relative value of the two metals,

the value of the silver already coined and of that which may hereafter

be coined, must be kept constantly at par with gold by every resource at

our command. The credit of the Government, the integrity of its

currency, and the inviolability of its obligations must be preserved.

This was the commanding verdict of the people, and it will not be

unheeded.

Economy is demanded in every branch of the Government at all times, but

especially in periods, like the present, of depression in business and

distress among the people. The severest economy must be observed in all

public expenditures, and extravagance stopped wherever it is found, and

prevented wherever in the future it may be developed. If the revenues

are to remain as now, the only relief that can come must be from

decreased expenditures. But the present must not become the permanent

condition of the Government. It has been our uniform practice to retire,

not increase our outstanding obligations, and this policy must again be

resumed and vigorously enforced. Our revenues should always be large

enough to meet with ease and promptness not only our current needs and

the principal and interest of the public debt, but to make proper and

liberal provision for that most deserving body of public creditors, the

soldiers and sailors and the widows and orphans who are the pensioners

of the United States.

The Government should not be permitted to run behind or increase its

debt in times like the present. Suitably to provide against this is the

mandate of duty--the certain and easy remedy for most of our financial

difficulties. A deficiency is inevitable so long as the expenditures of

the Government exceed its receipts. It can only be met by loans or an

increased revenue. While a large annual surplus of revenue may invite

waste and extravagance, inadequate revenue creates distrust and

undermines public and private credit. Neither should be encouraged.

Between more loans and more revenue there ought to be but one opinion.

We should have more revenue, and that without delay, hindrance, or

postponement. A surplus in the Treasury created by loans is not a

permanent or safe reliance. It will suffice while it lasts, but it can

not last long while the outlays of the Government are greater than its

receipts, as has been the case during the past two years. Nor must

it be forgotten that however much such loans may temporarily relieve

the situation, the Government is still indebted for the amount of the

surplus thus accrued, which it must ultimately pay, while its ability

to pay is not strengthened, but weakened by a continued deficit. Loans

are imperative in great emergencies to preserve the Government or its

credit, but a failure to supply needed revenue in time of peace for

the maintenance of either has no justification.

The best way for the Government to maintain its credit is to pay as it

goes--not by resorting to loans, but by keeping out of debt--through an

adequate income secured by a system of taxation, external or internal,

or both. It is the settled policy of the Government, pursued from the

beginning and practised by all parties and Administrations, to raise the

bulk of our revenue from taxes upon foreign productions entering the

United States for sale and consumption, and avoiding, for the most part,

every form of direct taxation, except in time of war. The country is

clearly opposed to any needless additions to the subject of internal

taxation, and is committed by its latest popular utterance to the system

of tariff taxation. There can be no misunderstanding, either, about the

principle upon which this tariff taxation shall be levied. Nothing has

ever been made plainer at a general election than that the controlling

principle in the raising of revenue from duties on imports is zealous

care for American interests and American labor. The people have declared

that such legislation should be had as will give ample protection and

encouragement to the industries and the development of our country.

It is, therefore, earnestly hoped and expected that Congress will, at

the earliest practicable moment, enact revenue legislation that shall

be fair, reasonable, conservative, and just, and which, while supplying

sufficient revenue for public purposes, will still be signally

beneficial and helpful to every section and every enterprise of the

people. To this policy we are all, of whatever party, firmly bound by

the voice of the people--a power vastly more potential than the

expression of any political platform. The paramount duty of Congress is

to stop deficiencies by the restoration of that protective legislation

which has always been the firmest prop of the Treasury. The passage of

such a law or laws would strengthen the credit of the Government both

at home and abroad, and go far toward stopping the drain upon the gold

reserve held for the redemption of our currency, which has been heavy

and well-nigh constant for several years.

In the revision of the tariff especial attention should be given

to the re-enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of the

law of 1890, under which so great a stimulus was given to our foreign

trade in new and advantageous markets for our surplus agricultural and

manufactured products. The brief trial given this legislation amply

justifies a further experiment and additional discretionary power in

the making of commercial treaties, the end in view always to be the

opening up of new markets for the products of our country, by granting

concessions to the products of other lands that we need and cannot

produce ourselves, and which do not involve any loss of labor to our

own people, but tend to increase their employment.

The depression of the past four years has fallen with especial

severity upon the great body of toilers of the country, and upon none

more than the holders of small farms. Agriculture has languished and

labor suffered. The revival of manufacturing will be a relief to both.

No portion of our population is more devoted to the institution of

free government nor more loyal in their support, while none bears

more cheerfully or fully its proper share in the maintenance of the

Government or is better entitled to its wise and liberal care and

protection. Legislation helpful to producers is beneficial to all.

The depressed condition of industry on the farm and in the mine and

factory has lessened the ability of the people to meet the demands upon

them, and they rightfully expect that not only a system of revenue

shall be established that will secure the largest income with the least

burden, but that every means will be taken to decrease, rather than

increase, our public expenditures. Business conditions are not the most

promising. It will take time to restore the prosperity of former years.

If we cannot promptly attain it, we can resolutely turn our faces in

that direction and aid its return by friendly legislation. However

troublesome the situation may appear, Congress will not, I am sure,

be found lacking in disposition or ability to relieve it as far as

legislation can do so. The restoration of confidence and the revival of

business, which men of all parties so much desire, depend more largely

upon the prompt, energetic, and intelligent action of Congress than

upon any other single agency affecting the situation.

It is inspiring, too, to remember that no great emergency in the one

hundred and eight years of our eventful national life has ever arisen

that has not been met with wisdom and courage by the American people,

with fidelity to their best interests and highest destiny, and to the

honor of the American name. These years of glorious history have exalted

mankind and advanced the cause of freedom throughout the world, and

immeasurably strengthened the precious free institutions which we enjoy.

The people love and will sustain these institutions. The great essential

to our happiness and prosperity is that we adhere to the principles upon

which the Government was established and insist upon their faithful

observance. Equality of rights must prevail, and our laws be always and

everywhere respected and obeyed. We may have failed in the discharge of

our full duty as citizens of the great Republic, but it is consoling and

encouraging to realize that free speech, a free press, free thought,

free schools, the free and unmolested right of religious liberty and

worship, and free and fair elections are dearer and more universally

enjoyed to-day than ever before. These guaranties must be sacredly

preserved and wisely strengthened. The constituted authorities must be

cheerfully and vigorously upheld. Lynchings must not be tolerated in a

great and civilized country like the United States; courts, not mobs,

must execute the penalties of the law. The preservation of public order,

the right of discussion, the integrity of courts, and the orderly

administration of justice must continue forever the rock of safety upon

which our Government securely rests.

One of the lessons taught by the late election, which all can rejoice

in, is that the citizens of the United States are both law-respecting

and law-abiding people, not easily swerved from the path of patriotism

and honor. This is in entire accord with the genius of our institutions,

and but emphasizes the advantages of inculcating even a greater love

for law and order in the future. Immunity should be granted to none who

violate the laws, whether individuals, corporations, or communities; and

as the Constitution imposes upon the President the duty of both its own

execution, and of the statutes enacted in pursuance of its provisions,

I shall endeavor carefully to carry them into effect. The declaration of

the party now restored to power has been in the past that of "opposition

to all combinations of capital organized in trusts, or otherwise, to

control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens," and it

has supported "such legislation as will prevent the execution of all

schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by

unjust rates for the transportation of their products to the market."

This purpose will be steadily pursued, both by the enforcement of the

laws now in existence and the recommendation and support of such new

statutes as may be necessary to carry it into effect.

Our naturalization and immigration laws should be further improved to

the constant promotion of a safer, a better, and a higher citizenship.

A grave peril to the Republic would be a citizenship too ignorant to

understand or too vicious to appreciate the great value and beneficence

of our institutions and laws, and against all who come here to make war

upon them our gates must be promptly and tightly closed. Nor must we be

unmindful of the need of improvement among our own citizens, but with

the zeal of our forefathers encourage the spread of knowledge and free

education. Illiteracy must be banished from the land if we shall attain

that high destiny as the foremost of the enlightened nations of the

world which, under Providence, we ought to achieve.

Reforms in the civil service must go on; but the changes should be real

and genuine, not perfunctory, or prompted by a zeal in behalf of any

party simply because it happens to be in power. As a member of Congress

I voted and spoke in favor of the present law, and I shall attempt its

enforcement in the spirit in which it was enacted. The purpose in view

was to secure the most efficient service of the best men who would

accept appointment under the Government, retaining faithful and devoted

public servants in office, but shielding none, under the authority of

any rule or custom, who are inefficient, incompetent, or unworthy. The

best interests of the country demand this, and the people heartily

approve the law wherever and whenever it has been thus administrated.

Congress should give prompt attention to the restoration of our

American merchant marine, once the pride of the seas in all the great

ocean highways of commerce. To my mind, few more important subjects so

imperatively demand its intelligent consideration. The United States

has progressed with marvelous rapidity in every field of enterprise and

endeavor until we have become foremost in nearly all the great lines

of inland trade, commerce, and industry. Yet, while this is true, our

American merchant marine has been steadily declining until it is now

lower, both in the percentage of tonnage and the number of vessels

employed, than it was prior to the Civil War. Commendable progress has

been made of late years in the upbuilding of the American Navy, but we

must supplement these efforts by providing as a proper consort for it a

merchant marine amply sufficient for our own carrying trade to foreign

countries. The question is one that appeals both to our business

necessities and the patriotic aspirations of a great people.

It has been the policy of the United States since the foundation of

the Government to cultivate relations of peace and amity with all the

nations of the world, and this accords with my conception of our duty

now. We have cherished the policy of non-interference with the affairs

of foreign governments wisely inaugurated by Washington, keeping

ourselves free from entanglement, either as allies or foes, content

to leave undisturbed with them the settlement of their own domestic

concerns. It will be our aim to pursue a firm and dignified foreign

policy, which shall be just, impartial, ever watchful of our national

honor, and always insisting upon the enforcement of the lawful rights of

American citizens everywhere. Our diplomacy should seek nothing more and

accept nothing less than is due us. We want no wars of conquest; we must

avoid the temptation of territorial aggression. War should never be

entered upon until every agency of peace has failed; peace is preferable

to war in almost every contingency. Arbitration is the true method of

settlement of international as well as local or individual differences.

It was recognized as the best means of adjustment of differences between

employers and employees by the Forty-ninth Congress, in 1886, and its

application was extended to our diplomatic relations by the unanimous

concurrence of the Senate and House of the Fifty-first Congress in 1890.

The latter resolution was accepted as the basis of negotiations with

us by the British House of Commons in 1893, and upon our invitation a

treaty of arbitration between the United States and Great Britain was

signed at Washington and transmitted to the Senate for its ratification

in January last. Since this treaty is clearly the result of our own

initiative; since it has been recognized as the leading feature of our

foreign policy throughout our entire national history--the adjustment of

difficulties by judicial methods rather than force of arms--and since

it presents to the world the glorious example of reason and peace, not

passion and war, controlling the relations between two of the greatest

nations in the world, an example certain to be followed by others,

I respectfully urge the early action of the Senate thereon, not merely

as a matter of policy, but as a duty to mankind. The importance and

moral influence of the ratification of such a treaty can hardly be

overestimated in the cause of advancing civilization. It may well engage

the best thought of the statesmen and people of every country, and I

cannot but consider it fortunate that it was reserved to the United

States to have the leadership in so grand a work.

It has been the uniform practice of each President to avoid, as far

as possible, the convening of Congress in extraordinary session. It

is an example which, under ordinary circumstances and in the absence

of a public necessity, is to be commended. But a failure to convene

the representatives of the people in Congress in extra session when

it involves neglect of a public duty places the responsibility of

such neglect upon the Executive himself. The condition of the public

Treasury, as has been indicated, demands the immediate consideration of

Congress. It alone has the power to provide revenues for the Government.

Not to convene it under such circumstances I can view in no other sense

than the neglect of a plain duty. I do not sympathize with the sentiment

that Congress in session is dangerous to our general business interests.

Its members are the agents of the people, and their presence at the seat

of Government in the execution of the sovereign will should not operate

as an injury, but a benefit. There could be no better time to put the

Government upon a sound financial and economic basis than now. The

people have only recently voted that this should be done, and nothing

is more binding upon the agents of their will than the obligation of

immediate action. It has always seemed to me that the postponement of

the meeting of Congress until more than a year after it has been chosen

deprived Congress too often of the inspiration of the popular will and

the country of the corresponding benefits. It is evident, therefore,

that to postpone action in the presence of so great a necessity would

be unwise on the part of the Executive because unjust to the interests

of the people. Our action now will be freer from mere partisan

consideration than if the question of tariff revision was postponed

until the regular session of Congress. We are nearly two years from a

Congressional election, and politics cannot so greatly distract us as if

such contest was immediately pending. We can approach the problem calmly

and patriotically, without fearing its effect upon an early election.

Our fellow-citizens who may disagree with us upon the character of this

legislation prefer to have the question settled now, even against their

preconceived views, and perhaps settled so reasonably, as I trust and

believe it will be, as to insure great permanence, than to have further

uncertainty menacing the vast and varied business interests of the

United States. Again, whatever action Congress may take will be given a

fair opportunity for trial before the people are called to pass judgment

upon it, and this I consider a great essential to the rightful and

lasting settlement of the question. In view of these considerations, I

shall deem it my duty as President to convene Congress in extraordinary

session on Monday, the 15th day of March, 1897.

In conclusion, I congratulate the country upon the fraternal spirit of

the people and the manifestations of good will everywhere so apparent.

The recent election not only most fortunately demonstrated the

obliteration of sectional or geographical lines, but to some extent also

the prejudices which for years have distracted our councils and marred

our true greatness as a nation. The triumph of the people, whose verdict

is carried into effect to-day, is not the triumph of one section, nor

wholly of one party, but of all sections and all the people. The North

and the South no longer divide on the old lines, but upon principles and

policies; and in this fact surely every lover of the country can find

cause for true felicitation. Let us rejoice in and cultivate this

spirit; it is ennobling and will be both a gain and a blessing to our

beloved country. It will be my constant aim to do nothing, and permit

nothing to be done, that will arrest or disturb this growing sentiment

of unity and co-operation, this revival of esteem and affiliation which

now animates so many thousands in both the old antagonistic sections,

but I shall cheerfully do everything possible to promote and increase

it.

Let me again repeat the words of the oath administered by the Chief

Justice which, in their respective spheres, so far as applicable, I

would have all my countrymen observe: "I will faithfully execute the

office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my

ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United

States." This is the obligation I have reverently taken before the Lord

Most High. To keep it will be my single purpose, my constant prayer; and

I shall confidently rely upon the forbearance and assistance of all the

people in the discharge of my solemn responsibilities.

MESSAGES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 15, 1897_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

Regretting the necessity which has required me to call you together,

I feel that your assembling in extraordinary session is indispensable

because of the condition in which we find the revenues of the

Government. It is conceded that its current expenditures are greater

than its receipts, and that such a condition has existed for now more

than three years. With unlimited means at our command, we are presenting

the remarkable spectacle of increasing our public debt by borrowing

money to meet the ordinary outlays incident upon even an economical and

prudent administration of the Government. An examination of the subject

discloses this fact in every detail and leads inevitably to the

conclusion that the condition of the revenue which allows it is

unjustifiable and should be corrected.

We find by the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury that the

revenues for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, from all sources

were $425,868,260.22, and the expenditures for all purposes were

$415,953,806.56, leaving an excess of receipts over expenditures of

$9,914,453.66. During that fiscal year $40,570,467.98 were paid upon the

public debt, which had been reduced since March 1, 1889, $259,076,890,

and the annual interest charge decreased $11,684,576.60. The receipts

of the Government from all sources during the fiscal year ending

June 30, 1893, amounted to $461,716,561.94, audits expenditures to

$459,374,887.65, showing an excess of receipts over expenditures of

$2,341,674.29.

Since that time the receipts of no fiscal year, and with but few

exceptions of no month of any fiscal year, have exceeded the

expenditures. The receipts of the Government, from all sources, during

the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, were $372,802,498.29, and its

expenditures $442,605,758.87, leaving a deficit, the first since the

resumption of specie payments, of $69,803,260.58. Notwithstanding there

was a decrease of $16,769,128.78 in the ordinary expenses of the

Government, as compared with the previous fiscal year, its income was

still not sufficient to provide for its daily necessities, and the gold

reserve in the Treasury for the redemption of greenbacks was drawn upon

to meet them. But this did not suffice, and the Government then resorted

to loans to replenish the reserve.

In February, 1894, $50,000,000 in bonds were issued, and in November

following a second issue of $50,000,000 was deemed necessary. The sum of

$117,171,795 was realized by the sale of these bonds, but the reserve

was steadily decreased until, on February 8, 1895, a third sale of

$62,315,400 in bonds, for $65,116,244, was announced to Congress.

The receipts of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895,

were $390,373,203.30 and the expenditures $433,178,426.48, showing a

deficit of $42,805,223.18. A further loan of $100,000,000 was negotiated

by the Government in February, 1896, the sale netting $111,166,246,

and swelling the aggregate of bonds issued within three years to

$262,315,400. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896, the revenues of

the Government from all sources amounted to $409,475,408.78, while its

expenditures were $434,678,654.48, or an excess of expenditures over

receipts of $25,203,245.70. In other words, the total receipts for the

three fiscal years ending June 30, 1896, were insufficient by

$137,811,729.46 to meet the total expenditures.

Nor has this condition since improved. For the first half of the present

fiscal year, the receipts of the Government, exclusive of postal

revenues, were $157,507,603.76, and its expenditures, exclusive of

postal service, $195,410,000.22, or an excess of expenditures over

receipts of $37,902,396.46. In January of this year, the receipts,

exclusive of postal revenues, were $24,316,994.05, and the expenditures,

exclusive of postal service, $30,269,389.29, a deficit of $5,952,395.24

for the month. In February of this year, the receipts, exclusive of

postal revenues, were $24,400,997.38, and expenditures, exclusive of

postal service, $28,796,056.66, a deficit of $4,395,059.28; or a total

deficiency of $186,061,580.44 for the three years and eight months

ending March 1, 1897. Not only are we without a surplus in the Treasury,

but with an increase in the public debt there has been a corresponding

increase in the annual interest charge, from $22,893,883.20 in 1892, the

lowest of any year since 1862, to $34,387,297.60 in 1896, or an increase

of $11,493,414.40.

It may be urged that even if the revenues of the Government had been

sufficient to meet all its ordinary expenses during the past three

years, the gold reserve would still have been insufficient to meet the

demands upon it, and that bonds would necessarily have been issued for

its repletion. Be this as it may, it is clearly manifest, without

denying or affirming the correctness of such a conclusion, that the debt

would have been decreased in at least the amount of the deficiency, and

business confidence immeasurably strengthened throughout the country.

Congress should promptly correct the existing condition. Ample revenues

must be supplied not only for the ordinary expenses of the Government,

but for the prompt payment of liberal pensions and the liquidation of

the principal and interest of the public debt. In raising revenue,

duties should be so levied upon foreign products as to preserve the home

market, so far as possible, to our own producers; to revive and increase

manufactures; to relieve and encourage agriculture; to increase our

domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and develop mining and building;

and to render to labor in every field of useful occupation the liberal

wages and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are justly

entitled. The necessity of the passage of a tariff law which shall

provide ample revenue, need not be further urged. The imperative demand

of the hour is the prompt enactment of such a measure, and to this

object I earnestly recommend that Congress shall make every endeavor.

Before other business is transacted, let us first provide sufficient

revenue to faithfully administer the Government without the contracting

of further debt, or the continued disturbance of our finances.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 7, 1897_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

Information which has recently come to me from the governors of

Arkansas, Mississippi, and Louisiana, and from prominent citizens of

these States and Tennessee, warrants the conclusion that widespread

distress, involving the destruction of a large amount of property and

loss of human life, has resulted from the floods which have submerged

that section of the country. These are stated, on reliable authority, to

be the most destructive floods that have ever devastated the Mississippi

Valley, the water being much higher than the highest stage it has

reached before. From Marion, Ark., north of Memphis, to Greenville,

Miss., a distance of more than 250 miles by river, it is reported there

are now at least fifty towns and villages under water, and a territory

extending from 100 miles north of Memphis to 200 miles south, and from

5 to 40 miles wide, is submerged. Hundreds of thousands of acres of

cultivated soil, with growing crops, are included in the submerged

territory. In this section alone there are from 50,000 to 60,000 people

whose property has been destroyed and whose business has been suspended.

Growing crops have been ruined, thousands of cattle have been drowned,

and the inhabitants of certain areas threatened with starvation. As a

great majority of the sufferers are small farmers, they have thus been

left entirely destitute, and will be unprepared for work even after the

floods have subsided.

The entire Mississippi Valley in Arkansas is flooded and communication

with many points cut off. In Mississippi a like condition exists. The

levees in Louisiana, with a single exception, have held; but the water

is rising and the situation there is reported as being extremely

critical.

Under such circumstances the citizens of these States look for the

co-operation and support of the National Government in relieving the

pressing cases of destitution for food, clothing, and shelter, which are

beyond the reach of local efforts. The authorities who have communicated

with the Executive recognize that their first and most energetic duty

is to provide as far as possible the means of caring for their own

citizens; but nearly all of them agree in the opinion that after their

resources have been exhausted a sum aggregating at least $150,000 and

possibly $200,000 will be required for immediate use.

Precedents are not wanting that in such emergencies as this Congress

has taken prompt, generous, and intelligent action, involving the

expenditure of considerable sums of money, with satisfactory results.

In 1874 $590,000 was appropriated, and in 1882 $350,000 was also

appropriated for relief in same direction, besides large sums in other

years.

The citizens' relief committee of Memphis has taken prompt action,

has already cared for from 6,000 to 7,000 refugees from the flooded

districts, and they are still arriving in that city in large numbers

daily. Supplies and provisions have been sent to the various points in

Arkansas and Mississippi by this committee, but the utmost that can be

done by these efforts is to partly relieve the most acute cases of

suffering. No action has yet been taken for the great majority of the

inhabitants living in the interior, whose condition has already been

described.

Under these conditions and having exerted themselves to the fullest

extent, the local authorities have reluctantly confessed their inability

to further cope with this distressing situation unaided by relief from

the Government. It has therefore seemed to me that the representatives

of the people should be promptly informed of the nature and extent

of the suffering and needs of these stricken people, and I have

communicated these facts in the hope and belief that the legislative

branch of the Government will promptly re-enforce the work of the local

authorities in the States named.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, April 14, 1897_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith for the consideration of the respective Houses

of the Congress, a report of the Secretary of State representing the

appropriateness of early action in order that the Government of the

United States may be enabled to accept the invitation of that of the

French Republic to participate in the Universal Exposition to be held

at Paris in 1900.

The recommendations of this report have my most cordial approval,

and I urge upon the Congress such timely provision for this great

international enterprise as will fittingly respond to the widely

testified wish and expectation of our inventors and producers that they

may have adequate opportunity again, as in the past, to fortify the

important positions that have won in the world's competitive fields

of discovery and industry. Nor are the traditional friendships of the

United States and France and the mutual advantages to accrue from

their enlarged commercial intercourse less important factors than the

individual interests to be fostered by renewed participation in a great

French exposition, especially when it is remembered that the present

display is projected with a degree of completeness and on a scale of

magnificence beyond any of the European exhibitions that have marked

the close of the century.

It is proper that I should emphasize the need of early action, for if

the present session pass without suitable provision being made, the

postponement of the matter for nearly a year longer could not but

operate greatly to the disadvantage of the United States, in view of the

elaborate preparations already making by other governments, and of the

danger that further delay may result in an inadequate allotment of space

to this country as well as an incomplete organization of the American

exhibit.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 3, 1897_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

I transmit a report from the Secretary of State reciting the

circumstances attending the lynching at Hahnville, La., on the night

of August 8, 1896, of three Italian subjects, named Salvatore Arena,

Giuseppe Venturelia, and Lorenzo Salardino, and I recommend the

appropriation by Congress, without admitting the liability of the

Government of the United States in the premises, of the sum of $6,000,

to be paid by the Secretary of State to the Government of Italy, and to

be distributed by that government in such manner as it may deem proper

among the heirs of the three Italian subjects above named.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 13, 1897_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith, in response to the Senate resolution of April 22,

1897, addressed to the Secretary of State, a report from that officer

relative to diplomatic and consular reports on postal savings banks

systems in foreign countries.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 17, 1897_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

Official information from our consuls in Cuba establishes the fact that

a large number of American citizens in the island are in a state of

destitution, suffering for want of food and medicines. This applies

particularly to the rural districts of the central and eastern parts.

The agricultural classes have been forced from their farms into

the nearest towns, where they are without work or money. The local

authorities of the several towns, however kindly disposed, are unable to

relieve the needs of their own people, and are altogether powerless to

help our citizens.

The latest report of Consul-General Lee estimates six to eight

hundred Americans are without means of support. I have assured him that

provision would be made at once to relieve them. To that end I recommend

that Congress make an appropriation of not less than $50,000, to be

immediately available for use, under the direction of the Secretary of

State.

It is desirable that a part of the sum which may be appropriated by

Congress should, in the discretion of the Secretary of State, also be

used for the transportation of American citizens who, desiring to return

to the United States, are without means to do so.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _July 1, 1897_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

On the 15th ultimo all the buildings of the immigration station at Ellis

Island, New York, excepting the heating plant and lighting apparatus,

were destroyed by fire.

I transmit herewith a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, which

states the fact and explains the need of rebuilding.

In order that there may be no delay in this important work, I recommend

that an appropriation be made at once of $600,000, the sum estimated by

the Secretary of the Treasury as required for this purpose.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, July 23, 1897_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Acting Secretary of State, with an

accompanying paper, in response to the resolution of the Senate of July

12, 1897, requesting the Secretary of State to send to the diplomatic

representatives of the United States abroad a circular letter, similar

to the one sent by Secretary Elaine on May 20, 1881, instructing them to

obtain from the several foreign governments to which they are accredited

as full information as possible (including copy of laws relating

thereto) as to the nature and practical workings (including expenses,

receipts, and rates) of the postal telegraphs, telephones, and postal

savings banks of such countries as have adopted the same.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _July 24, 1897_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

In my message convening the Congress in extraordinary session I called

attention to a single subject--that of providing revenue adequate to

meet the reasonable and proper expenses of the Government. I believed

that to be the most pressing subject for settlement then. A bill to

provide the necessary revenues for the Government has already passed the

House of Representatives and the Senate and awaits executive action.

Another question of very great importance is that of the establishment

of our currency and banking system on a better basis, which I commented

upon in my inaugural address in the following words:

Our financial system needs some revision; our money is all good now,

but its value must not further be threatened. It should all be put upon

an enduring basis, not subject to easy attack, nor its stability to

doubt or dispute. The several forms of our paper money offer, in my

judgment, a constant embarrassment to the Government and imperil a safe

balance in the Treasury.

Nothing was settled more clearly at the late national election than the

determination upon the part of the people to keep their currency stable

in value and equal to that of the most advanced nations of the world.

The soundness of our currency is nowhere questioned. No loss can occur

to its holders. It is the system which should be simplified and

strengthened, keeping our money just as good as it is now with less

expense to the Government and the people.

The sentiment of the country is strongly in favor of early action

by Congress in this direction, to revise our currency laws and remove

them from partisan contention. A notable assembly of business men

with delegates from twenty-nine States and Territories was held at

Indianapolis in January of this year. The financial situation commanded

their earnest attention, and after a two days' session the convention

recommended to Congress the appointment of a monetary commission.

I recommend this report to the consideration of Congress. The authors of

the report recommend a commission "to make a thorough investigation of

the monetary affairs and needs of this country in all relations and

aspects, and to make proper suggestions as to any evils found to exist

and the remedies therefor."

This subject should receive the attention of Congress at its special

session. It ought not to be postponed until the regular session.

I therefore urgently recommend that a special commission be created,

non-partisan in its character, to be composed of well-informed citizens

of different parties who will command the confidence of Congress and the

country because of their special fitness for the work, whose duty it

shall be to make recommendations of whatever changes in our present

banking and currency laws may be found necessary and expedient, and to

report their conclusions on or before the 1st day of November next, in

order that the same may be transmitted by me to Congress for its

consideration at its first regular session.

It is to be hoped that the report thus made will be so comprehensive and

sound as to receive the support of all parties and the favorable action

of Congress. At all events, such a report cannot fail to be of value to

the executive branch of the Government, as well as to those charged with

public legislation, and to greatly assist in the establishment of an

improved system of finance.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 6, 1897_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

It gives me pleasure to extend greeting to the Fifty-fifth Congress,

assembled in regular session at the seat of Government, with many

of whose Senators and Representatives I have been associated in the

legislative service. Their meeting occurs under felicitous conditions,

justifying sincere congratulation and calling for our grateful

acknowledgment to a beneficent Providence which has so signally blessed

and prospered us as a nation. Peace and good will with all the nations

of the earth continue unbroken.

A matter of genuine satisfaction is the growing feeling of fraternal

regard and unification of all sections of our country, the

incompleteness of which has too long delayed realization of the highest

blessings of the Union. The spirit of patriotism is universal and is

ever increasing in fervor. The public questions which now most engross

us are lifted far above either partisanship, prejudice, or former

sectional differences. They affect every part of our common country

alike and permit of no division on ancient lines. Questions of foreign

policy, of revenue, the soundness of the currency, the inviolability of

national obligations, the improvement of the public service, appeal to

the individual conscience of every earnest citizen to whatever party he

belongs or in whatever section of the country he may reside.

The extra session of this Congress which closed during July last

enacted important legislation, and while its full effect has not yet

been realized, what it has already accomplished assures us of its

timeliness and wisdom. To test its permanent value further time will be

required, and the people, satisfied with its operation and results thus

far, are in no mind to withhold from it a fair trial.

Tariff legislation having been settled by the extra session of Congress,

the question next pressing for consideration is that of the currency.

The work of putting our finances upon a sound basis, difficult as

it may seem, will appear easier when we recall the financial operations

of the Government since 1866. On the 30th day of June of that year

we had outstanding demand liabilities in the sum of $728,868,447.41.

On the 1st of January, 1879, these liabilities had been reduced to

$443,889,495.88. Of our interest-bearing obligations, the figures

are even more striking. On July 1, 1866, the principal of the

interest-bearing debt of the Government was $2,332,331,208. On the

1st day of July, 1893, this sum had been reduced to $585,037,100, or an

aggregate reduction of $1,747,294,108. The interest-bearing debt of the

United States on the 1st day of December, 1897, was $847,365,620. The

Government money now outstanding (December 1) consists of $346,681,016

of United States notes, $107,793,280 of Treasury notes issued by

authority of the law of 1890, $384,963,504 of silver certificates, and

$61,280,761 of standard silver dollars.

With the great resources of the Government, and with the honorable

example of the past before us, we ought not to hesitate to enter upon a

currency revision which will make our demand obligations less onerous to

the Government and relieve our financial laws from ambiguity and doubt.

The brief review of what was accomplished from the close of the war

to 1893, makes unreasonable and groundless any distrust either of our

financial ability or soundness; while the situation from 1893 to 1897

must admonish Congress of the immediate necessity of so legislating as

to make the return of the conditions then prevailing impossible.

There are many plans proposed as a remedy for the evil. Before we can

find the true remedy we must appreciate the real evil. It is not that

our currency of every kind is not good, for every dollar of it is good;

good because the Government's pledge is out to keep it so, and that

pledge will not be broken. However, the guaranty of our purpose to keep

the pledge will be best shown by advancing toward its fulfillment.

The evil of the present system is found in the great cost to the

Government of maintaining the parity of our different forms of money,

that is, keeping all of them at par with gold. We surely cannot be

longer heedless of the burden this imposes upon the people, even under

fairly prosperous conditions, while the past four years have

demonstrated that it is not only an expensive charge upon the

Government, but a dangerous menace to the National credit.

It is manifest that we must devise some plan to protect the Government

against bond issues for repeated redemptions. We must either curtail the

opportunity for speculation, made easy by the multiplied redemptions

of our demand obligations, or increase the gold reserve for their

redemption. We have $900,000,000 of currency which the Government by

solemn enactment has undertaken to keep at par with gold. Nobody is

obliged to redeem in gold but the Government. The banks are not required

to redeem in gold. The Government is obliged to keep equal with gold all

its outstanding currency and coin obligations, while its receipts are

not required to be paid in gold. They are paid in every kind of money

but gold, and the only means by which the Government can with certainty

get gold is by borrowing. It can get it in no other way when it most

needs it. The Government without any fixed gold revenue is pledged to

maintain gold redemption, which it has steadily and faithfully done,

and which, under the authority now given, it will continue to do.

The law which requires the Government, after having redeemed its United

States notes, to pay them out again as current funds, demands a constant

replenishment of the gold reserve. This is especially so in times of

business panic and when the revenues are insufficient to meet the

expenses of the Government. At such times the Government has no other

way to supply its deficit and maintain redemption but through the

increase of its bonded debt, as during the Administration of my

predecessor, when $262,315,400 of four-and-a-half per cent bonds were

issued and sold and the proceeds used to pay the expenses of the

Government in excess of the revenues and sustain the gold reserve. While

it is true that the greater part of the proceeds of these bonds were

used to supply deficient revenues, a considerable portion was required

to maintain the gold reserve.

With our revenues equal to our expenses, there would be no deficit

requiring the issuance of bonds. But if the gold reserve falls below

$100,000,000, how will it be replenished except by selling more bonds?

Is there any other way practicable under existing law? The serious

question then is, Shall we continue the policy that has been pursued in

the past; that is, when the gold reserve reaches the point of danger,

issue more bonds and supply the needed gold, or shall we provide other

means to prevent these recurring drains upon the gold reserve? If no

further legislation is had and the policy of selling bonds is to be

continued, then Congress should give the Secretary of the Treasury

authority to sell bonds at long or short periods, bearing a less rate of

interest than is now authorized by law.

I earnestly recommend, as soon as the receipts of the Government are

quite sufficient to pay all the expenses of the Government, that when

any of the United States notes are presented for redemption in gold and

are redeemed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart, and only

paid out in exchange for gold. This is an obvious duty. If the holder of

the United States note prefers the gold and gets it from the Government,

he should not receive back from the Government a United States note

without paying gold in exchange for it. The reason for this is made

all the more apparent when the Government issues an interest-bearing

debt to provide gold for the redemption of United States notes--a

non-interest-bearing debt. Surely it should not pay them out again

except on demand and for gold. If they are put out in any other way,

they may return again to be followed by another bond issue to redeem

them--another interest-bearing debt to redeem a non-interest-bearing

debt.

In my view, it is of the utmost importance that the Government

should be relieved from the burden of providing all the gold required

for exchanges and export. This responsibility is alone borne by the

Government, without any of the usual and necessary banking powers to

help itself. The banks do not feel the strain of gold redemption. The

whole strain rests upon the Government, and the size of the gold reserve

in the Treasury has come to be, with or without reason, the signal of

danger or of security. This ought to be stopped.

If we are to have an era of prosperity in the country, with sufficient

receipts for the expenses of the Government, we may feel no immediate

embarrassment from our present currency; but the danger still exists,

and will be ever present, menacing us so long as the existing system

continues. And, besides, it is in times of adequate revenues and

business tranquillity that the Government should prepare for the worst.

We cannot avoid, without serious consequences, the wise consideration

and prompt solution of this question.

The Secretary of the Treasury has outlined a plan, in great detail, for

the purpose of removing the threatened recurrence of a depleted gold

reserve and save us from future embarrassment on that account. To this

plan I invite your careful consideration.

I concur with the Secretary of the Treasury in his recommendation that

National banks be allowed to issue notes to the face value of the bonds

which they have deposited for circulation, and that the tax on

circulating notes secured by deposit of such bonds be reduced to

one-half of one per cent per annum. I also join him in recommending that

authority be given for the establishment of National banks with a

minimum capital of $25,000. This will enable the smaller villages and

agricultural regions of the country to be supplied with currency to meet

their needs.

I recommend that the issue of National bank notes be restricted to the

denomination of ten dollars and upwards. If the suggestions I have

herein made shall have the approval of Congress, then I would recommend

that National banks be required to redeem their notes in gold.

* * * * *

[See Vol. X, pp. 127-136.]

Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in Cuba of

whom this Government has any knowledge. The near future will demonstrate

whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to

the Cubans and to Spain as well as equitable to all our interests so

intimately involved in the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If

not, the exigency of further and other action by the United States will

remain to be taken. When that time comes that action will be determined

in the line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without

misgiving or hesitancy in the light of the obligation this Government

owes to itself, to the people who have confided to it the protection of

their interests and honor, and to humanity.

Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated

only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion

nor selfishness, the Government will continue its watchful care over

the rights and property of American citizens and will abate none of

its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall

be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty

imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity

to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only

because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the

support and approval of the civilized world.

By a special message dated the 16th day of June last, I laid before

the Senate a treaty signed that day by the plenipotentiaries of the

United States and of the Republic of Hawaii, having for its purpose

the incorporation of the Hawaiian Islands as an integral part of the

United States and under its sovereignty. The Senate having removed the

injunction of secrecy, although the treaty is still pending before that

body, the subject may be properly referred to in this Message because

the necessary action of the Congress is required to determine by

legislation many details of the eventual union should the fact of

annexation be accomplished, as I believe it should be.

While consistently disavowing from a very early period any aggressive

policy of absorption in regard to the Hawaiian group, a long series of

declarations through three-quarters of a century has proclaimed the

vital interest of the United States in the independent life of the

Islands and their intimate commercial dependence upon this country. At

the same time it has been repeatedly asserted that in no event could the

entity of Hawaiian statehood cease by the passage of the Islands under

the domination or influence of another power than the United States.

Under these circumstances, the logic of events required that annexation,

heretofore offered but declined, should in the ripeness of time come

about as the natural result of the strengthening ties that bind us to

those Islands, and be realized by the free will of the Hawaiian State.

That treaty was unanimously ratified without amendment by the Senate and

President of the Republic of Hawaii on the 10th of September last, and

only awaits the favorable action of the American Senate to effect the

complete absorption of the Islands into the domain of the United States.

What the conditions of such a union shall be, the political relation

thereof to the United States, the character of the local administration,

the quality and degree of the elective franchise of the inhabitants, the

extension of the federal laws to the territory or the enactment of

special laws to fit the peculiar condition thereof, the regulation if

need be of the labor system therein, are all matters which the treaty

has wisely relegated to the Congress.

If the treaty is confirmed as every consideration of dignity and honor

requires, the wisdom of Congress will see to it that, avoiding abrupt

assimilation of elements perhaps hardly yet fitted to share in the

highest franchises of citizenship, and having due regard to the

geographical conditions, the most just provisions for self-rule in local

matters with the largest political liberties as an integral part of our

Nation will be accorded to the Hawaiians. No less is due to a people

who, after nearly five years of demonstrated capacity to fulfill the

obligations of self-governing statehood, come of their free will to

merge their destinies in our body-politic.

The questions which have arisen between Japan and Hawaii by reason of

the treatment of Japanese laborers emigrating to the Islands under the

Hawaiian-Japanese convention of 1888, are in a satisfactory stage of

settlement by negotiation. This Government has not been invited to

mediate, and on the other hand has sought no intervention in that

matter, further than to evince its kindliest disposition toward such a

speedy and direct adjustment by the two sovereign States in interest as

shall comport with equity and honor. It is gratifying to learn that the

apprehensions at first displayed on the part of Japan lest the cessation

of Hawaii's national life through annexation might impair privileges to

which Japan honorably laid claim, have given place to confidence in the

uprightness of this Government, and in the sincerity of its purpose to

deal with all possible ulterior questions in the broadest spirit of

friendliness.

As to the representation of this Government to Nicaragua, Salvador, and

Costa Rica, I have concluded that Mr. William L. Merry, confirmed as

minister of the United States to the States of Nicaragua, Salvador and

Costa Rica, shall proceed to San José, Costa Rica, and there temporarily

establish the headquarters of the United States to those three States.

I took this action for what I regarded as the paramount interests of

this country. It was developed upon an investigation by the Secretary of

State that the Government of Nicaragua, while not unwilling to receive

Mr. Merry in his diplomatic quality, was unable to do so because of the

compact concluded June 20, 1895, whereby that Republic and those of

Salvador and Honduras, forming what is known as the Greater Republic of

Central America, had surrendered to the representative Diet thereof

their right to receive and send diplomatic agents. The Diet was not

willing to accept him because he was not accredited to that body. I

could not accredit him to that body because the appropriation law of

Congress did not permit it. Mr. Baker, the present minister at Managua,

has been directed to present his letters of recall.

Mr. W. Godfrey Hunter has likewise been accredited to the Governments

of Guatemala and Honduras, the same as his predecessor. Guatemala is not

a member of the Greater Republic of Central America, but Honduras is.

Should this latter Government decline to receive him, he has been

instructed to report this fact to his Government and await its further

instructions.

A subject of large importance to our country, and increasing

appreciation on the part of the people, is the completion of the great

highway of trade between the Atlantic and Pacific, known as the

Nicaragua Canal. Its utility and value to American commerce is

universally admitted. The Commission appointed under date of July 24

last "to continue the surveys and examinations authorized by the act

approved March 2, 1895," in regard to "the proper route, feasibility,

and cost of construction of the Nicaragua Canal, with a view of making

complete plans for the entire work of construction of such canal," is

now employed in the undertaking. In the future I shall take occasion to

transmit to Congress the report of this Commission, making at the same

time such further suggestions as may then seem advisable.

Under the provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1897,

for the promotion of an international agreement respecting bimetallism,

I appointed on the 14th day of April, 1897, Hon. Edward O. Wolcott of

Colorado, Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, and Hon. Charles J. Paine

of Massachusetts, as special envoys to represent the United States.

They have been diligent in their efforts to secure the concurrence and

cooperation of European countries in the international settlement of the

question, but up to this time have not been able to secure an agreement

contemplated by their mission.

The gratifying action of our great sister Republic of France in joining

this country in the attempt to bring about an agreement among the

principal commercial nations of Europe, whereby a fixed and relative

value between gold and silver shall be secured, furnishes assurance that

we are not alone among the larger nations of the world in realizing the

international character of the problem and in the desire of reaching

some wise and practical solution of it. The British Government has

published a _résumé_ of the steps taken jointly by the French

ambassador in London and the special envoys of the United States, with

whom our ambassador at London actively co-operated in the presentation

of this subject to Her Majesty's Government. This will be laid before

Congress.

Our special envoys have not made their final report, as further

negotiations between the representatives of this Government and the

Governments of other countries are pending and in contemplation.

They believe that doubts which have been raised in certain quarters

respecting the position of maintaining the stability of the parity

between the metals and kindred questions may yet be solved by further

negotiations.

Meanwhile it gives me satisfaction to state that the special envoys have

already demonstrated their ability and fitness to deal with the subject,

and it is to be earnestly hoped that their labors may result in an

international agreement which will bring about recognition of both gold

and silver as money upon such terms, and with such safeguards as will

secure the use of both metals upon a basis which shall work no injustice

to any class of our citizens.

In order to execute as early as possible the provisions of the third and

fourth sections of the Revenue Act, approved July 24, 1897, I appointed

the Hon. John A. Kasson of Iowa, a special commissioner plenipotentiary

to undertake the requisite negotiations with foreign countries desiring

to avail themselves of these provisions. The negotiations are now

proceeding with several Governments, both European and American. It is

believed that by a careful exercise of the powers conferred by that Act

some grievances of our own and of other countries in our mutual trade

relations may be either removed, or largely alleviated, and that the

volume of our commercial exchanges may be enlarged, with advantage to

both contracting parties.

Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism

is the effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant

marine should be improved and enlarged. We should do our full share of

the carrying trade of the world. We do not do it now. We should be the

laggard no longer. The inferiority of our merchant marine is justly

humiliating to the national pride. The Government by every proper

constitutional means, should aid in making our ships familiar visitors

at every commercial port of the world, thus opening up new and valuable

markets to the surplus products of the farm and the factory.

The efforts which had been made during the two previous years by my

predecessor to secure better protection to the fur seals in the North

Pacific Ocean and Bering Sea, were renewed at an early date by this

Administration, and have been pursued with earnestness. Upon my

invitation, the Governments of Japan and Russia sent delegates to

Washington, and an international conference was held during the months

of October and November last, wherein it was unanimously agreed that

under the existing regulations this species of useful animals was

threatened with extinction, and that an international agreement of all

the interested powers was necessary for their adequate protection.

The Government of Great Britain did not see proper to be represented at

this conference, but subsequently sent to Washington, as delegates, the

expert commissioners of Great Britain and Canada who had, during the

past two years, visited the Pribilof Islands, and who met in conference

similar commissioners on the part of the United States. The result of

this conference was an agreement on important facts connected with the

condition of the seal herd, heretofore in dispute, which should place

beyond controversy the duty of the Governments concerned to adopt

measures without delay for the preservation and restoration of the herd.

Negotiations to this end are now in progress, the result of which I hope

to be able to report to Congress at an early day.

International arbitration cannot be omitted from the list of subjects

claiming our consideration. Events have only served to strengthen the

general views on this question expressed in my inaugural address. The

best sentiment of the civilized world is moving toward the settlement

of differences between nations without resorting to the horrors of war.

Treaties embodying these humane principles on broad lines, without in

any way imperiling our interests or our honor, shall have my constant

encouragement.

The acceptance by this Government of the invitation of the Republic of

France to participate in the Universal Exposition of 1900, at Paris, was

immediately followed by the appointment of a special commissioner to

represent the United States in the proposed exposition, with special

reference to the securing of space for an adequate exhibit on behalf of

the United States.

The special commissioner delayed his departure for Paris long enough

to ascertain the probable demand for space by American exhibitors. His

inquiries developed an almost unprecedented interest in the proposed

exposition, and the information thus acquired enabled him to justify

an application for a much larger allotment of space for the American

section than had been reserved by the exposition authorities. The result

was particularly gratifying, in view of the fact that the United States

was one of the last countries to accept the invitation of France.

The reception accorded our special commissioner was most cordial,

and he was given every reasonable assurance that the United States

would receive a consideration commensurate with the proportions of our

exhibit. The report of the special commissioner as to the magnitude

and importance of the coming exposition, and the great demand for

space by American exhibitors, supplies new arguments for a liberal

and judicious appropriation by Congress, to the end that an exhibit

fairly representative of the industries and resources of our country may

be made in an exposition which will illustrate the world's progress

during the nineteenth century. That exposition is intended to be the

most important and comprehensive of the long series of international

exhibitions, of which our own at Chicago was a brilliant example, and

it is desirable that the United States should make a worthy exhibit of

American genius and skill and their unrivaled achievements in every

branch of industry.

The present immediately effective force of the Navy consists of four

battle ships of the first class, two of the second, and forty-eight

other vessels, ranging from armored cruisers to torpedo boats. There are

under construction five battle ships of the first class, sixteen torpedo

boats, and one submarine boat. No provision has yet been made for the

armor of three of the five battle ships, as it has been impossible to

obtain it at the price fixed by Congress. It is of great importance that

Congress provide this armor, as until then the ships are of no fighting

value.

The present naval force, especially in view of its increase by the

ships now under construction, while not as large as that of a few other

powers, is a formidable force; its vessels are the very best of each

type; and with the increase that should be made to it from time to time

in the future, and careful attention to keeping it in a high state of

efficiency and repair, it is well adapted to the necessities of the

country.

The great increase of the Navy which has taken place in recent years was

justified by the requirements for national defense, and has received

public approbation. The time has now arrived, however, when this

increase, to which the country is committed, should, for a time, take

the form of increased facilities commensurate with the increase of our

naval vessels. It is an unfortunate fact that there is only one dock on

the Pacific Coast capable of docking our largest ships, and only one on

the Atlantic Coast, and that the latter has for the last six or seven

months been under repair and therefore incapable of use. Immediate steps

should be taken to provide three or four docks of this capacity on the

Atlantic Coast, at least one on the Pacific Coast, and a floating dock

in the Gulf. This is the recommendation of a very competent Board,

appointed to investigate the subject. There should also be ample

provision made for powder and projectiles, and other munitions of war,

and for an increased number of officers and enlisted men. Some additions

are also necessary to our navy-yards, for the repair and care of our

large number of vessels. As there are now on the stocks five battle

ships of the largest class, which cannot be completed for a year or two,

I concur with the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy for an

appropriation authorizing the construction of one battle ship for the

Pacific Coast, where, at present, there is only one in commission and

one under construction, while on the Atlantic Coast there are three in

commission and four under construction; and also that several torpedo

boats be authorized in connection with our general system of coast

defense.

The Territory of Alaska requires the prompt and early attention of

Congress. The conditions now existing demand material changes in the

laws relating to the Territory. The great influx of population during

the past summer and fall and the prospect of a still larger immigration

in the spring will not permit us to longer neglect the extension of

civil authority within the Territory or postpone the establishment of a

more thorough government.

A general system of public surveys has not yet been extended to Alaska

and all entries thus far made in that district are upon special surveys.

The act of Congress extending to Alaska the mining laws of the United

States contained the reservation that it should not be construed to put

in force the general land laws of the country. By act approved March 3,

1891, authority was given for entry of lands for town-site purposes and

also for the purchase of not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres then

or thereafter occupied for purposes of trade and manufacture. The

purpose of Congress as thus far expressed has been that only such rights

should apply to that Territory as should be specifically named.

It will be seen how much remains to be done for that vast and remote

and yet promising portion of our country. Special authority was given to

the President by the Act of Congress approved July 24, 1897, to divide

that Territory into two land districts and to designate the boundaries

thereof and to appoint registers and receivers of said land offices, and

the President was also authorized to appoint a surveyor-general for the

entire district. Pursuant to this authority, a surveyor-general and

receiver have been appointed, with offices at Sitka. If in the ensuing

year the conditions justify it, the additional land district authorized

by law will be established, with an office at some point in the Yukon

Valley. No appropriation, however, was made for this purpose, and that

is now necessary to be done for the two land districts into which the

Territory is to be divided.

I concur with the Secretary of War in his suggestions as to the

necessity for a military force in the Territory of Alaska for the

protection of persons and property. Already a small force, consisting of

twenty-five men, with two officers, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel

Randall, of the Eighth Infantry, has been sent to St. Michael to

establish a military post.

As it is to the interest of the Government to encourage the development

and settlement of the country and its duty to follow up its citizens

there with the benefits of legal machinery, I earnestly urge upon

Congress the establishment of a system of government with such

flexibility as will enable it to adjust itself to the future areas of

greatest population.

The startling though possibly exaggerated reports from the Yukon River

country, of the probable shortage of food for the large number of people

who are wintering there without the means of leaving the country are

confirmed in such measure as to justify bringing the matter to the

attention of Congress. Access to that country in winter can be had only

by the passes from Dyea and vicinity, which is a most difficult and

perhaps an impossible task. However, should these reports of the

suffering of our fellow-citizens be further verified, every effort at

any cost should be made to carry them relief.

For a number of years past it has been apparent that the conditions

under which the Five Civilized Tribes were established in the Indian

Territory under treaty provisions with the United States, with the right

of self-government and the exclusion of all white persons from within

their borders, have undergone so complete a change as to render the

continuance of the system thus inaugurated practically impossible. The

total number of the Five Civilized Tribes, as shown by the last census,

is 45,494, and this number has not materially increased; while the white

population is estimated at from 200,000 to 250,000 which, by permission

of the Indian Government has settled in the Territory. The present area

of the Indian Territory contains 25,694,564 acres, much of which is very

fertile land. The United States citizens residing in the Territory, most

of whom have gone there by invitation or with the consent of the tribal

authorities, have made permanent homes for themselves. Numerous towns

have been built in which from 500 to 5,000 white people now reside.

Valuable residences and business houses have been erected in many of

them. Large business enterprises are carried on in which vast sums

of money are employed, and yet these people, who have invested their

capital in the development of the productive resources of the country,

are without title to the land they occupy, and have no voice whatever

in the government either of the Nations or Tribes. Thousands of their

children who were born in the Territory are of school age, but the doors

of the schools of the Nations are shut against them, and what education

they get is by private contribution. No provision for the protection of

the life or property of these white citizens is made by the Tribal

Governments and Courts.

The Secretary of the Interior reports that leading Indians have

absorbed great tracts of land to the exclusion of the common people, and

government by an Indian aristocracy has been practically established, to

the detriment of the people. It has been found impossible for the United

States to keep its citizens out of the Territory, and the executory

conditions contained in the treaties with these Nations have for the

most part become impossible of execution. Nor has it been possible for

the Tribal Governments to secure to each individual Indian his full

enjoyment in common with other Indians of the common property of the

Nations. Friends of the Indians have long believed that the best

interests of the Indians of the Five Civilized Tribes would be found in

American citizenship, with all the rights and privileges which belong to

that condition.

By section 16, of the act of March 3, 1893, the President was authorized

to appoint three commissioners to enter into negotiations with the

Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Muscogee (or Creek), and Seminole Nations,

commonly known as the Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory.

Briefly, the purposes of the negotiations were to be: The extinguishment

of Tribal titles to any lands within that Territory now held by any and

all such Nations or Tribes, either by cession of the same or some part

thereof to the United States, or by allotment and division of the same

in severalty among the Indians of such Nations or Tribes respectively as

may be entitled to the same, or by such other method as may be agreed

upon between the several Nations and Tribes aforesaid, or each of them,

with the United States, with a view to such an adjustment upon the basis

of justice and equity as may, with the consent of the said Nations of

Indians so far as may be necessary, be requisite and suitable to enable

the ultimate creation of a State or States of the Union which shall

embrace the lands within said Indian Territory.

The Commission met much opposition from the beginning. The Indians

were very slow to act, and those in control manifested a decided

disinclination to meet with favor the propositions submitted to them.

A little more than three years after this organization the Commission

effected an agreement with the Choctaw Nation alone. The Chickasaws,

however, refused to agree to its terms, and as they have a common

interest with the Choctaws in the lands of said Nations, the agreement

with the latter Nation could have no effect without the consent of the

former. On April 23, 1897, the Commission effected an agreement with

both tribes--the Choctaws and Chickasaws. This agreement, it is

understood, has been ratified by the constituted authorities of the

respective Tribes or Nations parties thereto, and only requires

ratification by Congress to make it binding.

On the 27th of September, 1897, an agreement was effected with the Creek

Nation, but it is understood that the National Council of said Nation

has refused to ratify the same. Negotiations are yet to be had with the

Cherokees, the most populous of the Five Civilized Tribes, and with the

Seminoles, the smallest in point of numbers and territory.

The provision in the Indian Appropriation Act, approved June 10, 1896,

makes it the duty of the Commission to investigate and determine the

rights of applicants for citizenship in the Five Civilized Tribes,

and to make complete census rolls of the citizens of said Tribes. The

Commission is at present engaged in this work among the Creeks, and has

made appointments for taking the census of these people up to and

including the 30th of the present month.

Should the agreement between the Choctaws and Chickasaws be ratified by

Congress and should the other Tribes fail to make an agreement with the

Commission, then it will be necessary that some legislation shall be had

by Congress, which, while just and honorable to the Indians, shall be

equitable to the white people who have settled upon these lands by

invitation of the Tribal Nations.

Hon. Henry L. Dawes, Chairman of the Commission, in a letter to the

Secretary of the Interior, under date of October 11, 1897, says:

"Individual ownership is, in their (the Commission's) opinion,

absolutely essential to any permanent improvement in present conditions,

and the lack of it is the root of nearly all the evils which so

grievously afflict these people. Allotment by agreement is the only

possible method, unless the United States Courts are clothed with the

authority to apportion the lands among the citizen Indians for whose use

it was originally granted."

I concur with the Secretary of the Interior that there can be no cure

for the evils engendered by the perversion of these great trusts,

excepting by their resumption by the Government which created them.

The recent prevalence of yellow fever in a number of cities and towns

throughout the South has resulted in much disturbance of commerce, and

demonstrated the necessity of such amendments to our quarantine laws

as will make the regulations of the national quarantine authorities

paramount. The Secretary of the Treasury, in the portion of his report

relating to the operation of the Marine Hospital Service, calls

attention to the defects in the present quarantine laws, and recommends

amendments thereto which will give the Treasury Department the requisite

authority to prevent the invasion of epidemic diseases from foreign

countries, and in times of emergency, like that of the past summer, will

add to the efficiency of the sanitary measures for the protection of the

people, and at the same time prevent unnecessary restriction of

commerce. I concur in his recommendation.

In further effort to prevent the invasion of the United States by yellow

fever, the importance of the discovery of the exact cause of the

disease, which up to the present time has been undetermined, is obvious,

and to this end a systematic bacteriological investigation should be

made. I therefore recommend that Congress authorize the appointment of a

commission by the President, to consist of four expert bacteriologists,

one to be selected from the medical officers of the Marine Hospital

Service, one to be appointed from civil life, one to be detailed from

the medical officers of the Army, and one from the medical officers of

the Navy.

The Union Pacific Railway, Main Line, was sold under the decree of the

United States Court for the District of Nebraska, on the 1st and 2d of

November of this year. The amount due the Government consisted of the

principal of the subsidy bonds, $27,236,512, and the accrued interest

thereon, $31,211,711.75, making the total indebtedness, $58,448,223.75.

The bid at the sale covered the first mortgage lien and the entire

mortgage claim of the Government, principal and interest.

The sale of the subsidized portion of the Kansas Pacific Line, upon

which the Government holds a second mortgage lien, has been postponed at

the instance of the Government to December 16, 1897. The debt of this

division of the Union Pacific Railway to the Government on November 1,

1897, was the principal of the subsidy bonds, $6,303,000, and the unpaid

and accrued interest thereon, $6,626,690.33, making a total of

$12,929,690.33.

The sale of this road was originally advertised for November 4, but for

the purpose of securing the utmost public notice of the event it was

postponed until December 16, and a second advertisement of the sale was

made. By the decree of the Court, the upset price on the sale of the

Kansas Pacific will yield to the Government the sum of $2,500,000 over

all prior liens, costs, and charges. If no other or better bid is made,

this sum is all that the Government will receive on its claim of nearly

$13,000,000. The Government has no information as to whether there will

be other bidders or a better bid than the minimum amount herein stated.

The question presented therefore is: Whether the Government shall, under

the authority given it by the act of March 3, 1887, purchase or redeem

the road in the event that a bid is not made by private parties covering

the entire Government claim. To qualify the Government to bid at the

sales will require a deposit of $900,000, as follows: In the Government

cause $500,000 and in each of the first mortgage causes $200,000, and

in the latter the deposit must be in cash. Payments at the sale are as

follows: Upon the acceptance of the bid a sum which with the amount

already deposited shall equal fifteen per cent of the bid; the balance

in installments of twenty-five per cent thirty, forty, and fifty days

after the confirmation of the sale. The lien on the Kansas Pacific

prior to that of the Government on the 30th July, 1897, principal and

interest, amounted to $7,281,048.11. The Government, therefore, should

it become the highest bidder, will have to pay the amount of the first

mortgage lien.

I believe that under the act of 1887 it has the authority to do this and

in absence of any action by Congress I shall direct the Secretary of the

Treasury to make the necessary deposit as required by the Court's decree

to qualify as a bidder and to bid at the sale a sum which will at least

equal the principal of the debt due to the Government; but suggest in

order to remove all controversy that an amendment of the law be

immediately passed explicitly giving such powers and appropriating in

general terms whatever sum is sufficient therefor.

In so important a matter as the Government becoming the possible owner

of railroad property which it perforce must conduct and operate, I feel

constrained to lay before Congress these facts for its consideration and

action before the consummation of the sale. It is clear to my mind that

the Government should not permit the property to be sold at a price

which will yield less than one-half of the principal of its debt and

less than one-fifth of its entire debt, principal and interest. But

whether the Government, rather than accept less than its claim, should

become a bidder and thereby the owner of the property, I submit to the

Congress for action.

The Library building provided for by the act of Congress approved April

15, 1886, has been completed and opened to the public. It should be a

matter of congratulation that through the foresight and munificence of

Congress the nation possesses this noble treasure-house of knowledge. It

is earnestly to be hoped that having done so much toward the cause of

education, Congress will continue to develop the Library in every phase

of research to the end that it may be not only one of the most

magnificent but among the richest and most useful libraries in the

world.

The important branch of our Government known as the Civil Service,

the practical improvement of which has long been a subject of earnest

discussion, has of late years received increased legislative and

Executive approval. During the past few months the service has been

placed upon a still firmer basis of business methods and personal merit.

While the right of our veteran soldiers to reinstatement in deserving

cases has been asserted, dismissals for merely political reasons have

been carefully guarded against, the examinations for admittance to the

service enlarged and at the same time rendered less technical and more

practical; and a distinct advance has been made by giving a hearing

before dismissal upon all cases where incompetency is charged or demand

made for the removal of officials in any of the Departments. This order

has been made to give to the accused his right to be heard but without

in any way impairing the power of removal, which should always be

exercised in cases of inefficiency and incompetency, and which is one

of the vital safeguards of the civil service reform system, preventing

stagnation and deadwood and keeping every employee keenly alive to the

fact that the security of his tenure depends not on favor but on his

own tested and carefully watched record of service.

Much of course still remains to be accomplished before the system can

be made reasonably perfect for our needs. There are places now in the

classified service which ought to be exempted and others not classified

may properly be included. I shall not hesitate to exempt cases which I

think have been improperly included in the classified service or include

those which in my judgment will best promote the public service. The

system has the approval of the people and it will be my endeavor to

uphold and extend it.

I am forced by the length of this Message to omit many important

references to affairs of the Government with which Congress will

have to deal at the present session. They are fully discussed in the

departmental reports, to all of which I invite your earnest attention.

The estimates of the expenses of the Government by the several

Departments will, I am sure, have your careful scrutiny. While the

Congress may not find it an easy task to reduce the expenses of the

Government, it should not encourage their increase. These expenses will

in my judgment admit of a decrease in many branches of the Government

without injury to the public service. It is a commanding duty to keep

the appropriations within the receipts of the Government, and thus avoid

a deficit.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, December 6, 1897_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

The act of Congress, approved July 19, 1897, entitled "An act making

appropriations to supply deficiencies in the appropriations for the

fiscal year ending June 30, 1897, and for prior years, for other

purposes," provided for the acceptance by the Government of the United

States of the invitation extended by the Republic of France to

participate in an international exposition to be held at Paris, from

April 15 to November 15, 1900, and authorized the President to appoint a

special commissioner with a view to securing all attainable information

necessary to a full and complete understanding by Congress in regard to

the participation of this Government in that exposition.

Maj. Moses P. Handy of Chicago, was appointed such special commissioner,

and I now enclose his report, giving the details of his mission. It is

a comprehensive and clear presentation of the situation. He recommends

that an appropriation of $919,600 be granted, so that a creditable

exhibit on behalf of the United States may be made. The details of this

report will show how this appropriation may be profitably expended.

Besides securing a much larger amount of space than had been reserved,

Major Handy obtained the gratifying assurance that the United States

will be placed on a footing with the most favored nations, and "that in

the installation of every important department the United States will

have a location commensurate with the dignity and importance of the

country and adjoining in every case countries of the first rank."

In view of the magnitude and importance of the approaching exposition,

and of our standing among the nations which will be there represented,

and in view also of our increased population and acknowledged progress

in arts, science, and manufactures, I earnestly commend the report of

Major Handy to your consideration, and trust that a liberal

appropriation may be made.

Moreover, the magnificent exhibit of the French Republic at Chicago

in 1893, on which a million dollars were expended, should be a strong

incentive to reciprocal liberality on the part of the Government of the

United States, and suggests to our citizens the necessity as well as the

propriety of installing at the Paris Exposition an exhibit on a par with

that of the Government and people of France at Chicago, and in keeping

with the scope and extent of the preparations which are being made by

nearly all the important nations of the earth for their proposed

exhibits in that exposition.

I suggest that the subject be given timely and favorable consideration.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 14, 1898_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State in regard to

the award of the commissioners appointed pursuant to the stipulations of

the convention of February 8, 1896, between the United States and Great

Britain, providing for the settlement of the claims presented by the

latter against the former in virtue of the convention of February 29,

1892.

The report of the Secretary of State presents a clear epitome of the

award and renders unnecessary any extended observations on my part

further than to say that I cordially coincide with his recommendation

and that our treaty obligations demand prompt and favorable action by

Congress, which I urgently hope may be taken, to the end that these

long-pending questions may be finally and satisfactorily terminated.

The total amount necessary to satisfy the award of the commissioners is

$473,151.26, which I recommend be appropriated.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 18, 1898_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, with

accompanying papers, touching the lynching in 1895 at Yreka, Cal., of

Luis Moreno, a Mexican citizen, and the demand of the Mexican Government

for an indemnity for his relatives on account thereof.

Following the course adopted in the case of the lynching of three

Italian subjects at Hahnville, La., on August 8, 1896, I recommend the

appropriation by Congress, out of humane consideration and without

reference to the question of liability of the Government of the United

States in the premises, of the sum of $2,000 to be paid by the Secretary

of State to the Government of Mexico, to be by that Government

distributed among the heirs of the above-named Luis Moreno.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 26, 1898_.

_To the Congress_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State and

accompanying papers presenting the claim of Capt. B. Tellefsen, of the

Norwegian steamer _Albert_, against the Government of the United

States, for $998.96, being the expenses incurred by him in consequence

of a violation of Article XIII of the treaty of commerce and navigation

of 1827 between the United States and Sweden and Norway.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, March 22, 1898_.

_To the Senate_:

In connection with Senate Document No. 39, Fifty-fifth Congress, second

session, and in further response to the resolution of the Senate of July

12, 1897, I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, with

additional papers, relating to postal telegraphs, telephones, and postal

savings banks in Austria.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 31, 1898_.

_To the Congress_:

I transmit herewith, for the information of Congress, a communication

from the Secretary of Agriculture covering a detailed report showing the

present condition of the beet-sugar industry in this country and the

results of experiments made by the Department of Agriculture in the

production of sugar from beets in the United States during the past

year.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, April 4, 1898_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In response to the resolution of the Senate of January 17, 1898,

I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, accompanied by copies

of correspondence exchanged between Henry Woodruff, trustee and of

counsel for the holders of a majority of the first-mortgage bonds

of "The Railway of the East," of Venezuela, _et al._, and the

Department of State, and by a list of claims of citizens of the United

States presented after August 1, 1898, and, so far as appears, not

settled by Venezuela, nor disposed of by the commission of 1889-90.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 7, 1898_.

_To the Senate_:

In response to the resolution of the Senate of February 26, 1898,

requesting the President "if not incompatible with the public interest,

to transmit to the Senate the proceedings of the international

commission authorized in the concurrent resolution of Congress of April

29, 1890, and a subsequent international convention between the United

States and Mexico of May 6, 1896, and also the correspondence relating

thereto with Mexico by the Department of the Interior, Department of

War, and Department of Justice, as well as the Department of State,

relating to the equitable distribution of the waters of the Rio Grande

River, including the draft of an incomplete treaty between said

Governments, negotiated between the late Secretary of State, Mr. Olney,

on the part of the United States, and Mr. Romero, on the part of Mexico,

and all the correspondence between said officials relating thereto," I

transmit herewith reports from the Secretary of State, the Secretary of

War, the Secretary of the Interior, and the Attorney-General, with

accompanying papers.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, April 15, 1898_.

_To the Senate_:

In connection with Senate Document No. 39, Fifty-fifth Congress, second

session, and in further response to the resolution of the Senate of July

12, 1897, I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, with

accompanying papers relating to postal telegraphs, telephones, and

postal savings banks in the colony of Victoria.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, April 27, 1898_.

_To the Congress_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State and

accompanying papers relating to the claim against the United States of

the Russian subject, Gustav Isak Dahlberg, master and principal owner of

the Russian bark _Hans_, based on his wrongful and illegal arrest

and imprisonment by officers of the United States district court for the

southern district of Mississippi, and in view of the opinion expressed

by the Department of Justice that the said arrest and detention of the

complainant were wrongful and without authority of law, I recommend the

appropriation by Congress of the sum of $5,000 to reimburse the master

and owners of the vessel for all losses and damages incurred by reason

of his said wrongful and illegal arrest and detention.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 16, 1898_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a communication from the Secretary of State,

accompanying the annual reports of the consuls of the United States upon

foreign industries and commerce. In view of the value of these reports

to the business interests of the country, I indorse the recommendation

of the Secretary of State that Congress authorize the printing of a

special edition of 10,000 copies of the general summary entitled "Review

of the World's Commerce," and 5,000 copies of Commercial Relations

(including this summary), to enable the Department of State to meet the

demands for such information.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 16, 1898_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I return herewith to the House of Representatives, in which it

originated, House bill No. 2219, entitled "An act for the relief of the

administrators of Isaac P. Tice, deceased, and others," without my

approval.

The object of this bill is to confer upon the Court of Claims

jurisdiction to retry and determine a case brought by the

representatives of Isaac P. Tice against the United States in the Court

of Claims in the year 1873 to recover from the Government the sum of

$25,000, the alleged value of certain meters invented by Isaac P. Tice

for the purpose of measuring the quality and strength of distilled

spirits.

It was claimed that this amount, together with the sum of $733.33 for

storage of said meters, was due to the claimant under a contract made

between Tice and the Commissioner of Internal Revenue in pursuance of

section 15 of the act of March 2, 1867 (14 Stats., 481). From the report

of the case in 13 Court of Claims Reports, 112, it appears that the

matter was fully and deliberately tried and argued both on behalf of the

claimant and of the United States, and that at December term, 1877, the

Court of Claims rendered a decision adverse to the claimant, expressly

stating that the claimants had failed to establish their claim both in

law and on the facts. Not satisfied with this conclusion of the Court of

Claims, the claimants took an appeal to the Supreme Court of the United

States, where the case was again argued and was decided, October term,

1878, the judgment of the Court of Claims being declared to be in

accordance with the law and therefore affirmed. In these two decisions

the law and the facts pertaining to the claim were fully set forth and

discussed.

The bill further confers upon the Court of Claims jurisdiction to try

and determine certain alleged claims of said Tice and others for money

collected on account of the Tice meters, but not paid over to him or

them under the regulations of the Treasury.

The amount of the latter claim, according to the report of the committee

of the House of Representatives to which this bill was referred, is

$140,000. It does not appear from the report of the committee, nor from

any documents to which I have access, who are the other persons by whom

this latter sum is claimed. The claim for $140,000 must have accrued

prior to July, 1871, and therefore at this time is of at least

twenty-seven years' standing.

It will thus be perceived that the object of the bill is to remove from

the pathway of the claimants two legal bars to the prosecution of their

claim in the courts--one, the bar of the statute of limitations, which

requires all claimants against the Government to present their claims

and bring actions thereon within six years from the time the cause of

action accrues; and the other, that bar of estoppel which arises by

reason of a former adverse judgment, rendered in a court of competent

jurisdiction. This is not a general modification of the law in these

respects, but a special application of it to these particular claimants.

If the principle on which the statute of limitations is founded is

wise and beneficent, then the effect of it ought not to be impaired by

special legislative exemptions in favor of particular persons or cases

except upon very clear and just grounds, where no lack of diligence in

the prosecution of the claim is apparent. I cannot find in the papers

submitted to me any sufficient grounds to justify a special exception

from the ordinary rule in favor of these claimants. As to the claim for

$140,000, no reason is stated why it was not included in the original

suit nor why action upon it was not brought against the Government

within the six years allowed by the statute for that purpose. To permit

such an action to be brought now is simply, without any reason of a

special nature, to grant a privilege to these claimants which is denied

to all other citizens of the United States, in accordance with the

provisions of the general statute of limitations. The principle

underlying statutes of limitations and the reasons for the maintenance

of such a rule of litigation are much more cogent when applied to claims

against the Government than when applied to claims against individuals.

These claims do not differ in their character from ordinary business

transactions such as transpire every day between private persons or

business corporations. The Government can only defend itself against

claims of this nature through its public officers and with the use of

such public records as the Departments may furnish. Great difficulties

are experienced by it in contesting fraudulent and unjust claims, and it

is only fair in the interest of the public that a rigorous adherence to

some rule of limitation should be maintained.

The provision of the bill which practically directs a new trial of the

claim for $25,000, decided adversely to the claimants more than twenty

years ago, is still more objectionable. These parties had their day in

court. They produced their witnesses and were heard both originally and

upon appeal, and upon the case they were then able to make the court

decided they had no claim against the Government. It is now suggested

that other witnesses have been discovered who can supply the lack of

proof which was produced on the former trial. Such a ground for a new

trial would never be considered in any court of law in the land in a

case between private parties where such a length of time had intervened

since the former trial. No explanation of a satisfactory nature is

furnished for the failure of the claimants to produce these witnesses

upon the original trial.

The bill further provides that upon a retrial of the original claim, or

upon the trial of the new claim, the claimants shall be at liberty to

offer in evidence the depositions of witnesses now on the files of any

of the committees of Congress in relation to the aforesaid matters,

which may be introduced as evidence in case of the death or disability

of the deponents.

This provision will enable the claimants to present _ex-parte_

affidavits, prepared by the claimants or their attorneys, without

opportunity being afforded to the Government to cross-examine, provided

the claimants can show that the deposing witnesses are either dead or

under disability, by which, no doubt, is intended any such disability by

reason of absence, illness, and the like, as may render them legally

incapable of being produced in person to testify upon the retrial. Such

a provision as this is most dangerous to the interests of the

Government.

I fail to see any reason in the facts connected with these claims for

granting to these parties relief of this extraordinary nature.

The Treasury of the United States ought to be very carefully guarded

against attacks of those who come forward with stale claims, and

especially from the attacks of those who have already been fully heard

according to the methods prescribed by the statutes.

To approve this bill would be to furnish a very dangerous precedent

which would open the door to demands upon Congress in other cases which

have been fully heard and determined.

For these reasons I am constrained to withhold my approval from this

bill.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, June 14, 1898_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

I transmit herewith (having reference to Senate Document No. 4,

Fifty-fifth Congress, second session) a report made by Thomas W.

Cridler, Third Assistant Secretary of State, who, upon the death of

Maj. Moses P. Handy, I designated to continue the work as special

commissioner, under the act of Congress approved July 19, 1897, in

relation to the acceptance by the Government of the United States of the

invitation of France to participate in the International Exposition to

be held at Paris from April 15 to November 5, 1900.

I cordially renew my recommendation that a liberal appropriation be

immediately granted.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _June 23, 1898_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of the Interior relative

to Senate resolution of June 10, 1898, requesting the President "to make

such arrangements as may be necessary to secure at the Trans-Mississippi

and International Exposition to be held in the city of Omaha, Neb., the

attendance of representatives of the Iroquois tribes and Delawares of

Canada and of the Abenakis of St. Francis and Becaucourt, and such other

Indian nations as have emigrated from the territory now of the United

States to Canada."

To carry out this resolution, if it shall be found agreeable to the

Government of Canada, it will be necessary for this Government to send

an agent to visit the tribes and secure their assent, organize the

representative delegations, escort them to the exposition, take charge

of and care for them while there and until they are returned to their

respective tribes.

The resolution seems to presuppose that there are funds which may be

lawfully used to defray the expenses which must necessarily be incurred

in the premises. By reference to the Secretary's report, it will be seen

that there are no moneys lawfully available for that purpose.

It is not to be presumed that the Senate, under such circumstances,

would desire the Executive to take the action indicated in the

resolution, and I am therefore constrained to await the requisite

appropriation by Congress for the payment of the expenses that must be

necessarily incurred in the accomplishment of the proposed objects.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 6, 1898_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

I transmit herewith, for the information of the Congress, the report of

the Hawaiian Commission appointed in pursuance of the "Joint resolution

to provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States,"

approved July 7, 1898, together with a copy of the civil and penal laws

of Hawaii.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 5, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report of the Secretary of Agriculture on the work

and expenditures of the agricultural experiment stations established

under the act of Congress of March 2, 1887, for the fiscal year ending

June 30, 1898, in accordance with the act making appropriations for the

Department of Agriculture for the said fiscal year.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 5, 1899_.

_To the Senate_:

In response to the resolution of the Senate of December 21, 1898,

requesting the President, "If it be not inconsistent with the public

service, to inform the Senate whether authentic information is in

possession of the Government as to the alleged dissolution of the

Government of the United States of Central America." I transmit herewith

a report from the Secretary of State with accompanying papers.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 6, 1899_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith in answer to the resolution of the Senate of

December 15, 1898, a communication from the Secretary of State covering

a preliminary report from the Nicaraguan Canal Commission, dated

December 26, 1898, relative to its progress in investigating the

question of the proper route, the feasibility, and cost of construction

of the Nicaragua Canal.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 6, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a communication from the Secretary of State,

inclosing the annual report of the Director of the Bureau of the

American Republics, with accompanying documents. In view of the improved

condition and increasing usefulness of the Bureau, to which I have

already called attention in my annual message, and the welcome

assurances of greater activity on the part of the other American

republics in support of its purposes, I cordially indorse the

recommendations of the Secretary of State. It will doubtless be as

gratifying to Congress as it is to me to be informed that the Argentine

Republic has decided to renew its relations with the Bureau, and that

there are grounds for hoping that the International American Union,

created by the impressive conference of the representatives of our

sister republics and those of the United States in Washington in

1889-90, will soon be perfected by the adhesion of the Republic of Chile

to the compact for the support of the Bureau as the organ of the union.

The interest of the United States in giving the fullest possible effect

to the laudable desire of the international conference to promote not

only trade intercourse but a closer fellowship among the various

republics of this hemisphere is so evident that I am satisfied the

progress made by the bureau, as a practical agency for attaining these

objects, will receive the commendation and support of Congress.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 11, 1899_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In response to the resolution of the Senate of June 6, 1898, I transmit

a report from the Secretary of State, inclosing copies of all papers on

file in the Department of State relating to the case of Hugo O. Loewi,

including those printed in Document No. 186, Senate, Fifty-fifth

Congress, second session.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 17, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

It will be remembered that in the month of October, 1897, reports were

received here of the probable loss of the whaling fleet in the Arctic

regions, and of the likelihood that nearly 300 men, composing the

officers and crews of the fleet, would perish from hunger unless succor

could reach them early in the spring.

The revenue cutter _Bear_ was known to be _en route_ from the

Arctic Ocean to Puget Sound, Washington. Her arrival was anxiously

awaited, as no other suitable Government vessel could be made available

for Arctic work. That ship arrived at Seattle, Wash., on the 6th of

November, after a six-months' cruise in the Arctic, and I at once

ordered an expedition prepared for the relief of the imperiled whalemen.

The preparation of the _Bear_ was commenced on the 11th of

November, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury. Her

officers and men of the Revenue-Cutter Service all volunteered for the

perilous work, and the ship was completely fitted out, and, under the

command of Capt. Francis Tuttle, of the Revenue-Cutter Service, sailed

on her errand of mercy November 29, 1897, within nineteen days from the

inception of the movement.

The plan of the expedition was briefly as follows:

The ship was to be fully provided with rations for the ice-imperiled

whalemen, which were to be conveyed to them as soon as the ice

conditions in Bering Strait would permit the passage through. An

overland expedition was to be landed from the _Bear_ as soon as

practicable, at some point on the coast of Alaska, in Bering Sea, to be

determined upon by Captain Tuttle. The problem of getting food to the

imperiled people at the earliest time possible was the all-important

consideration, for it was fully understood that the _Bear_ could

not, under the most favorable conditions of ice navigation in that

region, reach their neighborhood before the following July or August.

The utter lack of transportation of any kind in this far-off land

suggested the idea, which was adopted as the only possible plan, of

driving reindeer overland, to be slaughtered on arrival, for food to

last until the arrival of the _Bear_ with supplies the following

summer. The reindeer were to be collected by the overland expedition

from several points in Alaska, notably Cape Prince of Wales and Point

Rodney, and, with such aid as could be procured from natives and others,

driven to Point Barrow.

The overland expedition was formed, and consisted of First Lieut. David

H. Jarvis, Revenue-Cutter Service, commanding; Second Lieut. Ellsworth

P. Bertholf, Revenue-Cutter Service, and Dr. Samuel J. Call, surgeon of

the _Bear_, all volunteers. This overland expedition was landed

from the _Bear_ at Cape Vancouver, in Bering Sea, Alaska, on the

16th of December, 1897, and commenced its toilsome and dreary journey

through an arctic night to Point Barrow, Captain Tuttle returning with

his command to winter at Dutch Harbor, Alaska, and from there to take

advantage of the first opportunity in the early summer of 1898 to get

north.

The overland expedition worked its way to the reindeer stations named,

and succeeded in getting together about 450 deer. They were materially

aided by Mr. W.T. Lopp, agent of the American Missionary Society at Cape

Prince of Wales, and Artisarlook, a native of that region, both of whom,

at great personal sacrifice, left their families and accompanied the

reindeer herd to Point Barrow.

The overland expedition, after a difficult and hazardous journey of

nearly 2,000 miles through the storms and bitter cold of an arctic

winter, reached Point Barrow with the herd on the 29th of March, 1898,

three months and twelve days from their landing from the _Bear_ at

Cape Vancouver, Alaskan coast of Bering Sea. They arrived none too soon.

From the lack of an authoritative head, supplemented by bad sanitary

conditions and want of proper food, the men from the whale ships

quartered there were found upon the verge of great suffering, while

sickness had broken out among them. Lieutenant Jarvis, under the

instructions given him by the Secretary of the Treasury, at once assumed

charge, in the name of the Government, of the camp and locality of Point

Barrow, and he and Dr. Call devoted themselves with intelligent energy

to correcting the wretched conditions found to exist. Order was at once

inaugurated. Fresh meat from the reindeer herd was supplied, the

sanitary conditions were improved, and the general health and comfort

of the whalemen received immediate attention. Lieutenant Jarvis and

Dr. Call remained at Point Barrow in charge until the arrival of the

_Bear_, July 28, 1898, a period of four months. As soon as the

_Bear_ arrived Captain Tuttle began the distribution of ample

supplies to the whalemen on shipboard and on shore. Having supplied all

demands generously, succored the needy to the number of 275 between

Point Barrow and Kotzebue Sound, taking on board the _Bear_ 146

whalemen, 91 of whom were brought to the Pacific coast (the remainder

having of their own volition left the ship _en route_), the vessel

arrived back at Seattle on the 13th of September, after an absence in

the bleak and dreary regions of Bering Sea and the Arctic Ocean of about

seventeen months.

The hardships and perils encountered by the members of the overland

expedition in their great journey through an almost uninhabited region,

a barren waste of ice and snow, facing death itself every day for nearly

four months, over a route never before traveled by white men, with no

refuge but at the end of the journey, carrying relief and cheer to 275

distressed citizens of our country, all make another glorious page in

the history of American seamen. They reflect by their heroic and gallant

struggles the highest credit upon themselves and the Government which

they faithfully served. I commend this heroic crew to the grateful

consideration of Congress and the American people.

The year just closed has been fruitful of noble achievements in the

field of war; and while I have commended to your consideration the

names of heroes who have shed luster upon the American name in valorous

contests and battles by land and sea, it is no less my pleasure to

invite your attention to a victory of peace the results of which cannot

well be magnified, and the dauntless courage of the men engaged stamps

them as true heroes, whose services cannot pass unrecognized.

I have therefore the honor to submit the following recommendations and

to ask your favorable action thereon:

1. That the thanks of Congress be voted to Capt. Francis Tuttle,

Revenue-Cutter Service, and the officers and enlisted men composing his

command for their able and gallant services.

2. That the thanks of Congress be extended to the members of the

overland expedition; First Lieut. David H. Jarvis, Revenue-Cutter

Service, commanding the overland expedition; to Second Lieut. Ellsworth

P. Bertholf, Revenue-Cutter Service, and to Dr. Samuel J. Call, Surgeon.

3. That gold medals of honor of appropriate design, to be approved by

the Secretary of the Treasury, be awarded to Lieutenants Jarvis and

Bertholf and Dr. Call, commemorative of their heroic struggles in aid of

suffering fellow-men.

4. That the sum of $2,500 be appropriated to be disbursed by the

Secretary of the Treasury in bestowing rewards upon W.T. Lopp,

Artisarlook, and native herders, who rendered material aid to the relief

expedition.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 19, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a second report on the investigations of the

agricultural capabilities of Alaska for the year 1898, in accordance

with the acts of Congress making appropriations for the Department of

Agriculture for the fiscal years ending June 30, 1898, and June 30,

1899.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 19, 1899_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith return without approval Senate bill No. 708, entitled "An act

for the relief of Albert E. Redstone."

My objections to the bill are:

First. It assumes that the beneficiary, Albert E. Redstone, sustained a

loss by the incorporation of his preemption claim within the limits of

the Sierra Forest Reserve. This reserve was established by executive

proclamation of February 14, 1893 (27 Stats., 1059), issued under

section 24 of the act of March 8, 1891 (26 Stats., 1103), and contains

the following saving clause for the protection of existing claims under

the public land laws:

* * * Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands

which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal

entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper

United States Land Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been

made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make

entry or filing of record has not expired; * * *

Mr. Redstone did not sustain any loss by the creation of this reserve,

because his rights, if he had any at that time, were fully recognized

and protected by this provision in the proclamation.

Second. Mr. Redstone's preemption declaratory statement was filed April

6, 1889, and alleged settlement upon the same day. The land covered

thereby had not been proclaimed for sale, and under sections 2265 and

2267 of the Revised Statutes, Mr. Redstone had thirty-three months from

the date of his settlement within which to make proof and payment for

the land, but in fact he never attempted to make such proof or payment.

His preemption claim had therefore expired by operation of law long

before the creation of this reserve. After his filing had thus expired

Mr. Redstone was cited by the Land Department to show cause why his

claim should not be declared at an end, and his filing formally canceled

upon the public records, but he made no response or defense, and the

filing was accordingly canceled.

Third. The Commissioner of the General Land Office reports that an

investigation, made under the supervision of his office, shows that Mr.

Redstone had actually abandoned the land covered by his preemption claim

before the reserve was established.

Fourth. The Commissioner of the General Land Office reports that an

examination, made under the supervision of his office, shows that the

improvements placed upon this land during the life of this preemption

claim and thereafter abandoned were less than $200 in value, while the

amount appropriated in this bill is $1,800.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 27, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In accordance with a provision in the act making appropriations for

the Department of Agriculture for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1899,

I transmit herewith a report of the Secretary of Agriculture "upon the

forestry investigations and work of the Department of Agriculture."

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 9, 1899_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith, in response to a resolution of the Senate of

the 2nd instant, requesting information "whether any franchises or

concessions of any character are being or have been granted by any

municipality in Cuba or Puerto Rico since the military occupation

thereof by the United States," etc., a report from the Secretary of

War and accompanying papers.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, February 11, 1899_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith the response of the Secretary of State to the

resolution of the House of Representatives of February 4, 1899, calling

for information in his possession concerning certain alleged outrages

committed upon the person of Bishop Earl Cranston and other American

citizens in the city of Peking, China.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, February 18, 1899_.

_To the Senate_:

I transmit herewith the response of the Secretary of Agriculture to the

resolution of the Senate of February 8, 1899, calling for information

in his possession regarding the practical usefulness of reservoirs to

agriculture in the irrigated region of the United States, especially

as affecting the distribution of water to crops, the area and value of

reclaimed land, and the stability and unprofitableness of farming where

irrigation is practised.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, February 21, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a communication from the Secretary of State,

accompanying the commercial relations of the United States for the

year 1898, being the annual reports of the consular officers upon the

industries and commerce of foreign countries. In view of the value of

these reports to the manufacturing and exporting interests of the

country, I indorse the recommendation of the Secretary of State that

Congress authorize the printing of the usual editions of 10,000 copies

of the general summary, entitled "Review of the World's Commerce" and

of 5,000 copies of "Commercial Relations" (including this summary), to

enable the Department of State to meet the demand for such information.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 1, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith, for the information of Congress, a communication

from the Secretary of Agriculture, covering a report on the progress of

the beet-sugar industry in the United States during the year 1898. It

embraces the results of numerous chemical analyses and the observations

made by a special agent in various parts of the United States.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, March 3, 1899_.

_To the Senate_:

In response to the resolution of the Senate of February 28 last

directed to the Secretary of State, I transmit a report from that

officer submitting a list of claims against Spain, growing out of the

insurrection in Cuba, filed in the Department of State, not embraced

in Senate Document No. 79, Fifty-fourth Congress, second session.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 5, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

At the threshold of your deliberations you are called to mourn with your

countrymen the death of Vice-President Hobart, who passed from this life

on the morning of November 21 last. His great soul now rests in eternal

peace. His private life was pure and elevated, while his public career

was ever distinguished by large capacity, stainless integrity, and

exalted motives. He has been removed from the high office which he

honored and dignified, but his lofty character, his devotion to duty,

his honesty of purpose, and noble virtues remain with us as a priceless

legacy and example.

The Fifty-sixth Congress convenes in its first regular session with the

country in a condition of unusual prosperity, of universal good will

among the people at home, and in relations of peace and friendship with

every government of the world. Our foreign commerce has shown great

increase in volume and value. The combined imports and exports for the

year are the largest ever shown by a single year in all our history.

Our exports for 1899 alone exceeded by more than a billion dollars our

imports and exports combined in 1870. The imports per capita are 20 per

cent less than in 1870, while the exports per capita are 58 per cent

more than in 1870, showing the enlarged capacity of the United States

to satisfy the wants of its own increasing population, as well as to

contribute to those of the peoples of other nations.

Exports of agricultural products were $784,776,142. Of manufactured

products we exported in value $339,592,146, being larger than any

previous year. It is a noteworthy fact that the only years in all our

history when the products of our manufactories sold abroad exceeded

those bought abroad were 1898 and 1899.

Government receipts from all sources for the fiscal year ended June 30,

1899, including $11,798,314.14, part payment of the Central Pacific

Railroad indebtedness, aggregated $610,982,004.35. Customs receipts were

$206,128,481.75, and those from internal revenue $273,437,161.51.

For the fiscal year the expenditures were $700,093,564.02, leaving a

deficit of $89,111,559.67.

The Secretary of the Treasury estimates that the receipts for the

current fiscal year will aggregate $640,958,112, and upon the basis of

present appropriations the expenditures will aggregate $600,958,112,

leaving a surplus of $40,000,000.

For the fiscal year ended June 30, 1899, the internal-revenue receipts

were increased about $100,000,000.

The present gratifying strength of the Treasury is shown by the

fact that on December 1, 1899, the available cash balance was

$278,004,837.72, of which $239,744,905.36 was in gold coin and bullion.

The conditions of confidence which prevail throughout the country have

brought gold into more general use and customs receipts are now almost

entirely paid in that coin.

The strong position of the Treasury with respect to cash on hand and the

favorable showing made by the revenues have made it possible for the

Secretary of the Treasury to take action under the provisions of section

3694, Revised Statutes, relating to the sinking fund. Receipts exceeded

expenditures for the first five months of the current fiscal year by

$13,413,389.91, and, as mentioned above, the Secretary of the Treasury

estimates that there will be a surplus of approximately $40,000,000 at

the end of the year. Under such conditions it was deemed advisable and

proper to resume compliance with the provisions of the sinking-fund law,

which for eight years has not been done because of deficiencies in the

revenues. The Treasury Department therefore offered to purchase during

November $25,000,000 of the 5 per cent loan of 1904, or the 4 per cent

funded loan of 1907, at the current market price. The amount offered

and purchased during November was $18,408,600. The premium paid by

the Government on such purchases was $2,263,521 and the net saving

in interest was about $2,885,000. The success of this operation was

sufficient to induce the Government to continue the offer to purchase

bonds to and including the 23d day of December, instant, unless the

remainder of the $25,000,000 called for should be presented in the

meantime for redemption.

Increased activity in industry, with its welcome attendant--a larger

employment for labor at higher wages--gives to the body of the people

a larger power to absorb the circulating medium. It is further true

that year by year, with larger areas of land under cultivation, the

increasing volume of agricultural products, cotton, corn, and wheat,

calls for a larger volume of money supply. This is especially noticeable

at the crop-harvesting and crop-moving period.

In its earlier history the National Banking Act seemed to prove a

reasonable avenue through which needful additions to the circulation

could from time to time be made. Changing conditions have apparently

rendered it now inoperative to that end. The high margin in bond

securities required, resulting from large premiums which Government

bonds command in the market, or the tax on note issues, or both

operating together, appear to be the influences which impair its public

utility.

The attention of Congress is respectfully invited to this important

matter, with the view of ascertaining whether or not such reasonable

modifications can be made in the National Banking Act as will render

its service in the particulars here referred to more responsive to

the people's needs. I again urge that national banks be authorized

to organize with a capital of $25,000.

I urgently recommend that to support the existing gold standard, and to

maintain "the parity in value of the coins of the two metals (gold and

silver) and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the market

and in the payment of debts," the Secretary of the Treasury be given

additional power and charged with the duty to sell United States bonds

and to employ such other effective means as may be necessary to these

ends. The authority should include the power to sell bonds on long and

short time, as conditions may require, and should provide for a rate

of interest lower than that fixed by the act of January 14, 1875.

While there is now no commercial fright which withdraws gold from the

Government, but, on the contrary, such widespread confidence that gold

seeks the Treasury demanding paper money in exchange, yet the very

situation points to the present as the most fitting time to make

adequate provision to insure the continuance of the gold standard and of

public confidence in the ability and purpose of the Government to meet

all its obligations in the money which the civilized world recognizes

as the best. The financial transactions of the Government are conducted

upon a gold basis. We receive gold when we sell United States bonds and

use gold for their payment. We are maintaining the parity of all the

money issued or coined by authority of the Government. We are doing

these things with the means at hand. Happily at the present time we are

not compelled to resort to loans to supply gold. It has been done in the

past, however, and may have to be done in the future. It behooves us,

therefore, to provide at once the best means to meet the emergency when

it arises, and the best means are those which are the most certain and

economical. Those now authorized have the virtue neither of directness

nor economy. We have already eliminated one of the causes of our

financial plight and embarrassment during the years 1893, 1894, 1895,

and 1896. Our receipts now equal our expenditures; deficient revenues

no longer create alarm. Let us remove the only remaining cause by

conferring the full and necessary power on the Secretary of the Treasury

and impose upon him the duty to uphold the present gold standard and

preserve the coins of the two metals on a parity with each other, which

is the repeatedly declared policy of the United States.

In this connection I repeat my former recommendations that a portion of

the gold holdings shall be placed in a trust fund from which greenbacks

shall be redeemed upon presentation, but when once redeemed shall not

thereafter be paid out except for gold.

The value of an American merchant marine to the extension of our

commercial trade and the strengthening of our power upon the sea invites

the immediate action of the Congress. Our national development will be

one-sided and unsatisfactory so long as the remarkable growth of our

inland industries remains unaccompanied by progress on the seas. There

is no lack of constitutional authority for legislation which shall give

to the country maritime strength commensurate with its industrial

achievements and with its rank among the nations of the earth.

The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our shipyards, and

the promises of continual prosperity in shipbuilding are abundant.

Advanced legislation for the protection of our seamen has been enacted.

Our coast trade, under regulations wisely framed at the beginning of the

Government and since, shows results for the past fiscal year unequaled

in our records or those of any other power. We shall fail to realize our

opportunities, however, if we complacently regard only matters at home

and blind ourselves to the necessity of securing our share in the

valuable carrying trade of the world.

Last year American vessels transported a smaller share of our exports

and imports than during any former year in all our history, and the

measure of our dependence upon foreign shipping was painfully manifested

to our people. Without any choice of our own, but from necessity, the

Departments of the Government charged with military and naval operations

in the East and West Indies had to obtain from foreign flags merchant

vessels essential for those operations.

The other great nations have not hesitated to adopt the required means

to develop their shipping as a factor in national defense and as one of

the surest and speediest means of obtaining for their producers a share

in foreign markets. Like vigilance and effort on our part cannot fail

to improve our situation, which is regarded with humiliation at home

and with surprise abroad. Even the seeming sacrifices, which at the

beginning may be involved, will be offset later by more than equivalent

gains.

The expense is as nothing compared to the advantage to be achieved.

The reestablishment of our merchant marine involves in a large measure

our continued industrial progress and the extension of our commercial

triumphs. I am satisfied the judgment of the country favors the policy

of aid to our merchant marine, which will broaden our commerce and

markets and upbuild our sea-carrying capacity for the products of

agriculture and manufacture; which, with the increase of our Navy, mean

more work and wages to our countrymen, as well as a safeguard to

American interests in every part of the world.

Combinations of capital organized into trusts to control the conditions

of trade among our citizens, to stifle competition, limit production,

and determine the prices of products used and consumed by the people,

are justly provoking public discussion, and should early claim the

attention of the Congress.

The Industrial Commission, created by the act of the Congress of June

18, 1898, has been engaged in extended hearings upon the disputed

questions involved in the subject of combinations in restraint of trade

and competition. They have not yet completed their investigation of this

subject, and the conclusions and recommendations at which they may

arrive are undetermined.

The subject is one giving rise to many divergent views as to the nature

and variety or cause and extent of the injuries to the public which may

result from large combinations concentrating more or less numerous

enterprises and establishments, which previously to the formation of the

combination were carried on separately.

It is universally conceded that combinations which engross or control

the market of any particular kind of merchandise or commodity necessary

to the general community, by suppressing natural and ordinary

competition, whereby prices are unduly enhanced to the general consumer,

are obnoxious not only to the common law but also to the public welfare.

There must be a remedy for the evils involved in such organizations. If

the present law can be extended more certainly to control or check these

monopolies or trusts, it should be done without delay. Whatever power

the Congress possesses over this most important subject should be

promptly ascertained and asserted.

President Harrison in his annual message of December 3, 1889, says:

Earnest attention should be given by Congress to a consideration of the

question how far the restraint of those combinations of capital commonly

called "trusts" is matter of Federal jurisdiction. When organized, as

they often are, to crush out all healthy competition and to monopolize

the production or sale of an article of commerce and general necessity

they are dangerous conspiracies against the public good, and should be

made the subject of prohibitory and even penal legislation.

An act to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints

and monopolies was passed by Congress on the 2d of July, 1890. The

provisions of this statute are comprehensive and stringent. It declares

every contract or combination, in the form of a trust or otherwise,

or conspiracy in the restraint of trade or commerce among the several

States or with foreign nations, to be unlawful. It denominates as a

criminal every person who makes any such contract or engages in any

such combination or conspiracy, and provides a punishment by fine or

imprisonment. It invests the several circuit courts of the United States

with jurisdiction to prevent and restrain violations of the act, and

makes it the duty of the several United States district attorneys, under

the direction of the Attorney-General, to institute proceedings in

equity to prevent and restrain such violations. It further confers upon

any person who shall be injured in his business or property by any other

person or corporation by reason of anything forbidden or declared to be

unlawful by the act, the power to sue therefor in any circuit court of

the United States without respect to the amount in controversy, and to

recover threefold the damages by him sustained and the costs of the

suit, including reasonable attorney fees. It will be perceived that the

act is aimed at every kind of combination in the nature of a trust or

monopoly in restraint of interstate or international commerce.

The prosecution by the United States of offenses under the act of 1890

has been frequently resorted to in the Federal courts, and notable

efforts in the restraint of interstate commerce, such as the

Trans-Missouri Freight Association and the Joint Traffic Association,

have been successfully opposed and suppressed.

President Cleveland in his annual message of December 7, 1896--more than

six years subsequent to the enactment of this law--after stating the

evils of these trust combinations, says:

Though Congress has attempted to deal with this matter by legislation,

the laws passed for that purpose thus far have proved ineffective, not

because of any lack of disposition or attempt to enforce them, but

simply because the laws themselves as interpreted by the courts do not

reach the difficulty. If the insufficiencies of existing laws can be

remedied by further legislation, it should be done. The fact must be

recognized, however, that all Federal legislation on this subject may

fall short of its purpose because of inherent obstacles, and also

because of the complex character of our governmental system, which,

while making the Federal authority supreme within its sphere, has

carefully limited that sphere by metes and bounds which cannot be

transgressed. The decision of our highest court on this precise question

renders it quite doubtful whether the evils of trusts and monopolies can

be adequately treated through Federal action, unless they seek directly

and purposely to include in their objects transportation or intercourse

between States or between the United States and foreign countries.

It does not follow, however, that this is the limit of the remedy that

may be applied. Even though it may be found that Federal authority is

not broad enough to fully reach the case, there can be no doubt of the

power of the several States to act effectively in the premises, and

there should be no reason to doubt their willingness to judiciously

exercise such power.

The State legislation to which President Cleveland looked for relief

from the evils of trusts has failed to accomplish fully that object.

This is probably due to a great extent to the fact that different States

take different views as to the proper way to discriminate between evil

and injurious combinations and those associations which are beneficial

and necessary to the business prosperity of the country. The great

diversity of treatment in different States arising from this cause and

the intimate relations of all parts of the country to each other without

regarding State lines in the conduct of business have made the

enforcement of State laws difficult.

It is apparent that uniformity of legislation upon this subject in

the several States is much to be desired. It is to be hoped that such

uniformity founded in a wise and just discrimination between what is

injurious and what is useful and necessary in business operations may

be obtained and that means may be found for the Congress within the

limitations of its constitutional power so to supplement an effective

code of State legislation as to make a complete system of laws

throughout the United States adequate to compel a general observance of

the salutary rules to which I have referred.

The whole question is so important and far-reaching that I am sure no

part of it will be lightly considered, but every phase of it will have

the studied deliberation of the Congress, resulting in wise and

judicious action.

A review of our relations with foreign States is presented with such

recommendations as are deemed appropriate.

The long-pending boundary dispute between the Argentine Republic and

Chile was settled in March last by the award of an arbitral commission,

on which the United States minister at Buenos Ayres served as umpire.

Progress has been made toward the conclusion of a convention of

extradition with the Argentine Republic. Having been advised and

consented to by the United States Senate and ratified by Argentina, it

only awaits the adjustment of some slight changes in the text before

exchange.

In my last annual message I adverted to the claim of the

Austro-Hungarian Government for indemnity for the killing of certain

Austrian and Hungarian subjects by the authorities of the State of

Pennsylvania, at Lattimer, while suppressing an unlawful tumult of

miners, September 10, 1897. In view of the verdict of acquittal rendered

by the court before which the sheriff and his deputies were tried for

murder, and following the established doctrine that the Government may

not be held accountable for injuries suffered by individuals at the

hands of the public authorities while acting in the line of duty in

suppressing disturbance of the public peace, this Government, after due

consideration of the claim advanced by the Austro-Hungarian Government,

was constrained to decline liability to indemnify the sufferers.

It is gratifying to be able to announce that the Belgian Government has

mitigated the restrictions on the importation of cattle from the United

States, to which I referred in my last annual message.

Having been invited by Belgium to participate in a congress, held at

Brussels, to revise the provisions of the general act of July 2, 1890,

for the repression of the African slave trade, to which the United

States was a signatory party, this Government preferred not to be

represented by a plenipotentiary, but reserved the right of accession

to the result. Notable changes were made, those especially concerning

this country being in the line of the increased restriction of the

deleterious trade in spirituous liquors with the native tribes, which

this Government has from the outset urgently advocated. The amended

general act will be laid before the Senate, with a view to its advice

and consent.

Early in the year the peace of Bolivia was disturbed by a successful

insurrection. The United States minister remained at his post, attending

to the American interests in that quarter, and using besides his good

offices for the protection of the interests of British subjects in the

absence of their national representative. On the establishment of the

new Government, our minister was directed to enter into relations

therewith.

General Pando was elected President of Bolivia on October 23.

Our representative has been instructed to use all permissible friendly

endeavors to induce the Government of Bolivia to amend its marriage laws

so as to give legal status to the non-Catholic and civil marriages of

aliens within its jurisdiction, and strong hopes are entertained that

the Bolivian law in this regard will be brought, as was that of Peru

some years ago, into harmony with the general practice of modern States.

A convention of extradition with Brazil, signed May 14, 1897, has been

ratified by the Brazilian Legislature.

During the past summer two national ships of the United States have

visited Brazilian ports on a friendly mission and been cordially

received. The voyage of the _Wilmington_ up the Amazon River gave

rise to a passing misunderstanding, owing to confusion in obtaining

permission to visit the interior and make surveys in the general

interest of navigation, but the incident found a ready adjustment in

harmony with the close relations of amity which this Government has

always sedulously sought to cultivate with the commonwealths of the

Western Continent.

The claim growing out of the seizure of the American-owned newspaper

"The Panama Star and Herald" by the authorities of Colombia has been

settled, after a controversy of several years, by an agreement assessing

at $30,000 the indemnity to be paid by the Colombian Government, in

three installments of $10,000 each.

The good will of Colombia toward our country has been testified anew by

the cordial extension of facilities to the Nicaraguan Canal Commission

in their approaching investigation of the Panama Canal and other

projected routes across the Isthmus of Darien.

Toward the end of October an insurrectionary disturbance developed in

the Colombian Republic. This movement has thus far not attained any

decisive result and is still in progress.

Discussion of the questions raised by the action of Denmark in imposing

restrictions on the importation of American meats has continued without

substantial result in our favor.

The neighboring island Republic of Santo Domingo has lately been the

scene of revolution, following a long period of tranquillity. It began

with the killing of President Heureaux in July last, and culminated in

the relinquishment by the succeeding Vice-President of the reins of

government to the insurgents. The first act of the provisional

government was the calling of a presidential and constituent election.

Juan Isidro Jimenez, having been elected President, was inaugurated on

the 14th of November. Relations have been entered into with the newly

established Government.

The experimental association of Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador, under

the title of the Greater Republic of Central America, when apparently on

the threshold of a complete federal organization by the adoption of a

constitution and the formation of a national legislature, was disrupted

in the last days of November, 1898, by the withdrawal of Salvador.

Thereupon Nicaragua and Honduras abandoned the joint compact, each

resuming its former independent sovereignty. This was followed by the

reception of Minister Merry by the Republics of Nicaragua and Salvador,

while Minister Hunter in turn presented his credentials to the

Government of Honduras, thus reverting to the old distribution of the

diplomatic agencies of the United States in Central America for which

our existing statutes provide. A Nicaraguan envoy has been accredited to

the United States.

An insurrectionary movement, under General Reyes, broke out at

Bluefields in February last, and for a time exercised actual control

in the Mosquito Territory. The _Detroit_ was promptly sent thither

for the protection of American interests. After a few weeks the Reyes

government renounced the conflict, giving place to the restored

supremacy of Nicaragua. During the interregnum certain public dues

accruing under Nicaraguan law were collected from American merchants by

the authorities for the time being in effective administrative control.

Upon the titular government regaining power, a second payment of these

dues was demanded. Controversy arose touching the validity of the

original payment of the debt to the _de facto_ regent of the

territory. An arrangement was effected in April last by the United

States minister and the foreign secretary of Nicaragua whereby the

amounts of the duplicate payments were deposited with the British consul

pending an adjustment of the matter by direct agreement between the

Governments of the United States and Nicaragua. The controversy is still

unsettled.

The contract of the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua was declared

forfeited by the Nicaraguan Government on the 10th of October, on the

ground of nonfulfillment within the ten years' term stipulated in the

contract. The Maritime Canal Company has lodged a protest against this

action, alleging rights in the premises which appear worthy of

consideration. This Government expects that Nicaragua will afford the

protestants a full and fair hearing upon the merits of the case.

The Nicaragua Canal Commission, which had been engaged upon the work of

examination and survey for a ship-canal route across Nicaragua, having

completed its labors and made its report, was dissolved on May 31, and

on June 10 a new commission, known as the Isthmian Canal Commission, was

organized under the terms of the act approved March 3, 1899, for the

purpose of examining the American Isthmus with a view to determining the

most practicable and feasible route for a ship canal across that

Isthmus, with its probable cost, and other essential details.

This Commission, under the presidency of Rear-Admiral John G. Walker,

U.S.N. (retired), entered promptly upon the work intrusted to it,

and is now carrying on examinations in Nicaragua along the route of

the Panama Canal, and in Darien from the Atlantic, in the neighborhood

of the Atrato River, to the Bay of Panama, on the Pacific side. Good

progress has been made, but under the law a comprehensive and complete

investigation is called for, which will require much labor and

considerable time for its accomplishment. The work will be prosecuted as

expeditiously as possible and a report made at the earliest practicable

date.

The great importance of this work cannot be too often or too strongly

pressed upon the attention of the Congress. In my message of a year ago

I expressed my views of the necessity of a canal which would link the

two great oceans, to which I again invite your consideration. The

reasons then presented for early action are even stronger now.

A pleasing incident in the relations of this Government with that

of Chile occurred in the generous assistance given to the war ship

_Newark_ when in distress in Chilean waters. Not alone in this way

has the friendly disposition of Chile found expression. That country has

acceded to the convention for the establishment of the Bureau of the

American Republics, in which organization every independent State of the

continent now shares.

The exchange of ratifications of a convention for the revival of the

United States and Chilean Claims Commission and for the adjudication of

claims heretofore presented but not determined during the life of the

previous Commission has been delayed by reason of the necessity for

fresh action by the Chilean Senate upon the amendments attached to the

ratification of the treaty by the United States Senate. This formality

is soon to be accomplished.

In view of disturbances in the populous provinces of northern China,

where are many of our citizens, and of the imminence of disorder near

the capital and toward the seaboard, a guard of marines was landed

from the _Boston_ and stationed during last winter in the legation

compound at Peking. With the restoration of order this protection was

withdrawn.

The interests of our citizens in that vast Empire have not been neglected

during the past year. Adequate protection has been secured for our

missionaries and some injuries to their property have been redressed.

American capital has sought and found various opportunities of competing

to carry out the internal improvements which the Imperial Government is

wisely encouraging, and to develop the natural resources of the Empire.

Our trade with China has continued to grow, and our commercial rights

under existing treaties have been everywhere maintained during the past

year, as they will be in the future.

The extension of the area open to international foreign settlement at

Shanghai and the opening of the ports of Nanking, Tsing-tao (Kiao chao),

and Ta-lien-wan to foreign trade and settlement will doubtless afford

American enterprise additional facilities and new fields, of which it

will not be slow to take advantage.

In my message to Congress of December 5, 1898, I urged that the

recommendation which had been made to the Speaker of the House of

Representatives by the Secretary of the Treasury on the 14th of June,

1898, for an appropriation for a commission to study the commercial

and industrial conditions in the Chinese Empire and report as to the

opportunities for, and obstacles to, the enlargement of markets in China

for the raw products and manufactures of the United States, should

receive at your hands the consideration which its importance and

timeliness merited, but the Congress failed to take action.

I now renew this recommendation, as the importance of the subject has

steadily grown since it was first submitted to you, and no time should

be lost in studying for ourselves the resources of this great field for

American trade and enterprise.

The death of President Faure in February last called forth those sincere

expressions of sympathy which befit the relations of two Republics as

closely allied by unbroken historic ties as are the United States and

France.

Preparations for the representation of the industries, arts, and

products of the United States at the World's Exposition to be held in

Paris next year continue on an elaborate and comprehensive scale, thanks

to the generous appropriation provided by Congress and to the friendly

interest the French Government has shown in furthering a typical exhibit

of American progress.

There has been allotted to the United States a considerable addition

of space, which, while placing our country in the first rank among

exhibitors, does not suffice to meet the increasingly urgent demands

of our manufacturers. The efforts of the Commissioner-General are ably

directed toward a strictly representative display of all that most

characteristically marks American achievement in the inventive arts,

and most adequately shows the excellence of our natural productions.

In this age of keen rivalry among nations for mastery in commerce, the

doctrine of evolution and the rule of the survival of the fittest must

be as inexorable in their operation as they are positive in the results

they bring about. The place won in the struggle by an industrial people

can only be held by unrelaxed endeavor and constant advance in

achievement. The present extraordinary impetus in every line of American

exportation and the astounding increase in the volume and value of our

share in the world's markets may not be attributed to accidental

conditions.

The reasons are not far to seek. They lie deep in our national character

and find expression year by year in every branch of handicraft, in every

new device whereby the materials we so abundantly produce are subdued to

the artisan's will and made to yield the largest, most practical, and

most beneficial return. The American exhibit at Paris should, and I am

confident will, be an open volume, whose lessons of skillfully directed

endeavor, unfaltering energy, and consummate performance may be read by

all on every page, thus spreading abroad a clearer knowledge of the

worth of our productions and the justice of our claim to an important

place in the marts of the world. To accomplish this by judicious

selection, by recognition of paramount merit in whatever walk of trade

or manufacture it may appear, and by orderly classification and

attractive installation is the task of our Commission.

The United States Government building is approaching completion, and no

effort will be spared to make it worthy, in beauty of architectural plan

and in completeness of display, to represent our nation. It has been

suggested that a permanent building of similar or appropriate design be

erected on a convenient site, already given by the municipality, near

the exposition grounds, to serve in commemoration of the part taken by

this country in this great enterprise, as an American National

Institute, for our countrymen resorting to Paris for study.

I am informed by our Commissioner-General that we shall have in the

American sections at Paris over 7,000 exhibitors, from every State in

our country, a number ten times as great as those which were represented

at Vienna in 1873, six times as many as those in Paris in 1878, and four

times as many as those who exhibited in Paris in 1889. This statement

does not include the exhibits from either Cuba, Puerto Rico, or Hawaii,

for which arrangements have been made.

A number of important international congresses on special topics

affecting public interests are proposed to be held in Paris next summer

in connection with the exposition. Effort will be made to have the

several technical branches of our administration efficiently represented

at those conferences, each in its special line, and to procure the

largest possible concourse of State representatives, particularly at the

Congresses of Public Charity and Medicine.

Our relations with Germany continue to be most cordial. The increasing

intimacy of direct association has been marked during the year by the

granting permission in April for the landing on our shores of a cable

from Borkum Eniden, on the North Sea, by way of the Azores, and also

by the conclusion on September 2 of a Parcels Post Convention with the

German Empire. In all that promises closer relations of intercourse and

commerce and a better understanding between two races having so many

traits in common, Germany can be assured of the most cordial cooperation

of this Government and people. We may be rivals in many material paths,

but our rivalry should be generous and open, ever aiming toward the

attainment of larger results and the mutually beneficial advancement of

each in the line of its especial adaptabilities.

The several governments of the Empire seem reluctant to admit the

natural excellence of our food productions and to accept the evidence

we constantly tender of the care with which their purity is guarded

by rigid inspection from the farm, through the slaughterhouse and the

packing establishments, to the port of shipment. Our system of control

over exported food staples invites examination from any quarter and

challenges respect by its efficient thoroughness.

It is to be hoped that in time the two Governments will act in common

accord toward the realization of their common purpose to safeguard the

public health and to insure the purity and wholesomeness of all food

products imported by either country from the other. Were the Congress

to authorize an invitation to Germany, in connection with the pending

reciprocity negotiations, for the constitution of a joint commission of

scientific experts and practical men of affairs to conduct a searching

investigation of food production and exportation in both countries and

report to their respective legislatures for the adoption of such

remedial measures as they might recommend for either, the way might be

opened for the desirable result indicated.

Efforts to obtain for American life insurance companies a full hearing

as to their business operations in Prussia have, after several years of

patient representation, happily succeeded, and one of the most important

American companies has been granted a concession to continue business in

that Kingdom.

I am also glad to announce that the German insurance companies have been

readmitted by the superintendent of insurance to do business in the

State of New York.

Subsequent to the exchange of our peace treaty with Spain, Germany

acquired the Caroline Islands by purchase, paying therefor $5,000,000.

Assurances have been received from the German Government that the rights

of American missionaries and traders there will be considerately

observed.

In my last annual message I referred to the pending negotiations with

Great Britain in respect to the Dominion of Canada. By means of an

executive agreement, a Joint High Commission had been created for the

purpose of adjusting all unsettled questions between the United States

and Canada, embracing twelve subjects, among which were the questions of

the fur seals, the fisheries of the coast and contiguous inland waters,

the Alaskan boundary, the transit of merchandise in bond, the alien

labor laws, mining rights, reciprocity in trade, revision of the

agreement respecting naval vessels in the Great Lakes, a more complete

marking of parts of the boundary, provision for the conveyance of

criminals, and for wrecking and salvage.

Much progress had been made by the Commission toward the adjustment of

many of these questions, when it became apparent that an irreconcilable

difference of views was entertained respecting the delimitation of the

Alaskan boundary. In the failure of an agreement as to the meaning of

Articles III and IV of the treaty of 1825 between Russia and Great

Britain, which defined the boundary between Alaska and Canada, the

American Commissioners proposed that the subject of the boundary be

laid aside, and that the remaining questions of difference be proceeded

with, some of which were so far advanced as to assure the probability

of a settlement. This being declined by the British Commissioners, an

adjournment was taken until the boundary should be adjusted by the two

Governments. The subject has been receiving the careful attention which

its importance demands, with the result that a _modus vivendi_ for

provisional demarcations in the region about the head of Lynn Canal has

been agreed upon; and it is hoped that the negotiations now in progress

between the two Governments will end in an agreement for the

establishment and delimitation of a permanent boundary.

Apart from these questions growing out of our relationship with our

northern neighbor, the most friendly disposition and ready agreement

have marked the discussion of numerous matters arising in the vast and

intimate intercourse of the United States with Great Britain.

This Government has maintained an attitude of neutrality in the

unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer States of

Africa. We have remained faithful to the precept of avoiding entangling

alliances as to affairs not of our direct concern. Had circumstances

suggested that the parties to the quarrel would have welcomed any kindly

expression of the hope of the American people that war might be averted,

good offices would have been gladly tendered. The United States

representative at Pretoria was early instructed to see that all neutral

American interests be respected by the combatants. This has been an easy

task in view of the positive declarations of both British and Boer

authorities that the personal and property rights of our citizens should

be observed.

Upon the withdrawal of the British agent from Pretoria the United States

consul was authorized, upon the request of the British Government and

with the assent of the South African and Orange Free State Governments,

to exercise the customary good offices of a neutral for the care of

British interests. In the discharge of this function, I am happy to say

that abundant opportunity has been afforded to show the impartiality of

this Government toward both the combatants.

For the fourth time in the present decade, question has arisen with

the Government of Italy in regard to the lynching of Italian subjects.

The latest of these deplorable events occurred at Tallulah, Louisiana,

whereby five unfortunates of Italian origin were taken from jail and

hanged.

The authorities of the State and a representative of the Italian Embassy

having separately investigated the occurrence, with discrepant results,

particularly as to the alleged citizenship of the victims, and it not

appearing that the State had been able to discover and punish the

violators of the law, an independent investigation has been set on foot,

through the agency of the Department of State, and is still in progress.

The result will enable the Executive to treat the question with the

Government of Italy in a spirit of fairness and justice. A satisfactory

solution will doubtless be reached.

The recurrence of these distressing manifestations of blind mob fury

directed at dependents or natives of a foreign country suggests that

the contingency has arisen for action by Congress in the direction

of conferring upon the Federal courts jurisdiction in this class of

international cases where the ultimate responsibility of the Federal

Government may be involved. The suggestion is not new. In his annual

message of December 9, 1891, my predecessor, President Harrison, said:

It would, I believe, be entirely competent for Congress to make offenses

against the treaty rights of foreigners domiciled in the United States

cognizable in the Federal courts. This has not, however, been done, and

the Federal officers and courts have no power in such cases to intervene

either for the protection of a foreign citizen or for the punishment of

his slayers. It seems to me to follow, in this state of the law, that

the officers of the State charged with police and judicial powers in

such cases must, in the consideration of international questions growing

out of such incidents, be regarded in such sense as Federal agents as to

make this Government answerable for their acts in cases where it would

be answerable if the United States had used its constitutional power to

define and punish crimes against treaty rights.

A bill to provide for the punishment of violations of treaty rights

of aliens was introduced in the Senate March 1, 1892, and reported

favorably March 30. Having doubtless in view the language of that part

of Article III of the treaty of February 26, 1871, between the United

States and Italy, which stipulates that "The citizens of each of the

high contracting parties shall receive, in the States and Territories of

the other, most constant protection and security for their persons and

property, and shall enjoy in this respect the same rights and privileges

as are or shall be granted to the natives, on their submitting

themselves to the conditions imposed upon the natives," the bill so

introduced and reported provided that any act committed in any State or

Territory of the United States in violation of the rights of a citizen

or subject of a foreign country secured to such citizen or subject

by treaty between the United States and such foreign country and

constituting a crime under the laws of the State or Territory shall

constitute a like crime against the United States and be cognizable in

the Federal courts. No action was taken by Congress in the matter.

I earnestly recommend that the subject be taken up anew and acted

upon during the present session. The necessity for some such provision

abundantly appears. Precedent for constituting a Federal jurisdiction in

criminal cases where aliens are sufferers is rationally deducible from

the existing statute, which gives to the district and circuit courts of

the United States jurisdiction of civil suits brought by aliens where

the amount involved exceeds a certain sum. If such jealous solicitude be

shown for alien rights in cases of merely civil and pecuniary import,

how much greater should be the public duty to take cognizance of matters

affecting the lives and the rights of aliens under the settled

principles of international law no less than under treaty stipulation,

in cases of such transcendent wrongdoing as mob murder, especially when

experience has shown that local justice is too often helpless to punish

the offenders.

After many years of endeavor on the part of this Government to that end

the Italian Government has consented to enter into negotiations for a

naturalization convention, having for one of its objects the regulation

of the status of Italians (except those of an age for active military

service) who, having been naturalized in the United States, may revisit

Italy. It is hoped that with the mutually conciliatory spirit displayed

a successful conclusion will be reached.

The treaty of commerce and navigation between the United States and

Japan on November 22, 1894, took effect in accordance with the terms

of its XIXth Article on the 17th of July last, simultaneously with the

enforcement of like treaties with the other powers, except France, whose

convention did not go into operation until August 4, the United States

being, however, granted up to that date all the privileges and rights

accorded to French citizens under the old French treaty. By this notable

conventional reform Japan's position as a fully independent sovereign

power is assured, control being gained of taxation, customs revenues,

judicial administration, coasting trade, and all other domestic

functions of government, and foreign extra-territorial rights being

renounced.

Comprehensive codes of civil and criminal procedure according to

western methods, public instruction, patents and copyrights, municipal

administration, including jurisdiction over the former foreign

settlements, customs tariffs and procedure, public health, and other

administrative measures have been proclaimed. The working of the new

system has given rise to no material complaints on the part of the

American citizens or interests, a circumstance which attests the ripe

consideration with which the change has been prepared.

Valuable assistance was rendered by the Japanese authorities to the

United States transport ship _Morgan City_ while stranded at Kobe.

Permission has been granted to land and pasture army horses at Japanese

ports of call on the way to the Philippine Islands. These kindly

evidences of good will are highly appreciated.

The Japanese Government has shown a lively interest in the proposition

of the Pacific Cable Company to add to its projected cable lines to

Hawaii, Guam, and the Philippines a branch connection with the coast of

Japan. It would be a gratifying consummation were the utility of the

contemplated scheme enhanced by bringing Japan and the United States

into direct telegraphic relation.

Without repeating the observations of my special message of February 10,

1899, concerning the necessity of a cable to Manila, I respectfully

invite attention to it.

I recommend that, in case the Congress should not take measures

to bring about this result by direct action of the Government, the

Postmaster-General be authorized to invite competitive bids for the

establishment of a cable; the company making the best responsible bid to

be awarded the contract; the successful company to give ample bonds to

insure the completion of the work within a reasonable time.

The year has been marked by constant increase in the intimacy of our

relations with Mexico and in the magnitude of mutually advantageous

interchanges. This Government has omitted no opportunity to show its

strong desire to develop and perpetuate the ties of cordiality now so

long happily unbroken.

Following the termination on January 20, 1899, by Mexico of the

convention of extradition of December 11, 1861, a new treaty more in

accordance with the ascertained needs of both countries was signed

February 22, 1899, and exchanged in the City of Mexico on the 22d of

April last. Its operation thus far has been effective and satisfactory.

A recent case has served to test the application of its IVth Article,

which provides that neither party shall be bound to deliver up its own

citizens, but that the executive authority of each shall have the power

to deliver them up if in its discretion it be deemed proper to do so.

The extradition of Mrs. Mattie Rich, a citizen of the United

States, charged with homicide committed in Mexico, was after mature

consideration directed by me in the conviction that the ends of justice

would be thereby subserved. Similar action, on appropriate occasion,

by the Mexican Executive will not only tend to accomplish the desire

of both Governments that grave crimes go not unpunished, but also to

repress lawlessness along the border of the two countries. The new

treaty stipulates that neither Government shall assume jurisdiction in

the punishment of crimes committed exclusively within the territory of

the other. This will obviate in future the embarrassing controversies

which have heretofore arisen through Mexico's assertion of a claim to

try and punish an American citizen for an offense committed within the

jurisdiction of the United States.

The International Water Boundary Commission, organized by the convention

of March 1, 1889, for the adjustment of questions affecting the Rio

Grande frontier, has not yet completed its labors. A further extension

of its term for one year, until December 24, 1899, was effected by a

convention signed December 2, 1898, and exchanged and proclaimed in

February last.

An invitation extended to the President of Mexico to visit Chicago in

October, on the occasion of laying the corner stone of the United States

Government building in that city, was cordially accepted by him, with

the necessary consent of the Mexican Congress, but the illness of a

member of his family prevented his attendance. The Minister of Foreign

Relations, however, came as the personal representative of President

Diaz, and in that high character was duly honored.

Claims growing out of the seizure of American sealing vessels in Bering

Sea have been under discussion with the Government of Russia for several

years, with the recent happy result of an agreement to submit them to

the decision of a single arbitrator. By this act Russia affords proof

of her adherence to the beneficent principle of arbitration which her

plenipotentiaries conspicuously favored at The Hague Disarmament

Conference when it was advocated by the representatives of the United

States.

A suggestion for a permanent exposition of our products and manufactures

in Russia, although not yet fully shaped, has been so cordially welcomed

by the Imperial Government that it may not inaptly take a fitting place

in whatever legislation the Congress may adopt looking to enlargement of

our commercial opportunities abroad.

Important events have occurred in the Samoan Islands. The election,

according to the laws and customs of Samoa, of a successor to the late

King, Malietoa Laupepa, developed a contest as to the validity of the

result, which issue, by the terms of the General Act, was to be decided

by the Chief Justice. Upon his rendering a judgment in favor of Malietoa

Tanu, the rival chief, Mataafa, took up arms. The active intervention of

American and British war ships became imperative to restore order, at

the cost of sanguinary encounters. In this emergency a joint commission

of representatives of the United States, Germany, and Great Britain

was sent to Samoa to investigate the situation and provide a temporary

remedy. By its active efforts a peaceful solution was reached for the

time being, the kingship being abolished and a provisional government

established. Recommendations unanimously made by the commission

for a permanent adjustment of the Samoan question were taken under

consideration by the three powers parties to the General Act. But the

more they were examined the more evident it became that a radical change

was necessary in the relations of the powers to Samoa.

The inconveniences and possible perils of the tripartite scheme of

supervision and control in the Samoan group by powers having little

interest in common in that quarter beyond commercial rivalry had been

once more emphasized by the recent events. The suggested remedy of the

Joint Commission, like the scheme it aimed to replace, amounted to

what has been styled a _tridominium_, being the exercise of the

functions of sovereignty by an unanimous agreement of three powers.

The situation had become far more intricate and embarrassing from every

point of view than it was when my predecessor, in 1894, summed up its

perplexities and condemned the participation in it of the United States.

The arrangement under which Samoa was administered had proved

impracticable and unacceptable to all the powers concerned. To withdraw

from the agreement and abandon the islands to Germany and Great Britain

would not be compatible with our interests in the archipelago. To

relinquish our rights in the harbor of Pago Pago, the best anchorage in

the Pacific, the occupancy of which had been leased to the United States

in 1878 by the first foreign treaty ever concluded by Samoa, was not to

be thought of either as regards the needs of our Navy or the interests

of our growing commerce with the East. We could not have considered any

proposition for the abrogation of the tripartite control which did not

confirm us in all our rights and safeguard all our national interests in

the islands.

Our views commended themselves to the other powers. A satisfactory

arrangement was concluded between the Governments of Germany and of

England, by virtue of which England retired from Samoa in view of

compensations in other directions, and both powers renounced in favor

of the United States all their rights and claims over and in respect

to that portion of the group lying to the east of the one hundred

and seventy-first degree of west longitude, embracing the islands of

Tutuila, Ofoo, Olosenga, and Manua. I transmit to the Senate, for

its constitutional action thereon, a convention, which besides the

provisions above mentioned also guarantees us the same privileges and

conditions in respect to commerce and commercial vessels in all of the

islands of Samoa as those possessed by Germany.

Claims have been preferred by white residents of Samoa on account of

injuries alleged to have been suffered through the acts of the treaty

Governments in putting down the late disturbances. A convention has been

made between the three powers for the investigation and settlement of

these claims by a neutral arbitrator, to which the attention of the

Senate will be invited.

My annual message of last year was necessarily devoted in great part to

a consideration of the Spanish War and of the results it wrought and the

conditions it imposed for the future. I am gratified to announce that

the treaty of peace has restored friendly relations between the two

powers. Effect has been given to its most important provisions. The

evacuation of Puerto Rico having already been accomplished on the 18th

of October, 1898, nothing remained necessary there but to continue the

provisional military control of the island until the Congress should

enact a suitable government for the ceded territory. Of the character

and scope of the measures to that end I shall treat in another part of

this message.

The withdrawal of the authority of Spain from the island of Cuba was

effected by the 1st of January, so that the full re-establishment of

peace found the relinquished territory held by us in trust for the

inhabitants, maintaining, under the direction of the Executive, such

government and control therein as should conserve public order, restore

the productive conditions of peace so long disturbed by the instability

and disorder which prevailed for the greater part of the preceding three

decades, and build up that tranquil development of the domestic state

whereby alone can be realized the high purpose, as proclaimed in the

joint resolution adopted by the Congress on the 19th of April, 1898,

by which the United States disclaimed any disposition or intention to

exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over Cuba, except for

the pacification thereof, and asserted its determination when that was

accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its

people. The pledge contained in this resolution is of the highest

honorable obligation and must be sacredly kept.

I believe that substantial progress has been made in this direction.

All the administrative measures adopted in Cuba have aimed to fit it for

a regenerated existence by enforcing the supremacy of law and justice;

by placing wherever practicable the machinery of administration in the

hands of the inhabitants; by instituting needed sanitary reforms; by

spreading education; by fostering industry and trade; by inculcating

public morality, and, in short, by taking every rational step to aid

the Cuban people to attain to that plane of self-conscious respect

and self-reliant unity which fits an enlightened community for

self-government within its own sphere, while enabling it to fulfill

all outward obligations.

This nation has assumed before the world a grave responsibility for the

future good government of Cuba. We have accepted a trust the fulfillment

of which calls for the sternest integrity of purpose and the exercise of

the highest wisdom. The new Cuba yet to arise from the ashes of the past

must needs be bound to us by ties of singular intimacy and strength

if its enduring welfare is to be assured. Whether those ties shall be

organic or conventional, the destinies of Cuba are in some rightful

form and manner irrevocably linked with our own, but how and how far

is for the future to determine in the ripeness of events. Whatever be

the outcome, we must see to it that free Cuba be a reality, not a name,

a perfect entity, not a hasty experiment bearing within itself the

elements of failure. Our mission, to accomplish which we took up the

wager of battle, is not to be fulfilled by turning adrift any loosely

framed commonwealth to face the vicissitudes which too often attend

weaker States whose natural wealth and abundant resources are offset

by the incongruities of their political organization and the recurring

occasions for internal rivalries to sap their strength and dissipate

their energies. The greatest blessing which can come to Cuba is the

restoration of her agricultural and industrial prosperity, which will

give employment to idle men and re-establish the pursuits of peace.

This is her chief and immediate need.

On the 19th of August last an order was made for the taking of the

census in the island, to be completed on the 30th of November. By the

treaty of peace the Spanish people on the island have until April 11,

1900, to elect whether they will remain citizens of Spain or become

citizens of Cuba. Until then it cannot be definitely ascertained who

shall be entitled to participate in the formation of the government of

Cuba. By that time the results of the census will have been tabulated

and we shall proceed to provide for elections which will commit the

municipal governments of the island to the officers elected by the

people. The experience thus acquired will prove of great value in the

formation of a representative convention of the people to draft a

constitution and establish a general system of independent government

for the island. In the meantime and so long as we exercise control over

the island the products of Cuba should have a market in the United

States on as good terms and with as favorable rates of duty as are given

to the West India Islands under treaties of reciprocity which shall be

made.

For the relief of the distressed in the island of Cuba the War

Department has issued supplies to destitute persons through the officers

of the Army, which have amounted to 5,493,000 rations, at a cost of

$1,417,554.07.

To promote the disarmament of the Cuban volunteer army, and in the

interest of public peace and the welfare of the people, the sum of $75

was paid to each Cuban soldier borne upon the authenticated rolls,

on condition that he should deposit his arms with the authorities

designated by the United States. The sum thus disbursed aggregated

$2,547,750, which was paid from the emergency fund provided by the act

of January 5, 1899, for that purpose.

Out of the Cuban island revenues during the six months ending June 30,

1899, $1,712,014.20 was expended for sanitation, $293,881.70 for

charities and hospitals, and $88,944.03 for aid to the destitute.

Following the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of peace the

two Governments accredited ministers to each other, Spain sending

to Washington the Duke of Arcos, an eminent diplomatist, previously

stationed in Mexico, while the United States transferred to Madrid Hon.

Bellamy Storer, its minister at Brussels. This was followed by the

respective appointment of consuls, thereby fully resuming the relations

interrupted by the war. In addition to its consular representation in

the United States, the Spanish Government has appointed consuls for

Cuba, who have been provisionally recognized during the military

administration of the affairs of that island.

Judicial intercourse between the courts of Cuba and Puerto Rico and of

Spain has been established, as provided by the treaty of peace. The

Cuban political prisoners in Spanish penal stations have been and are

being released and returned to their homes, in accordance with Article

VI of the treaty. Negotiations are about to be had for defining the

conventional relations between the two countries, which fell into

abeyance by reason of the war. I trust that these will include a

favorable arrangement for commercial reciprocity under the terms of

sections 3 and 4 of the current tariff act. In these, as in all matters

of international concern, no effort will be spared to respond to the

good disposition of Spain, and to cultivate in all practicable ways the

intimacy which should prevail between two nations whose past history has

so often and in so many ways been marked by sincere friendship and by

community of interests.

I would recommend appropriate legislation in order to carry into

execution Article VII of the Treaty of Peace with Spain, by which the

United States assured the payment of certain claims for indemnity of its

citizens against Spain.

* * * * *

The United States minister to Turkey continues, under instructions,

to press for a money payment in satisfaction of the just claims for

injuries suffered by American citizens in the disorders of several years

past and for wrongs done to them by the Ottoman authorities. Some of

these claims are of many years' standing. This Government is hopeful of

a general agreement in this regard.

In the Turkish Empire the situation of our citizens remains

unsatisfactory. Our efforts during nearly forty years to bring about a

convention of naturalization seem to be on the brink of final failure

through the announced policy of the Ottoman Porte to refuse recognition

of the alien status of native Turkish subjects naturalized abroad since

1867. Our statutes do not allow this Government to admit any distinction

between the treatment of native and naturalized Americans abroad, so

that ceaseless controversy arises in cases where persons owing in the

eye of international law a dual allegiance are prevented from entering

Turkey or are expelled after entrance. Our law in this regard contrasts

with that of the European States. The British act, for instance, does

not claim effect for the naturalization of an alien in the event of his

return to his native country, unless the change be recognized by the law

of that country or stipulated by treaty between it and the naturalizing

State.

The arbitrary treatment, in some instances, of American productions in

Turkey has attracted attention of late, notably in regard to our flour.

Large shipments by the recently opened direct steamship line to Turkish

ports have been denied entrance on the score that, although of standard

composition and unquestioned purity, the flour was pernicious to health

because of deficient "elasticity" as indicated by antiquated and

untrustworthy tests. Upon due protest by the American minister, and it

appearing that the act was a virtual discrimination against our product,

the shipments in question were admitted. In these, as in all instances,

wherever occurring, when American products may be subjected in a foreign

country, upon specious pretexts, to discrimination compared with the

like products of another country, this Government will use its earnest

efforts to secure fair and equal treatment for its citizens and their

goods. Failing this, it will not hesitate to apply whatever corrective

may be provided by the statutes.

* * * * *

The International Commission of Arbitration, appointed under the

Anglo-Venezuelan treaty of 1897, rendered an award on October 3 last,

whereby the boundary line between Venezuela and British Guiana is

determined, thus ending a controversy which has existed for the greater

part of the century. The award, as to which the arbitrators were

unanimous, while not meeting the extreme contention of either party,

gives to Great Britain a large share of the interior territory in

dispute and to Venezuela the entire mouth of the Orinoco, including

Barima Point and the Caribbean littoral for some distance to the

eastward. The decision appears to be equally satisfactory to both

parties.

Venezuela has once more undergone a revolution. The insurgents, under

General Castro, after a sanguinary engagement in which they suffered

much loss, rallied in the mountainous interior and advanced toward the

capital. The bulk of the army having sided with the movement, President

Andrade quitted Caracas, where General Castro set up a provisional

government with which our minister and the representatives of other

powers entered into diplomatic relations on the 20th of November, 1899.

* * * * *

The fourth section of the Tariff Act approved July 24, 1897, appears

to provide only for commercial treaties which should be entered into by

the President and also ratified by the Senate within two years from its

passage. Owing to delays inevitable in negotiations of this nature, none

of the treaties initiated under that section could be concluded in time

for ratification by the Senate prior to its adjournment on the 4th of

March last. Some of the pending negotiations, however, were near

conclusion at that time, and the resulting conventions have since been

signed by the plenipotentiaries. Others, within both the third and

fourth sections of the act, are still under consideration. Acting under

the constitutional power of the Executive in respect to treaties,

I have deemed it my duty, while observing the limitations of concession

provided by the fourth section, to bring to a conclusion all pending

negotiations, and submit them to the Senate for its advice and consent.

Conventions of reciprocity have been signed during the Congressional

recess with Great Britain for the respective colonies of British Guiana,

Barbados, Bermuda, Jamaica, and Turks and Caicos Islands, and with the

Republic of Nicaragua.

Important reciprocal conventions have also been concluded with France

and with the Argentine Republic.

In my last annual message the progress noted in the work of the

diplomatic and consular officers in collecting information as to

the industries and commerce of other countries, and in the care and

promptitude with which their reports are printed and distributed, has

continued during the past year, with increasingly valuable results in

suggesting new sources of demand for American products and in pointing

out the obstacles still to be overcome in facilitating the remarkable

expansion of our foreign trade. It will doubtless be gratifying to

Congress to learn that the various agencies of the Department of State

are co-operating in these endeavors with a zeal and effectiveness

which are not only receiving the cordial recognition of our business

interests, but are exciting the emulation of other Governments. In any

rearrangement of the great and complicated work of obtaining official

data of an economic character which Congress may undertake it is most

important, in my judgment, that the results already secured by the

efforts of the Department of State should be carefully considered with

a view to a judicious development and increased utility to our export

trade.

The interest taken by the various States forming the International Union

of American Republics in the work of its organic bureau is evidenced by

the fact that for the first time since its creation in 1890 all the

Republics of South and Central America are now represented in it.

The unanimous recommendation of the International American Conference,

providing for the International Union of American Republics, stated that

it should continue in force during a term of ten years from the date of

its organization, and no country becoming a member of the union should

cease to be a member until the end of said period of ten years, and

unless twelve months before the expiration of said period a majority

of the members of the union had given to the Secretary of State of the

United States official notice of their wish to terminate the union

at the end of its first period, that the union should continue to be

maintained for another period of ten years, and thereafter, under the

same conditions, for successive periods of ten years each.

The period for notification expired on July 14, 1899, without any of the

members having given the necessary notice of withdrawal. Its maintenance

is therefore assured for the next ten years. In view of this fact and of

the numerous questions of general interest and common benefit to all of

the Republics of America, some of which were considered by the first

International American Conference, but not finally settled, and others

which have since then grown to importance, it would seem expedient that

the various Republics constituting the Union should be invited to hold

at an early date another conference in the capital of one of the

countries other than the United States, which has already enjoyed this

honor.

The purely international character of the work being done by the

bureau and the appreciation of its value are further emphasized by the

active co-operation which the various Governments of the Latin-American

Republics and their diplomatic representatives in this capital are now

exhibiting and the zealous endeavors they are making to extend its

field of usefulness, to promote through it commercial intercourse, and

strengthen the bonds of amity and confidence between its various members

and the nations of this continent.

The act to encourage the holding of the Pan-American Exposition on the

Niagara frontier, within the county of Erie or Niagara, in the State of

New York, in the year 1901, was approved on March 3, 1899.

This exposition, which will be held in the city of Buffalo, in the near

vicinity of the great Niagara cataract, and within a day's journey of

which reside 40,000,000 of our people, will be confined entirely to the

Western Hemisphere. Satisfactory assurances have already been given by

the diplomatic representatives of Great Britain, Mexico, the Central and

South American Republics, and most of the States of the United States

that these countries and States will make an unique, interesting, and

instructive exhibit, peculiarly illustrative of their material progress

during the century which is about to close.

The law provides an appropriation of $500,000 for the purpose of making

an exhibit at the exposition by the Government of the United States

from its Executive Departments and from the Smithsonian Institution and

National Museum, the United States Commission of Fish and Fisheries, the

Department of Labor, and the Bureau of the American Republics. To secure

a complete and harmonious arrangement of this Government exhibit a board

of management has already been created, and charged with the selection,

purchase, preparation, transportation, arrangement, and safe-keeping

of the articles and materials to be exhibited. This board has been

organized and has already entered upon the performance of its duties,

as provided for by the law.

I have every reason to hope and believe that this exposition will tend

more firmly to cement the cordial relations between the nations on this

continent.

In accordance with an act of Congress approved December 21, 1898,

and under the auspices of the Philadelphia Commercial Museum, a most

interesting and valuable exposition of products and manufactures

especially adapted to export trade was held in Philadelphia from the

14th of September to the 1st of December, 1899. The representative

character of the exhibits and the widespread interest manifested in the

special objects of the undertaking afford renewed encouragement to those

who look confidently to the steady growth of our enlarged exportation

of manufactured goods, which has been the most remarkable fact in the

economic development of the United States in recent years. A feature of

this exposition which is likely to become of permanent and increasing

utility to our industries is the collection of samples of merchandise

produced in various countries with special reference to particular

markets, providing practical object lessons to United States

manufacturers as to qualities, styles, and prices of goods such as meet

the special demands of consumers and may be exported with advantage.

In connection with the exposition an International Commercial

Congress was held, upon the invitation of the Philadelphia Commercial

Museum, transmitted by the Department of State to the various foreign

Governments, for an exchange of information and opinions with the

view to the promotion of international trade. This invitation met

with general and cordial acceptance, and the Congress, which began

its sessions at the exposition on the 13th of October, proved to be of

great practical importance, from the fact that it developed a general

recognition of the interdependence of nations in trade and a most

gratifying spirit of accommodation with reference to the gradual removal

of existing impediments to reciprocal relations, without injury to the

industrial interests of either party.

In response to the invitation of His Majesty, the Emperor of Russia,

delegates from twenty-six countries were assembled at The Hague on the

18th of May, as members of a conference in the interest of peace. The

commission from the United States consisted of the Hon. Andrew D. White,

the Hon. Seth Low, the Hon. Stanford Newel, Captain Alfred T. Mahan, of

the United States Navy, Captain William Crozier, of the United States

Army, and the Hon. Frederick W. Holls, secretary. The occasion seemed

to be opportune for the serious consideration of a plan for the pacific

adjustment of international differences, a subject in which the American

people have been deeply interested for many years, and a definite

project for a permanent international tribunal was included in the

instructions to the delegates of the United States.

The final act of the conference includes conventions upon the

amelioration of the laws and customs of war on land, the adaptation to

maritime warfare of the principles of the Geneva Convention of 1864, and

the extension of judicial methods to international cases. The Convention

for the Pacific Settlement of International Conflicts embodies the

leading features of the American plan, with such modifications as were

rendered necessary by the great diversity of views and interests

represented by the delegates. The four titles of the convention provide

for the maintenance of general peace, the exercise of good offices and

mediation, the formation of commissions of inquiry, and international

arbitration.

The mediation provided for by the convention is purely voluntary and

advisory, and is intended to avoid any invasion or limitation of the

sovereign rights of the adhering States. The commissions of inquiry

proposed consists of delegations to be specifically constituted for

particular purposes by means of conventions between the contesting

parties, having for their object the clear understanding of

international differences before resorting to the use of force.

The provision for arbitration contemplates the formation of a permanent

tribunal before which disputed cases may be brought for settlement

by the mutual consent of the litigants in each separate case. The

advantages of such a permanent tribunal over impromptu commissions of

arbitration are conceived to be the actual existence of a competent

court, prepared to administer justice, the greater economy resulting

from a well-devised system, and the accumulated judicial skill and

experience which such a tribunal would soon possess.

While earnestly promoting the idea of establishing a permanent

international tribunal, the delegation of the United States was not

unmindful of the inconveniences which might arise from an obtrusive

exercise of mediation, and in signing the convention carefully guarded

the historic position of the United States by the following declaration:

Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to require

the United States of America to depart from its traditional policy of

not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself in the

political questions or policy or internal administration of any foreign

state; nor shall anything contained in the said convention be construed

to imply a relinquishment by the United States of America of its

traditional attitude toward purely American questions.

Thus interpreted, the Convention for the Pacific Settlement of

International Conflicts may be regarded as realizing the earnest desire

of great numbers of American citizens, whose deep sense of justice,

expressed in numerous resolutions and memorials, has urged them to labor

for this noble achievement. The general character of this convention,

already signed by the delegates of more than twenty sovereign States,

further commends it to the favorable action of the Senate of the United

States, whose ratification it still awaits.

Since my last annual message, and in obedience to the acts of the

Congress of April 22 and 26, 1898, the remaining volunteer force

enlisted for the Spanish War, consisting of 34,834 regulars and 110,202

volunteers, with over 5,000 volunteer officers, has been discharged from

the military service. Of the volunteers, 667 officers and 14,831 men

were serving in the Philippines, and 1,650 of the regulars, who were

entitled to be mustered out after the ratification of the treaty of

peace. They voluntarily remained at the front until their places could

be filled by new troops. They were returned home in the order in which

they went to Manila, and are now all of them out of the service and in

the ranks of citizenship. I recommend that the Congress provide a

special medal of honor for the volunteers, regulars, sailors, and

marines on duty in the Philippines who voluntarily remained in the

service after their terms of enlistment had expired.

By the act of March 2, 1899, Congress gave authority to increase the

Regular Army to a maximum not exceeding 65,000 enlisted men, and to

enlist a force of 35,000 volunteers, to be recruited from the country at

large. By virtue of this authority the Regular Army has been increased

to the number of 61,999 enlisted men and 2,248 officers, and new

volunteer regiments have been organized aggregating 33,050 enlisted men

and 1,524 officers. Two of these volunteer regiments are made up of

colored men, with colored line officers. The new troops to take the

places of those returning from the Philippines have been transported

to Manila to the number of 581 officers and 26,322 enlisted men of

the Regular Army and 594 officers and 15,388 enlisted men of the new

volunteer force, while 504 officers and 14,119 men of the volunteer

force are on the ocean _en route_ to Manila.

The force now in Manila consists of 905 officers and 30,578 regulars,

and 594 officers and 15,388 of the volunteers, making an aggregate of

1,499 officers and 45,966 men. When the troops now under orders shall

reach Manila the force in the archipelago will comprise 2,051 officers

and 63,483 men. The muster out of the great volunteer army organized

for the Spanish War and the creation of a new army, the transportation

from Manila to San Francisco of those entitled to discharge and the

transportation of the new troops to take their places have been a work

of great magnitude well and ably done, for which too much credit cannot

be given the War Department.

During the past year we have reduced our force in Cuba and Puerto Rico.

In Cuba we now have 334 officers and 10,796 enlisted men; in Puerto

Rico, 87 officers and 2,855 enlisted men and a battalion of 400 men

composed of native Puerto Ricans; while stationed throughout the United

States are 910 officers and 17,317 men, and in Hawaii 12 officers and

453 enlisted men.

The operations of the Army are fully presented in the report of the

Secretary of War. I cannot withhold from officers and men the highest

commendation for their soldierly conduct in trying situations, their

willing sacrifices for their country, and the integrity and ability with

which they have performed unusual and difficult duties in our island

possessions.

In the organization of the volunteer regiments authorized by the

act of March 2, 1899, it was found that no provision had been made for

chaplains. This omission was doubtless from inadvertence. I recommend

the early authorization for the appointment of one chaplain for each of

said regiments. These regiments are now in the Philippines, and it is

important that immediate action be had.

In restoring peaceful conditions, orderly rule, and civic progress in

Cuba, Puerto Rico, and, so far as practicable, in the Philippines, the

rehabilitation of the postal service has been an essential and important

part of the work. It became necessary to provide mail facilities both

for our forces of occupation and for the native population. To meet this

requirement has involved a substantial reconstruction. The existing

systems were so fragmentary, defective, and inadequate that a new and

comprehensive organization had to be created. American trained officials

have been assigned to the directing and executive positions, while

natives have been chiefly employed in making up the body of the force.

In working out this plan the merit rule has been rigorously and

faithfully applied.

The appointment of Director-General of Posts of Cuba was given

to an expert who had been Chief Post-Office Inspector and Assistant

Postmaster-General, and who united large experience with administrative

capacity. For the postmastership at Havana the range of skilled and

available men was scanned, and the choice fell upon one who had been

twenty years in the service as deputy postmaster and postmaster of a

large city. This principle governed and determined the selection of the

American officials sent not only to Cuba, but to Puerto Rico and the

Philippines, and they were instructed to apply it so far as practicable

in the employment of the natives as minor postmasters and clerks. The

postal system in Cuba, though remaining under the general guidance of

the Postmaster-General, was made essentially independent. It was felt

that it should not be a burden upon the postal service of the United

States, and provision was made that any deficit in the postal revenue

should be a charge upon the general revenues of the island.

Though Puerto Rico and the Philippines hold a different relation

to the United States, yet, for convenience of administration, the

same principle of an autonomous system has been extended to them. The

development of the service in all of the islands has been rapid and

successful. It has moved forward on American lines, with free delivery,

money order, and registry systems, and has given the people mail

facilities far greater and more reliable than any they have ever before

enjoyed. It is thus not only a vital agency of industrial, social, and

business progress, but an important influence in diffusing a just

understanding of the true spirit and character of American

administration.

The domestic postal service continues to grow with extraordinary

rapidity. The expenditures and the revenues will each exceed

$100,000,000 during the current year. Fortunately, since the revival

of prosperous times the revenues have grown much faster than the

expenditures, and there is every indication that a short period will

witness the obliteration of the annual deficit. In this connection the

report of the Postmaster-General embodies a statement of some evils

which have grown up outside of the contemplation of law in the treatment

of some classes of mail matter which wrongly exercise the privilege

of the pound rate, and shows that if this matter had been properly

classified and had paid the rate which it should have paid, instead

of a postal deficit for the last fiscal year of $6,610,000, there

would have been on one basis a surplus of $17,637,570, and on another

of $5,733,836. The reform thus suggested, in the opinion of the

Postmaster-General, would not only put the postal service at once on a

self-sustaining basis, but would permit great and valuable improvements,

and I commend the subject to the consideration of the Congress.

The Navy has maintained the spirit and high efficiency which have always

characterized that service, and has lost none of the gallantry in heroic

action which has signalized its brilliant and glorious past. The Nation

has equal pride in its early and later achievements. Its habitual

readiness for every emergency has won the confidence and admiration of

the country. The people are interested in the continued preparation and

prestige of the Navy and will justify liberal appropriations for its

maintenance and improvement. The officers have shown peculiar adaptation

for the performance of new and delicate duties which our recent war has

imposed.

It cannot be doubted that Congress will at once make necessary provision

for the armor plate for the vessels now under contract and building.

Its attention is respectfully called to the report of the Secretary

of the Navy, in which the subject is fully presented. I unite in his

recommendation that the Congress enact such special legislation as may

be necessary to enable the Department to make contracts early in the

coming year for armor of the best quality that can be obtained in this

country for the _Maine_, _Ohio_, and _Missouri_, and that the provision

of the act of March 3, 1899, limiting the price of armor to $300 per ton

be removed.

In the matter of naval construction Italy and Japan, of the great

powers, laid down less tonnage in the year 1899 than this country, and

Italy alone has less tonnage under construction. I heartily concur in

the recommendations for the increase of the Navy, as suggested by the

Secretary.

Our future progress and prosperity depend upon our ability to equal, if

not surpass, other nations in the enlargement and advance of science,

industry, and commerce. To invention we must turn as one of the most

powerful aids to the accomplishment of such a result. The attention of

the Congress is directed to the report of the Commissioner of Patents,

in which will be found valuable suggestions and recommendations.

On the 30th of June, 1899, the pension roll of the United States

numbered 991,519. These include the pensioners of the Army and Navy in

all our wars. The number added to the rolls during the year was 40,991.

The number dropped by reason of death, remarriage, minors by legal

limitation, failure to claim within three years, and other causes, was

43,186, and the number of claims disallowed was 107,919. During the year

89,054 pension certificates were issued, of which 37,077 were for new or

original pensions. The amount disbursed for army and navy pensions

during the year was $138,355,052.95, which was $1,651,461.61 less than

the sum of the appropriations.

The Grand Army of the Republic at its recent national encampment held in

Philadelphia has brought to my attention and to that of the Congress the

wisdom and justice of a modification of the third section of the act of

June 27, 1890, which provides pensions for the widows of officers and

enlisted men who served ninety days or more during the War of the

Rebellion and were honorably discharged, provided that such widows are

without other means of support than their daily labor and were married

to the soldier, sailor, or marine on account of whose service they claim

pension prior to the date of the act.

The present holding of the Department is that if the widow's income

aside from her daily labor does not exceed in amount what her pension

would be, to wit, $96 per annum, she would be deemed to be without

other means of support than her daily labor, and would be entitled to

a pension under this act; while if the widow's income independent of

the amount received by her as the result of her daily labor exceeds

$96, she would not be pensionable under the act. I am advised by the

Commissioner of Pensions that the amount of the income allowed before

title to pension would be barred has varied widely under different

administrations of the Pension Office, as well as during different

periods of the same administration, and has been the cause of just

complaint and criticism.

With the approval of the Secretary of the Interior the Commissioner of

Pensions recommends that, in order to make the practice at all times

uniform and to do justice to the dependent widow, the amount of income

allowed independent of the proceeds of her daily labor should be not

less than $250 per annum, and he urges that the Congress shall so amend

the act as to permit the Pension Office to grant pensionable status to

widows under the terms of the third section of the act of June 27, 1890,

whose income aside from the proceeds of daily labor is not in excess of

$250 per annum. I believe this to be a simple act of justice and

heartily recommend it.

The Dawes Commission reports that gratifying progress has been made in

its work during the preceding year. The field-work of enrollment of four

of the nations has been completed. I recommend that Congress at an early

day make liberal appropriation for educational purposes in the Indian

Territory.

In accordance with the act of Congress approved March 3, 1899, the

preliminary work in connection with the Twelfth Census is now fully

under way. The officers required for the proper administration of the

duties imposed have been selected. The provision for securing a proper

enumeration of the population, as well as to secure evidence of the

industrial growth of the Nation, is broader and more comprehensive than

any similar legislation in the past. The Director advises that every

needful effort is being made to push this great work to completion in

the time limited by the statute. It is believed that the Twelfth Census

will emphasize our remarkable advance in all that pertains to national

progress.

Under the authority of the act of Congress approved July 7, 1898,

the commission consisting of the Secretary of the Treasury, the

Attorney-General, and the Secretary of the Interior has made an

agreement of settlement, which has had my approval, of the indebtedness

to the Government growing out of the issue of bonds to aid in the

construction of the Central Pacific and Western Pacific railroads.

The agreement secures to the Government the principal and interest of

said bonds, amounting to $58,812,715.48. There has been paid thereon

$11,762,543.12, which has been covered into the Treasury, and the

remainder, payable within ten years, with interest at the rate of 3 per

cent per annum, payable semiannually, is secured by the deposit of an

equal amount of first-mortgage bonds of the Pacific Railway companies.

The amounts paid and secured to be paid to the Government on account of

the Pacific Railroad subsidy claims are:

Union Pacific, cash $58,448,223.75

Kansas Pacific, cash 6,303,000.00

Central and Western Pacific, cash 11,798,314.14

Notes, secured 47,050,172.36

Kansas Pacific--dividends for deficiency

due United States, cash 821,897.70

--------------

Making a total of 124,421,607.95

The whole indebtedness was about $130,000,000, more than half of which

consisted of accrued interest, for which sum the Government has realized

the entire amount less about $6,000,000 within a period of two years.

On June 30, 1898, there were thirty forest reservations (exclusive of

the Afognak Forest and Fish Culture Reserve in Alaska), embracing an

estimated area of 40,719,474 acres. During the past year two of the

existing forest reserves, the Trabuco Canyon (California) and Black

Hills (South Dakota and Wyoming), have been considerably enlarged, the

area of the Mount Rainier Reserve, in the State of Washington, has been

somewhat reduced, and six additional reserves have been established,

namely, the San Francisco Mountains (Arizona), the Black Mesa (Arizona),

Lake Tahoe (California), Gallatin (Montana), Gila River (New Mexico),

and Fish Lake (Utah), the total estimated area of which is 5,205,775

acres. This makes at the present time a total of thirty-six forest

reservations, embracing an estimated area of 46,021,899 acres. This

estimated area is the aggregated areas within the boundaries of the

reserves. The lands actually reserved are, however, only the vacant

public lands therein, and these have been set aside and reserved for

sale or settlement in order that they may be of the greatest use to

the people.

Protection of the national forests, inaugurated by the Department of

the Interior in 1897, has been continued during the past year and much

has been accomplished in the way of preventing forest fires and the

protection of the timber. There are now large tracts covered by forests

which will eventually be reserved and set apart for forest uses. Until

that can be done Congress should increase the appropriations for the

work of protecting the forests.

The Department of Agriculture is constantly consulting the needs of

producers in all the States and Territories. It is introducing seeds and

plants of great value and promoting fuller diversification of crops.

Grains, grasses, fruits, legumes, and vegetables are imported for all

parts of the United States. Under this encouragement the sugar-beet

factory multiplies in the North and far West, semitropical plants are

sent to the South, and congenial climates are sought for the choice

productions of the far East. The hybridizing of fruit trees and grains

is conducted in the search for varieties adapted to exacting conditions.

The introduction of tea gardens into the Southern States promises to

provide employment for idle hands, as well as to supply the home market

with tea. The subject of irrigation where it is of vital importance to

the people is being carefully studied, steps are being taken to reclaim

injured or abandoned lands, and information for the people along these

lines is being printed and distributed.

Markets are being sought and opened up for surplus farm and factory

products in Europe and in Asia. The outlook for the education of the

young farmer through agricultural college and experiment station, with

opportunity given to specialize in the Department of Agriculture, is

very promising. The people of Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Philippine

Islands should be helped, by the establishment of experiment stations,

to a more scientific knowledge of the production of coffee, india

rubber, and other tropical products, for which there is demand in the

United States.

There is widespread interest in the improvement of our public highways

at the present time, and the Department of Agriculture is co-operating

with the people in each locality in making the best possible roads

from local material and in experimenting with steel tracks. A more

intelligent system of managing the forests of the country is being put

in operation and a careful study of the whole forestry problem is being

conducted throughout the United States. A very extensive and complete

exhibit of the agricultural and horticultural products of the United

States is being prepared for the Paris Exposition.

* * * * *

On the 10th of December, 1898, the treaty of peace between the United

States and Spain was signed. It provided, among other things, that Spain

should cede to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine

Islands, that the United States should pay to Spain the sum of twenty

millions of dollars, and that the civil rights and political status of

the native inhabitants of the territories thus ceded to the United

States should be determined by the Congress. The treaty was ratified by

the Senate on the 6th of February, 1899, and by the Government of Spain

on the 19th of March following. The ratifications were exchanged on the

11th of April and the treaty publicly proclaimed. On the 2d of March the

Congress voted the sum contemplated by the treaty, and the amount was

paid over to the Spanish Government on the 1st of May.

In this manner the Philippines came to the United States. The islands

were ceded by the Government of Spain, which had been in undisputed

possession of them for centuries. They were accepted not merely by our

authorized commissioners in Paris, under the direction of the Executive,

but by the constitutional and well-considered action of the

representatives of the people of the United States in both Houses of

Congress. I had every reason to believe, and I still believe that this

transfer of sovereignty was in accordance with the wishes and the

aspirations of the great mass of the Filipino people.

From the earliest moment no opportunity was lost of assuring the

people of the islands of our ardent desire for their welfare and of the

intention of this Government to do everything possible to advance their

interests. In my order of the 19th of May, 1898, the commander of the

military expedition dispatched to the Philippines was instructed to

declare that we came not to make war upon the people of that country,

"nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect them in

their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious

rights." That there should be no doubt as to the paramount authority

there, on the 17th of August it was directed that "there must be no

joint occupation with the insurgents"; that the United States must

preserve the peace and protect persons and property within the territory

occupied by their military and naval forces; that the insurgents and

all others must recognize the military occupation and authority of

the United States. As early as December 4, before the cession, and

in anticipation of that event, the commander in Manila was urged to

restore peace and tranquillity and to undertake the establishment of

a beneficent government, which should afford the fullest security for

life and property.

On the 21st of December, after the treaty was signed, the commander of

the forces of occupation was instructed "to announce and proclaim in the

most public manner that we come, not as invaders and conquerors, but as

friends to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments, and

in their personal and religious rights." On the same day, while ordering

General Otis to see that the peace should be preserved in Iloilo, he was

admonished that: "It is most important that there should be no conflict

with the insurgents." On the 1st day of January, 1899, urgent orders

were reiterated that the kindly intentions of this Government should be

in every possible way communicated to the insurgents.

On the 21st of January I announced my intention of dispatching to Manila

a commission composed of three gentlemen of the highest character and

distinction, thoroughly acquainted with the Orient, who, in association

with Admiral Dewey and Major-General Otis, were instructed "to

facilitate the most humane and effective extension of authority

throughout the islands, and to secure with the least possible delay the

benefits of a wise and generous protection of life and property to the

inhabitants." These gentlemen were Dr. Jacob Gould Schurman, president

of Cornell University; the Hon. Charles Denby, for many years minister

to China, and Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of the University of Michigan,

who had made a most careful study of life in the Philippines. While

the treaty of peace was under consideration in the Senate, these

Commissioners set out on their mission of good will and liberation.

Their character was a sufficient guaranty of the beneficent purpose with

which they went, even if they had not borne the positive instructions of

this Government, which made their errand pre-eminently one of peace and

friendship.

But before their arrival at Manila the sinister ambition of a few

leaders of the Filipinos had created a situation full of embarrassment

for us and most grievous in its consequences to themselves. The clear

and impartial preliminary report of the Commissioners, which I transmit

herewith, gives so lucid and comprehensive a history of the present

insurrectionary movement that the story need not be here repeated. It is

enough to say that the claim of the rebel leader that he was promised

independence by an officer of the United States in return for his

assistance has no foundation in fact and is categorically denied by

the very witnesses who were called to prove it. The most the insurgent

leader hoped for when he came back to Manila was the liberation of the

islands from the Spanish control, which they had been laboring for years

without success to throw off.

The prompt accomplishment of this work by the American Army and Navy

gave him other ideas and ambitions, and insidious suggestions from

various quarters perverted the purposes and intentions with which he had

taken up arms. No sooner had our army captured Manila than the Filipino

forces began to assume an attitude of suspicion and hostility which the

utmost efforts of our officers and troops were unable to disarm or

modify. Their kindness and forbearance were taken as a proof of

cowardice. The aggressions of the Filipinos continually increased until

finally, just before the time set by the Senate of the United States for

a vote upon the treaty, an attack, evidently prepared in advance, was

made all along the American lines, which resulted in a terribly

destructive and sanguinary repulse of the insurgents.

Ten days later an order of the insurgent government was issued to its

adherents who had remained in Manila, of which General Otis justly

observes that "for barbarous intent it is unequaled in modern times."

It directs that at 8 o'clock on the night of the 15th of February the

"territorial militia" shall come together in the streets of San Pedro

armed with their _bolos_, with guns and ammunition where convenient;

that Filipino families only shall be respected; but that all other

individuals, of whatever race they may be, shall be exterminated without

any compassion, after the extermination of the army of occupation,

and adds: "Brothers, we must avenge ourselves on the Americans and

exterminate them, that we may take our revenge for the infamies and

treacheries which they have committed upon us. Have no compassion upon

them; attack with vigor." A copy of this fell by good fortune into the

hands of our officers and they were able to take measures to control the

rising, which was actually attempted on the night of February 22, a week

later than was originally contemplated. Considerable numbers of armed

insurgents entered the city by waterways and swamps and in concert with

confederates inside attempted to destroy Manila by fire. They were kept

in check during the night and the next day driven out of the city with

heavy loss.

This was the unhappy condition of affairs which confronted our

Commissioners on their arrival in Manila. They had come with the hope

and intention of co-operating with Admiral Dewey and Major-General Otis

in establishing peace and order in the archipelago and the largest

measure of self-government compatible with the true welfare of the

people. What they actually found can best be set forth in their own

words:

Deplorable as war is, the one in which we are now engaged was

unavoidable by us. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous, and

enthusiastic army. No alternative was left to us except ignominious

retreat.

It is not to be conceived of that any American would have sanctioned

the surrender of Manila to the insurgents. Our obligations to other

nations and to the friendly Filipinos and to ourselves and our flag

demanded that force should be met by force. Whatever the future of

the Philippines may be, there is no course open to us now except the

prosecution of the war until the insurgents are reduced to submission.

The Commission is of the opinion that there has been no time since

the destruction of the Spanish squadron by Admiral Dewey when it was

possible to withdraw our forces from the island either with honor to

ourselves or with safety to the inhabitants.

The course thus clearly indicated has been unflinchingly pursued.

The rebellion must be put down. Civil government cannot be thoroughly

established until order is restored. With a devotion and gallantry

worthy of its most brilliant history, the Army, ably and loyally

assisted by the Navy, has carried on this unwelcome but most righteous

campaign with richly deserved success. The noble self-sacrifice with

which our soldiers and sailors whose terms of service had expired

refused to avail themselves of their right to return home as long as

they were needed at the front forms one of the brightest pages in our

annals. Although their operations have been somewhat interrupted and

checked by a rainy season of unusual violence and duration, they have

gained ground steadily in every direction, and now look forward

confidently to a speedy completion of their task.

The unfavorable circumstances connected with an active campaign have

not been permitted to interfere with the equally important work of

reconstruction. Again I invite your attention to the report of the

Commissioners for the interesting and encouraging details of the work

already accomplished in the establishment of peace and order and the

inauguration of self-governing municipal life in many portions of the

archipelago. A notable beginning has been made in the establishment

of a government in the island of Negros which is deserving of special

consideration. This was the first island to accept American sovereignty.

Its people unreservedly proclaimed allegiance to the United States

and adopted a constitution looking to the establishment of a popular

government. It was impossible to guarantee to the people of Negros that

the constitution so adopted should be the ultimate form of government.

Such a question, under the treaty with Spain and in accordance with our

own Constitution and laws, came exclusively within the jurisdiction

of the Congress. The government actually set up by the inhabitants of

Negros eventually proved unsatisfactory to the natives themselves. A new

system was put into force by order of the Major-General Commanding the

Department, of which the following are the most important elements:

It was ordered that the government of the island of Negros should

consist of a military governor appointed by the United States military

governor of the Philippines, and a civil governor and an advisory

council elected by the people. The military governor was authorized

to appoint secretaries of the treasury, interior, agriculture, public

instruction, an attorney-general, and an auditor. The seat of government

was fixed at Bacolod. The military governor exercises the supreme

executive power. He is to see that the laws are executed, appoint to

office, and fill all vacancies in office not otherwise provided for,

and may, with the approval of the military governor of the Philippines,

remove any officer from office. The civil governor advises the military

governor on all public civil questions and presides over the advisory

council. He, in general, performs the duties which are performed by

secretaries of state in our own system of government.

The advisory council consists of eight members elected by the people

within territorial limits which are defined in the order of the

commanding general.

The times and places of holding elections are to be fixed by the

military governor of the island of Negros. The qualifications of voters

are as follows:

(1) A voter must be a male citizen of the island of Negros. (2) Of the

age of 21 years. (3) He shall be able to speak, read, and write the

English, Spanish, or Visayan language, or he must own real property

worth $500, or pay a rental on real property of the value of $1,000. (4)

He must have resided in the island not less than one year preceding, and

in the district in which he offers to register as a voter not less than

three months immediately preceding the time he offers to register. (5)

He must register at a time fixed by law before voting. (6) Prior to such

registration he shall have paid all taxes due by him to the Government.

Provided, that no insane person shall be allowed to register or vote.

The military governor has the right to veto all bills or resolutions

adopted by the advisory council, and his veto is final if not

disapproved by the military governor of the Philippines.

The advisory council discharges all the ordinary duties of a

legislature. The usual duties pertaining to said offices are to be

performed by the secretaries of the treasury, interior, agriculture,

public instruction, the attorney-general, and the auditor.

The judicial power is vested in three judges, who are to be appointed

by the military governor of the island. Inferior courts are to be

established.

Free public schools are to be established throughout the populous

districts of the island, in which the English language shall be taught,

and this subject will receive the careful consideration of the advisory

council.

The burden of government must be distributed equally and equitably among

the people. The military authorities will collect and receive the

customs revenue, and will control postal matters and Philippine

inter-island trade and commerce.

The military governor, subject to the approval of the military governor

of the Philippines, determines all questions not specifically provided

for and which do not come under the jurisdiction of the advisory

council.

The authorities of the Sulu Islands have accepted the succession of

the United States to the rights of Spain, and our flag floats over

that territory. On the 10th of August, 1899, Brig.-Gen. J.C. Bates,

United States Volunteers, negotiated an agreement with the Sultan

and his principal chiefs, which I transmit herewith. By Article I the

sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Jolo

and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged.

The United States flag will be used in the archipelago and its

dependencies, on land and sea. Piracy is to be suppressed, and the

Sultan agrees to co-operate heartily with the United States authorities

to that end and to make every possible effort to arrest and bring to

justice all persons engaged in piracy. All trade in domestic products of

the archipelago of Jolo when carried on with any part of the Philippine

Islands and under the American flag shall be free, unlimited, and

undutiable. The United States will give full protection to the Sultan in

case any foreign nation should attempt to impose upon him. The United

States will not sell the island of Jolo or any other island of the Jolo

archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan.

Salaries for the Sultan and his associates in the administration of the

islands have been agreed upon to the amount of $760 monthly.

Article X provides that any slave in the archipelago of Jolo shall have

the right to purchase freedom by paying to the master the usual market

value. The agreement by General Bates was made subject to confirmation

by the President and to future modifications by the consent of the

parties in interest. I have confirmed said agreement, subject to the

action of the Congress, and with the reservation, which I have directed

shall be communicated to the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not

to be deemed in any way to authorize or give the consent of the United

States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu archipelago. I

communicate these facts to the Congress for its information and action.

Everything indicates that with the speedy suppression of the Tagalo

rebellion life in the archipelago will soon resume its ordinary course

under the protection of our sovereignty, and the people of those favored

islands will enjoy a prosperity and a freedom which they have never

before known. Already hundreds of schools are open and filled with

children. Religious freedom is sacredly assured and enjoyed. The courts

are dispensing justice. Business is beginning to circulate in its

accustomed channels. Manila, whose inhabitants were fleeing to the

country a few months ago, is now a populous and thriving mart of

commerce. The earnest and unremitting endeavors of the Commission and

the Admiral and Major-General Commanding the Department of the Pacific

to assure the people of the beneficent intentions of this Government

have had their legitimate effect in convincing the great mass of them

that peace and safety and prosperity and stable government can only be

found in a loyal acceptance of the authority of the United States.

The future government of the Philippines rests with the Congress of the

United States. Few graver responsibilities have ever been confided to

us. If we accept them in a spirit worthy of our race and our traditions,

a great opportunity comes with them. The islands lie under the shelter

of our flag. They are ours by every title of law and equity. They cannot

be abandoned. If we desert them we leave them at once to anarchy and

finally to barbarism. We fling them, a golden apple of discord, among

the rival powers, no one of which could permit another to seize them

unquestioned. Their rich plains and valleys would be the scene of

endless strife and bloodshed. The advent of Dewey's fleet in Manila Bay

instead of being, as we hope, the dawn of a new day of freedom and

progress, will have been the beginning of an era of misery and violence

worse than any which has darkened their unhappy past. The suggestion

has been made that we could renounce our authority over the islands

and, giving them independence, could retain a protectorate over them.

This proposition will not be found, I am sure, worthy of your serious

attention. Such an arrangement would involve at the outset a cruel

breach of faith. It would place the peaceable and loyal majority, who

ask nothing better than to accept our authority, at the mercy of the

minority of armed insurgents. It would make us responsible for the acts

of the insurgent leaders and give us no power to control them. It would

charge us with the task of protecting them against each other and

defending them against any foreign power with which they chose to

quarrel. In short, it would take from the Congress of the United States

the power of declaring war and vest that tremendous prerogative in the

Tagal leader of the hour.

It does not seem desirable that I should recommend at this time a

specific and final form of government for these islands. When peace

shall be restored it will be the duty of Congress to construct a plan

of government which shall establish and maintain freedom and order and

peace in the Philippines. The insurrection is still existing, and when

it terminates further information will be required as to the actual

condition of affairs before inaugurating a permanent scheme of civil

government. The full report of the Commission, now in preparation, will

contain information and suggestions which will be of value to Congress,

and which I will transmit as soon as it is completed. As long as the

insurrection continues the military arm must necessarily be supreme.

But there is no reason why steps should not be taken from time to time

to inaugurate governments essentially popular in their form as fast

as territory is held and controlled by our troops. To this end I am

considering the advisability of the return of the Commission, or such of

the members thereof as can be secured, to aid the existing authorities

and facilitate this work throughout the islands. I have believed that

reconstruction should not begin by the establishment of one central

civil government for all the islands, with its seat at Manila, but

rather that the work should be commenced by building up from the bottom,

first establishing municipal governments and then provincial

governments, a central government at last to follow.

Until Congress shall have made known the formal expression of its

will I shall use the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the

statutes to uphold the sovereignty of the United States in those distant

islands as in all other places where our flag rightfully floats. I shall

put at the disposal of the Army and Navy all the means which the

liberality of Congress and the people have provided to cause this

unprovoked and wasteful insurrection to cease.

If any orders of mine were required to insure the merciful conduct of

military and naval operations, they would not be lacking; but every step

of the progress of our troops has been marked by a humanity which has

surprised even the misguided insurgents. The truest kindness to them

will be a swift and effective defeat of their present leader. The hour

of victory will be the hour of clemency and reconstruction.

No effort will be spared to build up the waste places desolated by war

and by long years of misgovernment. We shall not wait for the end of

strife to begin the beneficent work. We shall continue, as we have

begun, to open the schools and the churches, to set the courts in

operation, to foster industry and trade and agriculture, and in every

way in our power to make these people whom Providence has brought within

our jurisdiction feel that it is their liberty and not our power, their

welfare and not our gain, we are seeking to enhance. Our flag has never

waved over any community but in blessing. I believe the Filipinos will

soon recognize the fact that it has not lost its gift of benediction in

its world-wide journey to their shores.

* * * * *

Some embarrassment in administration has occurred by reason of the

peculiar status which the Hawaiian Islands at present occupy under the

joint resolution of annexation approved July 7, 1898. While by that

resolution the Republic of Hawaii as an independent nation was

extinguished, its separate sovereignty destroyed, and its property and

possessions vested in the United States, yet a complete establishment

for its government under our system was not effected. While the

municipal laws of the islands not enacted for the fulfillment of

treaties and not inconsistent with the joint resolution or contrary to

the Constitution of the United States or any of its treaties remain in

force, yet these laws relate only to the social and internal affairs of

the islands, and do not touch many subjects of importance which are

of a broader national character. For example, the Hawaiian Republic

was divested of all title to the public lands in the islands, and is

not only unable to dispose of lands to settlers desiring to take up

homestead sites, but is without power to give complete title in cases

where lands have been entered upon under lease or other conditions which

carry with them the right to the purchaser, lessee, or settler to have a

full title granted to him upon compliance with the conditions prescribed

by law or by his particular agreement of entry.

Questions of doubt and difficulty have also arisen with reference to

the collection of tonnage tax on vessels coming from Hawaiian ports;

with reference to the status of Chinese in the islands, their entrance

and exit therefrom; as to patents and copyrights; as to the register

of vessels under the navigation laws; as to the necessity of holding

elections in accordance with the provisions of the Hawaiian statutes

for the choice of various officers, and as to several other matters of

detail touching the interests both of the island and of the Federal

Government.

By the resolution of annexation the President was directed to appoint

five commissioners to recommend to Congress such legislation concerning

the islands as they should deem necessary or proper. These commissioners

were duly appointed and after a careful investigation and study of the

system of laws and government prevailing in the islands, and of the

conditions existing there, they prepared a bill to provide a government

under the title of "The Territory of Hawaii." The report of the

Commission, with the bill which they prepared, was transmitted by me to

Congress on December 6, 1898, but the bill still awaits final action.

The people of these islands are entitled to the benefits and privileges

of our Constitution, but in the absence of any act of Congress providing

for Federal courts in the islands, and for a procedure by which appeals,

writs of error, and other judicial proceedings necessary for the

enforcement of civil rights may be prosecuted, they are powerless to

secure their enforcement by the judgment of the courts of the United

States. It is manifestly important, therefore, that an act shall be

passed as speedily as possible erecting these islands into a judicial

district, providing for the appointment of a judge and other proper

officers and methods of procedure in appellate proceedings, and that the

government of this newly acquired territory under the Federal

Constitution shall be fully defined and provided for.

* * * * *

A necessity for immediate legislative relief exists in the Territory of

Alaska. Substantially the only law providing a civil government for this

Territory is the act of May 17, 1884. This is meager in its provisions,

and is fitted only for the administration of affairs in a country

sparsely inhabited by civilized people and unimportant in trade and

production, as was Alaska at the time this act was passed. The increase

in population by immigration during the past few years, consequent

upon the discovery of gold, has produced such a condition as calls

for more ample facilities for local self-government and more numerous

conveniences of civil and judicial administration. Settlements have

grown up in various places, constituting in point of population and

business cities of thousands of inhabitants, yet there is no provision

of law under which a municipality can be organized or maintained.

In some localities the inhabitants have met together and voluntarily

formed a municipal organization for the purposes of local government,

adopting the form of a municipal constitution and charter, under

which said officials have been appointed; and ordinances creating and

regulating a police force, a fire department, a department of health,

and making provision for the care of the insane and indigent poor and

sick and for public schools, have been passed. These proceedings and

the ordinances passed by such municipalities are without statutory

authority and have no sanction, except as they are maintained by the

popular sentiment of the community. There is an entire absence of

authority to provide the ordinary instruments of local police control

and administration, the population consisting of the usual percentage

of lawless adventurers of the class that always flock to new fields of

enterprise or discovery, and under circumstances which require more than

ordinary provision for the maintenance of peace, good order, and lawful

conduct.

The whole vast area of Alaska comprises but one judicial district, with

one judge, one marshal, and one district attorney, yet the civil and

criminal business has more than doubled within the past year, and is

many times greater both in volume and importance than it was in 1884.

The duties of the judge require him to travel thousands of miles to

discharge his judicial duties at the various places designated for that

purpose. The Territory should be divided into at least two districts,

and an additional judge, district attorney, marshal, and other

appropriate officers be provided.

There is practically no organized form of government in the Territory.

There is no authority, except in Congress, to pass any law, no matter

how local or trivial, and the difficulty of conveying to the Congress an

adequate conception and understanding of the various needs of the people

in the different communities is easily understood. I see no reason why a

more complete form of Territorial organization should not be provided.

Following the precedent established in the year 1805, when a temporary

government was provided for the recently acquired territory, then

known under the name of Louisiana, it seems to me that it would be

advantageous to confer greater executive power upon the governor and

to establish, as was done in the case of the Territory of Louisiana, a

legislative council having power to adopt ordinances which shall extend

to all the rightful subjects of local legislation, such ordinances not

to take effect until reported to and approved by the Congress if in

session, and if that body is not in session then by the President.

In this manner a system of laws providing for the incorporation and

government of towns and cities having a certain population, giving them

the power to establish and maintain a system of education to be locally

supported, and ordinances providing for police, sanitary, and other such

purposes, could be speedily provided. I believe a provision of this kind

would be satisfactory to the people of the Territory. It is probable

that the area is too vast and the population too scattered and

transitory to make it wise at the present time to provide for an

elective legislative body, but the conditions calling for local

self-government will undoubtedly very soon exist, and will be

facilitated by the measures which I have recommended.

* * * * *

I recommend that legislation to the same end be had with reference to

the government of Puerto Rico. The time is ripe for the adoption of a

temporary form of government for this island; and many suggestions made

with reference to Alaska are applicable also to Puerto Rico.

The system of civil jurisprudence now adopted by the people of this

island is described by competent lawyers who are familiar with it, as

thoroughly modern and scientific, so far as it relates to matters of

internal business, trade, production, and social and private right in

general. The cities of the island are governed under charters which

probably require very little or no change. So that with relation to

matters of local concern and private right, it is not probable that

much, if any, legislation is desirable; but with reference to public

administration and the relations of the island to the Federal

Government, there are many matters which are of pressing urgency.

The same necessity exists for legislation on the part of Congress to

establish Federal courts and Federal jurisdiction in the island as has

been previously pointed out by me with reference to Hawaii. Besides the

administration of justice, there are the subjects of the public lands;

the control and improvement of rivers and harbors; the control of the

waters or streams not navigable, which, under the Spanish law, belonged

to the Crown of Spain, and have by the treaty of cession passed to the

United States; the immigration of people from foreign countries; the

importation of contract labor; the imposition and collection of internal

revenue; the application of the navigation laws; the regulation of the

current money; the establishment of post-offices and post-roads; the

regulation of tariff rates on merchandise imported from the island into

the United States; the establishment of ports of entry and delivery; the

regulation of patents and copyrights; these, with various other subjects

which rest entirely within the power of the Congress, call for careful

consideration and immediate action.

It must be borne in mind that since the cession Puerto Rico has been

denied the principal markets she had long enjoyed and our tariffs have

been continued against her products as when she was under Spanish

sovereignty. The markets of Spain are closed to her products except upon

terms to which the commerce of all nations is subjected. The island of

Cuba, which used to buy her cattle and tobacco without customs duties,

now imposes the same duties upon these products as from any other

country entering her ports. She has therefore lost her free intercourse

with Spain and Cuba without any compensating benefits in this market.

Her coffee was little known and not in use by our people, and therefore

there was no demand here for this, one of her chief products. The

markets of the United States should be opened up to her products. Our

plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United States

and Puerto Rico and give her products free access to our markets.

As a result of the hurricane which swept over Puerto Rico on the 8th of

August, 1899, over 100,000 people were reduced to absolute destitution,

without homes, and deprived of the necessaries of life. To the appeal

of the War Department the people of the United States made prompt and

generous response. In addition to the private charity of our people,

the War Department has expended for the relief of the distressed

$392,342.63, which does not include the cost of transportation.

It is desirable that the government of the island under the law of

belligerent right, now maintained through the Executive Department,

should be superseded by an administration entirely civil in its nature.

For present purposes I recommend that Congress pass a law for the

organization of a temporary government, which shall provide for the

appointment by the President, subject to confirmation by the Senate, of

a governor and such other officers as the general administration of the

island may require, and that for legislative purposes upon subjects of a

local nature not partaking of a Federal character a legislative council,

composed partly of Puerto Ricans and partly of citizens of the United

States, shall be nominated and appointed by the President, subject to

confirmation by the Senate, their acts to be subject to the approval

of the Congress or the President prior to going into effect. In the

municipalities and other local subdivisions I recommend that the

principle of local self-government be applied at once, so as to enable

the intelligent citizens of the island to participate in their own

government and to learn by practical experience the duties and

requirements of a self-contained and self-governing people. I have

not thought it wise to commit the entire government of the island to

officers selected by the people, because I doubt whether in habits,

training, and experience they are such as to fit them to exercise at

once so large a degree of self-government; but it is my judgment and

expectation that they will soon arrive at an attainment of experience

and wisdom and self-control that will justify conferring upon them a

much larger participation in the choice of their insular officers.

The fundamental requirement for these people, as for all people, is

education. The free schoolhouse is the best preceptor for citizenship.

In the introduction of modern educational methods care, however, must

be exercised that changes be not made too abruptly and that the history

and racial peculiarities of the inhabitants shall be given due weight.

Systems of education in these new possessions founded upon common-sense

methods, adapted to existing conditions and looking to the future moral

and industrial advancement of the people, will commend to them in a

peculiarly effective manner the blessings of free government.

* * * * *

The love of law and the sense of obedience and submission to the

lawfully constituted judicial tribunals are embedded in the hearts of

our people, and any violation of these sentiments and disregard of their

obligations justly arouses public condemnation. The guaranties of life,

liberty, and of civil rights should be faithfully upheld; the right of

trial by jury respected and defended. The rule of the courts should

assure the public of the prompt trial of those charged with criminal

offenses, and upon conviction the punishment should be commensurate with

the enormity of the crime.

Those who, in disregard of law and the public peace, unwilling to await

the judgment of court and jury, constitute themselves judges and

executioners should not escape the severest penalties for their crimes.

What I said in my inaugural address of March 4, 1897, I now repeat:

The constituted authorities must be cheerfully and vigorously upheld.

Lynchings must not be tolerated in a great and civilized country like

the United States. Courts, not mobs, must execute the penalties of the

laws. The preservation of public order, the right of discussion, the

integrity of courts, and the orderly administration of justice must

continue forever the rock of safety upon which our Government securely

rests.

In accordance with the act of Congress providing for an appropriate

national celebration in the year 1900 of the establishment of the seat

of Government in the District of Columbia, I have appointed a committee,

consisting of the governors of all the States and Territories of the

United States, who have been invited to assemble in the city of

Washington on the 21st of December, 1899, which, with the committees of

the Congress and the District of Columbia, are charged with the proper

conduct of this celebration.

* * * * *

Congress at its last session appropriated five thousand dollars "to

enable the Chief of Engineers of the Army to continue the examination of

the subject and to make or secure designs, calculations, and estimates

for a memorial bridge from the most convenient point of the Naval

Observatory grounds, or adjacent thereto, across the Potomac River

to the most convenient point of the Arlington estate property." In

accordance with the provisions of this act, the Chief of Engineers has

selected four eminent bridge engineers to submit competitive designs

for a bridge combining the elements of strength and durability and such

architectural embellishment and ornamentation as will fitly apply to

the dedication, "A memorial to American patriotism." The designs are

now being prepared, and as soon as completed will be submitted to

the Congress by the Secretary of War. The proposed bridge would be a

convenience to all the people from every part of the country who visit

the national cemetery, an ornament to the Capital of the Nation, and

forever stand as a monument to American patriotism. I do not doubt that

Congress will give to the enterprise still further proof of its favor

and approval.

* * * * *

The executive order of May 6, 1896, extending the limits of the

classified service, brought within the operation of the civil-service

law and rules nearly all of the executive civil service not previously

classified.

Some of the inclusions were found wholly illogical and unsuited

to the work of the several Departments. The application of the rules

to many of the places so included was found to result in friction and

embarrassment. After long and very careful consideration, it became

evident to the heads of the Departments, responsible for their

efficiency, that in order to remove these difficulties and promote

an efficient and harmonious administration certain amendments were

necessary. These amendments were promulgated by me in executive order

dated May 29, 1899.

The principal purpose of the order was to except from competitive

examination certain places involving fiduciary responsibilities or

duties of a strictly confidential, scientific, or executive character

which it was thought might better be filled either by noncompetitive

examination, or in the discretion of the appointing officer, than by

open competition. These places were comparatively few in number. The

order provides for the filling of a much larger number of places, mainly

in the outside service of the War Department, by what is known as the

registration system, under regulations to be approved by the President,

similar to those which have produced such admirable results in the

navy-yard service.

All of the amendments had for their main object a more efficient and

satisfactory administration of the system of appointments established

by the civil-service law. The results attained show that under their

operation the public service has improved and that the civil-service

system is relieved of many objectionable features which heretofore

subjected it to just criticism and the administrative officers to the

charge of unbusinesslike methods in the conduct of public affairs. It

is believed that the merit system has been greatly strengthened and its

permanence assured. It will be my constant aim in the administration of

government in our new possessions to make fitness, character, and merit

essential to appointment to office, and to give to the capable and

deserving inhabitants preference in appointments.

The 14th of December will be the One Hundredth Anniversary of the death

of Washington. For a hundred years the Republic has had the priceless

advantage of the lofty standard of character and conduct which he

bequeathed to the American people. It is an inheritance which time,

instead of wasting, continually increases and enriches. We may justly

hope that in the years to come the benignant influence of the Father of

his Country may be even more potent for good than in the century which

is drawing to a close. I have been glad to learn that in many parts of

the country the people will fittingly observe this historic anniversary.

Presented to this Congress are great opportunities. With them come great

responsibilities. The power confided to us increases the weight of our

obligations to the people, and we must be profoundly sensible of them

as we contemplate the new and grave problems which confront us. Aiming

only at the public good, we cannot err. A right interpretation of the

people's will and of duty cannot fail to insure wise measures for the

welfare of the islands which have come under the authority of the United

States, and inure to the common interest and lasting honor of our

country. Never has this Nation had more abundant cause than during the

past year for thankfulness to God for manifold blessings and mercies,

for which we make reverent acknowledgment.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, December 11, 1899_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith, for the consideration of the Congress, a

communication from the secretary of the Chamber of Commerce of the State

of New York, inclosing resolutions unanimously adopted by that chamber

on June 1, 1899, requesting legislation authorizing the appointment of

commercial _attachés_ to the principal embassies and legations of

the United States.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 4, 1900_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of December 20, 1899, I

transmit herewith a copy of the report of the commission appointed by

the President to investigate the conduct of the War Department in the

war with Spain, together with a copy of all the testimony taken by said

commission.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, February 1, 1900_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of January 24, 1900, I

transmit herewith a copy of the report and all accompanying papers of

Brig-Gen. John C. Bates, in relation to the negotiations of a treaty or

agreement made by him with the Sultan of Sulu on the 20th day of August,

1899.

I reply to the request and said resolution for further information that

the payments of money provided for by the agreement will be made from

the revenues of the Philippine Islands, unless Congress shall otherwise

direct.

Such payments are not for specific services but are a part consideration

due to the Sulu tribe or nation under the agreement, and they have been

stipulated for subject to the action of Congress in conformity with the

practice of this Government from the earliest times in its agreements

with the various Indian nations occupying and governing portions of the

territory subject to the sovereignty of the United States.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 2, 1900_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith, for the information of the Congress, a report of a

commission appointed by me on January 20, 1899, to investigate affairs

in the Philippine Islands.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 21, 1900_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, in response to

the resolution of the House of Representatives of February 19, 1900,

calling upon him to inform the House of Representatives--

1. If "Charles E. Macrum, as consul of the American Government, informed

the State Department that his official mail had been opened and read by

the British censor at Durban, and if so, what steps, if any, have been

taken in relation thereto; and

2. "What truth there is in the charge that a secret alliance exists

between the Republic of the United States and the Empire of Great

Britain."

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 5, 1900_.

_To the Senate_:

In response to the following resolution of the Senate of January 17,

1900, requesting the President--

If in his judgment not incompatible with the public interest, to

communicate to the Senate all communications which have been received by

him or by any Department or officer, civil or military, from Aguinaldo

or any other person undertaking to represent the people in arms against

the United States in the Philippine Islands, or any alleged government

or public authority of said people, and all replies to such

communications;

Also, the proclamation sent by him to be issued to the people of the

Philippine Islands, as actually directed by him to be issued, and the

same as actually proclaimed by General Otis, if in any respect it was

altered or any part of it was omitted;

Also, to inform the Senate whether any approval or disapproval was

expressed by his authority, or that of the War Department, of such

change, if any;

Also, all constitutions, forms of government, or proclamations issued

by Aguinaldo, or any congress or legislative assembly or body claiming

to be such, or convention of the people of the Philippine Islands, or

any part thereof, or claiming to represent them or any part thereof,

of which information may have come to him or to any Department of the

Government;

Also, all instructions given by him to the commissioners of the

Philippine Islands, or either of them;

Also, any information which may have come to him, or any Department of

the Government, since January 1, 1898, in regard to any plans of the

people in arms against the United States for the pillage of Manila, for

risings in the city, or for the destruction of foreign property and the

massacre of foreign residents;

Also, any information that may have come to him, or any Department

of the Government, of the treatment of the other inhabitants of the

Philippines by those in arms against the authority of the United States,

and of the attitude and feeling of such other inhabitants or tribes

toward the so-called government of Aguinaldo and his armed followers;

Also, any information that may have come to him, or any Department of

the Government, of the treatment of prisoners, either Spanish or

American, by the people in arms against the authority of the United

States;

Also, any information that may have come to him, or any Department of

the Government, as to any aid or encouragement received by Aguinaldo and

his followers from persons in the United States; as to what pamphlets,

speeches, or other documents emanating from the United States and

adverse to its authority and to its policy were circulated in whole or

in part among the Filipinos in arms against the United States, among the

other inhabitants of the islands, or among the soldiers of the United

States, and any information as to the effect, if any, of such pamphlets,

speeches, and other documents, or of similar utterances in the United

States upon the course of the rebellion against the United States;

Also, any further or other information which would tend to throw light

upon the conduct and events of the insurrection against the authority

of the United States in the Philippine Islands, and of the military

movements for its suppression since January 1, 1898.

And that the President be further requested to communicate, without

delay, so much of such information as is now in his possession or in

that of any Department at Washington, without waiting to obtain so much

of said information as may require considerable delay or communication

with the Philippine Islands, and to communicate the remainder of the

information as soon thereafter as it can be obtained,

I transmit herewith the following papers:

First. Copies of all communications which have been received by me, or

by any Department or officer, civil or military, from Aguinaldo, or any

other person undertaking to represent the people in arms against the

United States in the Philippine Islands, or any alleged government or

public authority of said people, and copies of all replies to such

communications, so far as such communications and replies have been

reported to me or to any Executive Department. Said copies of documents

are appended hereto marked "I."

Second. Copy of instructions relating to a proclamation sent to General

Otis and of the proclamation issued by General Otis pursuant thereto.

Said copies of documents are appended hereto, marked "II." No

disapproval of the said proclamation was expressed by my authority or

that of the War Department. It was, in fact, approved by me, although no

formal communication to that effect was sent to General Otis.

Also, among the papers marked "II," a letter of instructions to

Maj.-Gen. Wesley Merritt, commanding the army in the Philippines, under

date of May 28, 1898, and a proclamation issued by him to the people of

the Philippines dated August 14, 1898.

Third. Copies of English translations of all constitutions, forms of

government, or proclamations issued by Aguinaldo, or any congress or

legislative assembly or body claiming to be such, or convention of the

people of the Philippine Islands, or any part thereof, or claiming to

represent them, or any part thereof, of which information has come to me

or to any Department of the Government. Said copies of documents are

appended hereto marked "III."

Fourth. Copies of all written instructions given by me to the

commissioners to the Philippine Islands, or either of them. Said copies

of documents are appended hereto marked "IV."

Fifth. Such information as has come to me, or any Department of the

Government, since January 1, 1898, in regard to any plans of the people

in arms against the United States for the pillage of Manila, for risings

in the city, or for the destruction of foreign property and the massacre

of foreign residents. Said copies of documents are appended hereto

marked "V."

Sixth. The information which has come to me, or any Department of the

Government, of the treatment of the other inhabitants of the Philippines

by those in arms against the authority of the United States, and of the

attitude and feeling of such other inhabitants or tribes toward the

so-called government of Aguinaldo and his armed followers, is contained

in the preliminary statement of the Philippine Commission, dated

November 2, 1899, in the report of the Philippine Commission, dated

January 31, 1900, and transmitted by me to Congress February 2, 1900,

together with the preliminary statement, and the report of Maj.-Gen. E.

S. Otis, United States Volunteers, commanding the Department of the

Pacific and Eighth Army Corps, dated August 31, 1899, and transmitted to

Congress with the report of the Secretary of War, dated November 29,

1899, with the accompanying documents.

Seventh. The information which has come to me, or any Department of the

Government, of the treatment of prisoners, either Spanish or American,

by the people in arms against the authority of the United States, is

contained in the same documents.

Eighth. The information that has come to me, or any Department of the

Government, as to any aid or encouragement received by Aguinaldo and

his followers from persons in the United States, as to what pamphlets,

speeches, or other documents emanating from the United States, and

adverse to its authority and to its policy, were circulated, in whole or

in part, among the Filipinos in arms against the United States, among

the other inhabitants of the islands, or among the soldiers of the

United States, and any information as to the effect, if any, of such

pamphlets, speeches, and other documents, or of similar utterances in

the United States upon the course of the rebellion against the United

States is contained in the same documents, and the copies of documents

appended hereto marked "VI."

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 15, 1900_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In response to the resolution of the Senate of March 12, 1900, calling

for the correspondence touching the request of the Government of the

South African Republics for my intervention with a view to the cessation

of hostilities, I transmit herewith a report of the Secretary of State

furnishing the requested papers.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 21, 1900_.

_To the Senate_:

In response to the resolution of the Senate of January 23, 1900,

requesting the President, "if in his opinion it is not incompatible

with the public interest, to furnish the Senate with copies of the

correspondence with the Republic of Colombia in relation to the Panama

Canal and to the treaty between this Government and New Granada

concluded December 12, 1846, not heretofore communicated," I transmit

herewith a report from the Secretary of State, with accompanying papers.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, March 27, 1900_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

In response to the resolution of the House of Representatives of March

24, 1900, reading as follows:

WHEREAS the commercial community of the United States is deeply

interested in ascertaining the conditions which are to govern trade

in such parts of the Chinese Empire as are claimed by various foreign

powers to be within their "areas of interest"; and

WHEREAS bills are now pending before both Houses of Congress for the

dispatch of a mission to China to study its economic condition:

Therefore, be it

_Resolved_, That the President of the United States be requested

to transmit to the House of Representatives, if not incompatible with

the public service, such correspondence as may have passed between the

Department of State and various foreign Governments concerning the

maintenance of the "open door" policy in China,

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, with

accompanying papers.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, April 2, 1900_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a copy of a letter from Mr. Ferdinand W. Peck,

Commissioner-General of the United States to the Paris Exposition of

1900, dated November 17, 1899, submitting a detailed statement of the

expenditures incurred under authority of law.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 17, 1900_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State in response

to the resolution of the House of Representatives of March 23, 1900,

calling for copies of any and all letters on file in the Department of

State from citizens of the United States resident in the South African

Republic from January 1, 1899, to the present time, making complaints

of treatment by the South African Republic.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 3, 1900_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I herewith return, without approval, House bill No. 4001, entitled "An

act authorizing the rights of settlers on the Navajo Indian Reservation,

Territory of Arizona." My objections to the bill are embodied in the

following statement:

This tribe has a population of about 20,500 souls, of whom 1,000 dress

in the manner of white men, 250 can read, and 500 use enough English

for ordinary conversation. Last year they cultivated 8,000 acres, and

possessed approximately 1,000,000 sheep, 250,000 goats, 100,500 cattle,

1,200 swine, and very considerable herds of horses and ponies.

Prior to January last the reservation, which is in the extreme

northeastern portion of the Territory of Arizona, consisted of lands

set apart for the use of these Indians under the treaty of June 1, 1863

(15 Stat., 667), and subsequent executive orders. On account of the

conditions naturally prevailing in that section, the reservation, as

then constituted, was altogether inadequate for the purpose for which

it was set apart. There was not a sufficient supply of grass or water

within its borders for the flocks and herds of the tribe, and in

consequence more than one-third of the Indians were habitually off the

reservation with their flocks and herds, and were in frequent contention

and strife with whites over pasturage and water.

After most careful inquiry and inspection of the reservation as it

then existed, and of adjacent land by efficient officers in the Indian

service, the Commission of Indian Affairs, with the concurrence of

the Secretary of the Interior, recommended that the limits of the

reservation be extended westward so as to embrace the lands lying

between the Navajo and Moqui Indian reservations on the east and the

Colorado and Little Colorado Rivers and the Grand Canyon Forest Reserve

on the west. This recommendation was supported by a very numerously

signed petition from the white residents of that section, and also by a

letter from the Governor of the Territory of Arizona, in which it was

said:

I understand that a petition has been forwarded asking that the western

limit be fixed at the Little Colorado River, as being better for all

concerned and less liable to cause friction between the Indians and the

whites. I earnestly hope that the prayer of the petitioners be granted,

for the reason that the Little Colorado could be made a natural dividing

line, distinct and well defined, and would extend the grazing territory

of the Navajoes to a very considerable extent without seriously

encroaching upon the interests of white settlers who have their property

in that neighborhood.

I think great care should be exercised in questions of this nature

because of possible serious friction which may occur if the interests of

all concerned are not carefully protected.

The investigation which preceded this recommendation, and upon which it

was in part based, showed that with the boundaries of the reservation

thus extended the Indians would be able to obtain within the limits of

the reservation sufficient grass and water for their flocks and herds,

and the Government would therefore be justified in confining them to the

reservation, thus avoiding the prior contention and friction between

them and the whites.

It appearing that but little aid had been extended to these Indians by

the Government for many years, that they had taken on habits of industry

and husbandry, which entitled them to encouragement, and that it was

neither just nor possible to confine them to the limits of a reservation

which would not sustain their flocks and herds, an order was issued by

me January 8 last, extending the reservation boundaries as recommended.

The Indians have accepted this as an evidence of the good faith of the

Government toward them, and it is now the belief of those charged with

the administration of Indian affairs that further contention and

friction between the Indians and whites will be avoided, if this

arrangement is not disturbed.

The present bill proposes to open to miners and prospectors, and to the

operation of the mining laws, a substantial portion of this reservation,

including a part of the lands covered by the recent order. There has

been no effort to obtain from the Indians a concession of this

character, nor has any reason been presented why, if these lands are to

be taken from them--for that will practically result from this bill, if

it becomes a law, even though not so intended--it should not be done in

pursuance of negotiations had with the Indians as in other instances.

The Indians could not understand how lands given to them in January as

necessary for their use should be taken away without previous notice in

May of the same year. While the Indians are the wards of the Government,

and must submit to that which is deemed for their best interests by the

sovereign guardian, they should, nevertheless, be dealt with in a manner

calculated to give them confidence in the Government and to assist them

in passing through the inevitable transition to a state of civilization

and full citizenship. Believing that due consideration has not been

given to the status and interests of the Indians, I withhold my approval

from the bill.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 12, 1900_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In reply to the resolution of the Senate, dated March 2, 1900, I send

herewith copy of an order to the provost marshal general of Manila,

dated March 8, 1900, and the various endorsements and reports thereon,

whereby it appears that the traffic in wine, beer, and liquor in the

city of Manila is now controlled under a rigidly enforced high-license

system; that the number of places where the liquor is sold has greatly

decreased; that all such places are required to be closed at 8:30 in the

evening on week days and to be kept closed on Sundays, and that the

orderly condition of the city compares favorably with cities of similar

size in the United States.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 12, 1900_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In response to a resolution of the Senate of April 11, 1900, reading as

follows:

_Resolved_, That the President be, and is hereby, requested, if not

incompatible with public interest, to inform the Senate whether persons

have been executed in Puerto Rico by the Spanish method of garrote since

he has been governing that country as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and

Navy of the United States; and if so, the President is requested to

inform the Senate why this mode of execution was adopted.

I transmit herewith copies of reports from Brig.-Gen. George W. Davis,

United States Volunteers, military governor of Puerto Rico, which

contain the information called for.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 19, 1900_.

_To the Senate_:

In response to the following resolution of the Senate of April 28, 1900:

_Resolved_, That the President be, and he is hereby requested, if

not incompatible with the public interest, to inform the Senate whether

General Torres, one of the officers of the Philippine army, came to

General Otis with a flag of truce on February 5, 1899, the day after

the fighting commenced between our forces and those of the Filipinos,

and stated to General Otis that General Aguinaldo declared that

fighting had been begun accidentally, and was not authorized by him,

and that Aguinaldo wished to have it stopped, and that to bring about

a conclusion of hostilities he proposed the establishment of a neutral

zone between the two armies of a width that would be agreeable to

General Otis, so that during the peace negotiations there might be no

further danger of conflict between the two armies, and whether General

Otis replied that fighting having once begun, must go on to the grim

end. Was General Otis directed by the Secretary of War to make such an

answer? Did General Otis telegraph the Secretary of War on February 9,

1899, as follows: "Aguinaldo now applies for a cessation of hostilities

and conference. Have declined to answer?" And did General Otis

afterwards reply? Was he directed by the Secretary of War to reply, and

what answer, if any, did he or the Secretary of War make to the

application to cease fighting?

The President is also requested to inform the Senate whether the flag of

the Philippine Republic was ever saluted by Admiral Dewey or any of the

vessels of his fleet at any time since May 1, 1898. "Did Admiral Dewey,

at the request of Aguinaldo, or any officer under him, send the vessels

_Concord_ and _Raleigh_ to Subig Bay to assist Aguinaldo's

forces in the capture of the Spanish garrison at that place? Did said

vessels assist in the capture of the Spanish garrison, and after the

capture did they turn the prisoners thus taken over to the Philippine

forces?"

I herewith transmit a copy of a cable dispatch to General Otis, dated

April 30, 1900, and of his reply, dated May 1, 1900.

General Otis was not directed by the Secretary of War to make such

an answer as is set forth in the resolution, nor were any answers

to communications upon the subject of the cessation of hostilities

prescribed by the Secretary of War to General Otis, but he was left to

exercise in respect thereof his own judgment, based upon his superior

knowledge of the conditions surrounding the troops under his command.

I also transmit a copy of a cable dispatch from General Otis, sent from

Manila February 8, 1899, received in Washington February 9, 1899, being

the same dispatch to which he refers in his reply of May 1, 1900 as

misleading. So far as I am informed, General Otis did not afterwards

reply, except as set forth in his dispatch of May 1, 1900. He was not

directed by the Secretary of War to reply, and no answer was made by him

or the Secretary of War to an application to cease fighting. There

appears to have been no such application.

I further transmit a copy of a letter from the Secretary of the Navy to

Admiral George Dewey, dated May 14, 1900, and a copy of the Admiral's

reply, dated May 17, 1900.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 22, 1900_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, with

accompanying papers, relative to the status of Chinese persons in the

Philippine Islands.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 22, 1900_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith, for the information of Congress, a communication

from the Secretary of Agriculture, forwarding a report on the progress

of the beet-sugar industry in the United States during the year 1899. It

embraces the observations made by a special agent on the various phases

of the beet-sugar industry of the Hawaiian Islands; also the results of

analyses of sugar-beets received by the Department of Agriculture from

the different States and Territories, together with much other

information relating to the sugar industry.

Your attention is invited to the recommendation of the Secretary of

Agriculture that 20,000 copies of the report be printed for the use of

the Department, in addition to such number as may be desired for the use

of the Senate and House of Representatives.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 26, 1900_.

_To the Senate_:

I transmit herewith, in answer to the resolution of the Senate of May

22, 1900, a report from the Secretary of State showing that the consul

of the United States at Pretoria was directed on May 8, 1900, to forward

copies of the constitutions of the South African Republic and the Orange

Free State by return mail. Translations thereof will be communicated to

the Senate at the earliest practicable date.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, June 2, 1900_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith, in further reply to the resolution of the Senate of

April 10, 1900, having reference to Senate Document No. 336, Fifty-sixth

Congress, first session, a further report from the Secretary of State,

showing the places of residence of experts, clerks, officers, and

employees of the Commission of the United States to the Paris Exposition

of 1900, as well as the items of expenditures of the Commission for the

months of January, February, and March, 1900, amounting to $211,583.25.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, June 6, 1900_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In further response to the resolution of the Senate of January 17, 1900,

requesting, among other things, information tending to throw light upon

the conduct and events of the insurrection against the authority of the

United States in the Philippine Islands, I transmit herewith a

correspondence between the Secretary of War and the officers of the

Second Division of the Eighth Army Corps.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 3, 1900_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

At the outgoing of the old and the incoming of the new century you begin

the last session of the Fifty-sixth Congress with evidences on every

hand of individual and national prosperity and with proof of the growing

strength and increasing power for good of Republican institutions. Your

countrymen will join with you in felicitation that American liberty is

more firmly established than ever before, and that love for it and the

determination to preserve it are more universal than at any former

period of our history.

The Republic was never so strong, because never so strongly intrenched

in the hearts of the people as now. The Constitution, with few

amendments, exists as it left the hands of its authors. The additions

which have been made to it proclaim larger freedom and more extended

citizenship. Popular government has demonstrated in its one hundred and

twenty-four years of trial here its stability and security, and its

efficiency as the best instrument of national development and the best

safeguard to human rights.

When the Sixth Congress assembled in November, 1800, the population

of the United States was 5,308,483. It is now 76,304,799. Then we had

sixteen States. Now we have forty-five. Then our territory consisted

of 909,050 square miles. It is now 3,846,595 square miles. Education,

religion, and morality have kept pace with our advancement in other

directions, and while extending its power the Government has adhered to

its foundation principles and abated none of them in dealing with our

new peoples and possessions. A nation so preserved and blessed gives

reverent thanks to God and invokes His guidance and the continuance of

His care and favor.

In our foreign intercourse the dominant question has been the treatment

of the Chinese problem. Apart from this our relations with the powers

have been happy.

The recent troubles in China spring from the antiforeign agitation which

for the past three years has gained strength in the northern provinces.

Their origin lies deep in the character of the Chinese races and in the

traditions of their Government. The Taiping rebellion and the opening of

Chinese ports to foreign trade and settlement disturbed alike the

homogeneity and the seclusion of China.

Meanwhile foreign activity made itself felt in all quarters, not alone

on the coast, but along the great river arteries and in the remoter

districts, carrying new ideas and introducing new associations among a

primitive people which had pursued for centuries a national policy of

isolation.

The telegraph and the railway spreading over their land, the steamers

plying on their waterways, the merchant and the missionary penetrating

year by year farther to the interior, became to the Chinese mind types

of an alien invasion, changing the course of their national life and

fraught with vague forebodings of disaster to their beliefs and their

self-control.

For several years before the present troubles all the resources of

foreign diplomacy, backed by moral demonstrations of the physical

force of fleets and arms, have been needed to secure due respect for

the treaty rights of foreigners and to obtain satisfaction from the

responsible authorities for the sporadic outrages upon the persons and

property of unoffending sojourners, which from time to time occurred at

widely separated points in the northern provinces, as in the case of the

outbreaks in Sze-chuen and Shan-tung.

Posting of antiforeign placards became a daily occurrence, which the

repeated reprobation of the Imperial power failed to check or punish.

These inflammatory appeals to the ignorance and superstition of the

masses, mendacious and absurd in their accusations and deeply hostile

in their spirit, could not but work cumulative harm. They aimed at no

particular class of foreigners; they were impartial in attacking

everything foreign.

An outbreak in Shan-tung, in which German missionaries were slain, was

the too natural result of these malevolent teachings. The posting of

seditious placards, exhorting to the utter destruction of foreigners and

of every foreign thing, continued unrebuked. Hostile demonstrations

toward the stranger gained strength by organization.

The sect, commonly styled the Boxers, developed greatly in the provinces

north of the Yang-Tse, and with the collusion of many notable officials,

including some in the immediate councils of the Throne itself, became

alarmingly aggressive. No foreigner's life, outside of the protected

treaty ports, was safe. No foreign interest was secure from spoliation.

The diplomatic representatives of the powers in Peking strove in vain

to check this movement. Protest was followed by demand and demand by

renewed protest, to be met with perfunctory edicts from the Palace and

evasive and futile assurances from the Tsung-li Yamen. The circle of the

Boxer influence narrowed about Peking, and while nominally stigmatized

as seditious, it was felt that its spirit pervaded the capital itself,

that the Imperial forces were imbued with its doctrines, and that the

immediate counselors of the Empress Dowager were in full sympathy with

the antiforeign movement.

The increasing gravity of the conditions in China and the imminence of

peril to our own diversified interests in the Empire, as well as to

those of all the other treaty governments, were soon appreciated by this

Government, causing it profound solicitude. The United States from the

earliest days of foreign intercourse with China had followed a policy of

peace, omitting no occasions to testify good will, to further the

extension of lawful trade, to respect the sovereignty of its Government,

and to insure by all legitimate and kindly but earnest means the fullest

measure of protection for the lives and property of our law-abiding

citizens and for the exercise of their beneficent callings among the

Chinese people.

Mindful of this, it was felt to be appropriate that our purposes should

be pronounced in favor of such course as would hasten united action of

the powers at Peking to promote the administrative reforms so greatly

needed for strengthening the Imperial Government and maintaining the

integrity of China, in which we believed the whole western world to be

alike concerned. To these ends I caused to be addressed to the several

powers occupying territory and maintaining spheres of influence in China

the circular proposals of 1899, inviting from them declarations of their

intentions and views as to the desirability of the adoption of measures

insuring the benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign trade

throughout China.

With gratifying unanimity the responses coincided in this common policy,

enabling me to see in the successful termination of these negotiations

proof of the friendly spirit which animates the various powers

interested in the untrammeled development of commerce and industry in

the Chinese Empire as a source of vast benefit to the whole commercial

world.

In this conclusion, which I had the gratification to announce as a

completed engagement to the interested powers on March 20, 1900, I

hopefully discerned a potential factor for the abatement of the distrust

of foreign purposes which for a year past had appeared to inspire the

policy of the Imperial Government, and for the effective exertion by it

of power and authority to quell the critical antiforeign movement in the

northern provinces most immediately influenced by the Manchu sentiment.

Seeking to testify confidence in the willingness and ability of the

Imperial administration to redress the wrongs and prevent the evils we

suffered and feared, the marine guard, which had been sent to Peking in

the autumn of 1899 for the protection of the legation, was withdrawn at

the earliest practicable moment, and all pending questions were

remitted, as far as we were concerned, to the ordinary resorts of

diplomatic intercourse.

The Chinese Government proved, however, unable to check the rising

strength of the Boxers and appeared to be a prey to internal

dissensions. In the unequal contest the antiforeign influences soon

gained the ascendancy under the leadership of Prince Tuan. Organized

armies of Boxers, with which the Imperial forces affiliated, held the

country between Peking and the coast, penetrated into Manchuria up to

the Russian borders, and through their emissaries threatened a like

rising throughout northern China.

Attacks upon foreigners, destruction of their property, and slaughter

of native converts were reported from all sides. The Tsung-li Yamen,

already permeated with hostile sympathies, could make no effective

response to the appeals of the legations. At this critical juncture, in

the early spring of this year, a proposal was made by the other powers

that a combined fleet should be assembled in Chinese waters as a moral

demonstration, under cover of which to exact of the Chinese Government

respect for foreign treaty rights and the suppression of the Boxers.

The United States, while not participating in the joint demonstration,

promptly sent from the Philippines all ships that could be spared for

service on the Chinese coast. A small force of marines was landed at

Taku and sent to Peking for the protection of the American legation.

Other powers took similar action, until some four hundred men were

assembled in the capital as legation guards.

Still the peril increased. The legations reported the development of the

seditious movement in Peking and the need of increased provision for

defense against it. While preparations were in progress for a larger

expedition, to strengthen the legation guards and keep the railway open,

an attempt of the foreign ships to make a landing at Taku was met by a

fire from the Chinese forts. The forts were thereupon shelled by the

foreign vessels, the American admiral taking no part in the attack,

on the ground that we were not at war with China and that a hostile

demonstration might consolidate the anti-foreign elements and strengthen

the Boxers to oppose the relieving column.

Two days later the Taku forts were captured after a sanguinary conflict.

Severance of communication with Peking followed, and a combined force

of additional guards, which was advancing to Peking by the Pei-Ho, was

checked at Langfang. The isolation of the legations was complete.

The siege and the relief of the legations has passed into undying

history. In all the stirring chapter which records the heroism of the

devoted band, clinging to hope in the face of despair, and the undaunted

spirit that led their relievers through battle and suffering to the

goal, it is a memory of which my countrymen may be justly proud that the

honor of our flag was maintained alike in the siege and the rescue, and

that stout American hearts have again set high, in fervent emulation

with true men of other race and language, the indomitable courage that

ever strives for the cause of right and justice.

By June 19 the legations were cut off. An identical note from the Yamen

ordered each minister to leave Peking, under a promised escort, within

twenty-four hours. To gain time they replied, asking prolongation of the

time, which was afterwards granted, and requesting an interview with the

Tsung-li Yamen on the following day. No reply being received, on the

morning of the 20th the German minister, Baron von Ketteler, set out for

the Yamen to obtain a response, and on the way was murdered.

An attempt by the legation guard to recover his body was foiled by the

Chinese. Armed forces turned out against the legations. Their quarters

were surrounded and attacked. The mission compounds were abandoned,

their inmates taking refuge in the British legation, where all the other

legations and guards gathered for more effective defense. Four hundred

persons were crowded in its narrow compass. Two thousand native converts

were assembled in a nearby palace under protection of the foreigners.

Lines of defense were strengthened, trenches dug, barricades raised, and

preparations made to stand a siege, which at once began.

From June 20 until July 17, writes Minister Conger, "there was scarcely

an hour during which there was not firing upon some part of our lines

and into some of the legations, varying from a single shot to a general

and continuous attack along the whole line." Artillery was placed around

the legations and on the over-looking palace walls, and thousands of

3-inch shot and shell were fired, destroying some buildings and damaging

all. So thickly did the balls rain, that, when the ammunition of the

besieged ran low, five quarts of Chinese bullets were gathered in an

hour in one compound and recast.

Attempts were made to burn the legations by setting neighboring houses

on fire, but the flames were successfully fought off, although the

Austrian, Belgian, Italian, and Dutch legations were then and

subsequently burned. With the aid of the native converts, directed by

the missionaries, to whose helpful co-operation Mr. Conger awards

unstinted praise, the British legation was made a veritable fortress.

The British minister, Sir Claude MacDonald, was chosen general commander

of the defense, with the secretary of the American legation, Mr. E.G.

Squiers, as chief of staff.

To save life and ammunition the besieged sparingly returned the

incessant fire of the Chinese soldiery, fighting only to repel attack or

make an occasional successful sortie for strategic advantage, such as

that of fifty-five American, British, and Russian marines led by Captain

Myers, of the United States Marine Corps, which resulted in the capture

of a formidable barricade on the wall that gravely menaced the American

position. It was held to the last, and proved an invaluable acquisition,

because commanding the water gate through which the relief column

entered.

During the siege the defenders lost 65 killed, 135 wounded, and 7 by

disease--the last all children.

On July 14 the besieged had their first communication with the Tsung-li

Yamen, from whom a message came inviting to a conference, which was

declined. Correspondence, however, ensued and a sort of armistice was

agreed upon, which stopped the bombardment and lessened the rifle fire

for a time. Even then no protection whatever was afforded, nor any aid

given, save to send to the legations a small supply of fruit and three

sacks of flour.

Indeed, the only communication had with the Chinese Government related

to the occasional delivery or dispatch of a telegram or to the demands

of the Tsung-li Yamen for the withdrawal of the legations to the coast

under escort. Not only are the protestations of the Chinese Government

that it protected and succored the legations positively contradicted,

but irresistible proof accumulates that the attacks upon them were made

by Imperial troops, regularly uniformed, armed, and officered, belonging

to the command of Jung Lu, the Imperial commander in chief. Decrees

encouraging the Boxers, organizing them under prominent Imperial

officers, provisioning them, and even granting them large sums in the

name of the Empress Dowager, are known to exist. Members of the Tsung-li

Yamen who counseled protection of the foreigners were beheaded. Even in

the distant provinces men suspected of foreign sympathy were put to

death, prominent among these being Chang Yen-hoon, formerly Chinese

minister in Washington.

With the negotiation of the partial armistice of July 14, a proceeding

which was doubtless promoted by the representations of the Chinese envoy

in Washington, the way was opened for the conveyance to Mr. Conger of a

test message sent by the Secretary of State through the kind offices of

Minister Wu Ting-fang. Mr. Conger's reply, dispatched from Peking on

July 18 through the same channel, afforded to the outside world the

first tidings that the inmates of the legations were still alive and

hoping for succor.

This news stimulated the preparations for a joint relief expedition in

numbers sufficient to overcome the resistance which for a month had been

organizing between Taku and the capital. Reinforcements sent by all the

co-operating Governments were constantly arriving. The United States

contingent, hastily assembled from the Philippines or dispatched from

this country, amounted to some 5,000 men, under the able command first

of the lamented Colonel Liscum and afterwards of General Chaffee.

Toward the end of July the movement began. A severe conflict followed at

Tientsin, in which Colonel Liscum was killed. The city was stormed and

partly destroyed. Its capture afforded the base of operations from which

to make the final advance, which began in the first days of August, the

expedition being made up of Japanese, Russian, British, and American

troops at the outset.

Another battle was fought and won at Yangtsun. Thereafter the

disheartened Chinese troops offered little show of resistance. A few

days later the important position of Ho-si-woo was taken. A rapid march

brought the united forces to the populous city of Tung Chow, which

capitulated without a contest.

On August 14 the capital was reached. After a brief conflict beneath

the walls the relief column entered and the legations were saved. The

United States soldiers, sailors, and marines, officers and men alike,

in those distant climes and unusual surroundings, showed the same valor,

discipline, and good conduct and gave proof of the same high degree of

intelligence and efficiency which have distinguished them in every

emergency.

The Imperial family and the Government had fled a few days before.

The city was without visible control. The remaining Imperial soldiery

had made on the night of the 13th a last attempt to exterminate the

besieged, which was gallantly repelled. It fell to the occupying forces

to restore order and organize a provisional administration.

Happily the acute disturbances were confined to the northern provinces.

It is a relief to recall and a pleasure to record the loyal conduct

of the viceroys and local authorities of the southern and eastern

provinces. Their efforts were continuously directed to the pacific

control of the vast populations under their rule and to the scrupulous

observance of foreign treaty rights. At critical moments they did not

hesitate to memorialize the Throne, urging the protection of the

legations, the restoration of communication, and the assertion of the

Imperial authority against the subversive elements. They maintained

excellent relations with the official representatives of foreign powers.

To their kindly disposition is largely due the success of the consuls in

removing many of the missionaries from the interior to places of safety.

In this relation the action of the consuls should be highly commended.

In Shan-tung and eastern Chi-li the task was difficult, but, thanks to

their energy and the cooperation of American and foreign naval

commanders, hundreds of foreigners, including those of other

nationalities than ours, were rescued from imminent peril.

The policy of the United States through all this trying period was

clearly announced and scrupulously carried out. A circular note to the

powers dated July 3 proclaimed our attitude. Treating the condition in

the north as one of virtual anarchy, in which the great provinces of the

south and southeast had no share, we regarded the local authorities in

the latter quarters as representing the Chinese people with whom we

sought to remain in peace and friendship. Our declared aims involved no

war against the Chinese nation. We adhered to the legitimate office of

rescuing the imperiled legation, obtaining redress for wrongs already

suffered, securing wherever possible the safety of American life and

property in China, and preventing a spread of the disorders or their

recurrence.

As was then said, "The policy of the Government of the United States is

to seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace to

China, preserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect

all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international

law, and safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial

trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire."

Faithful to those professions which, as it proved, reflected the views

and purposes of the other co-operating Governments, all our efforts

have been directed toward ending the anomalous situation in China by

negotiations for a settlement at the earliest possible moment. As soon

as the sacred duty of relieving our legation and its dependents was

accomplished we withdrew from active hostilities, leaving our legation

under an adequate guard in Peking as a channel of negotiation and

settlement--a course adopted by others of the interested powers.

Overtures of the empowered representatives of the Chinese Emperor have

been considerately entertained.

The Russian proposition looking to the restoration of the Imperial power

in Peking has been accepted as in full consonance with our own desires,

for we have held and hold that effective reparation for wrongs suffered

and an enduring settlement that will make their recurrence impossible

can best be brought about under an authority which the Chinese nation

reverences and obeys. While so doing we forego no jot of our undoubted

right to exact exemplary and deterrent punishment of the responsible

authors and abettors of the criminal acts whereby we and other nations

have suffered grievous injury.

For the real culprits, the evil counselors who have misled the Imperial

judgment and diverted the sovereign authority to their own guilty ends,

full expiation becomes imperative within the rational limits of

retributive justice. Regarding this as the initial condition of an

acceptable settlement between China and the powers, I said in my message

of October 18 to the Chinese Emperor:

I trust that negotiations may begin so soon as we and the other offended

Governments shall be effectively satisfied of Your Majesty's ability and

power to treat with just sternness the principal offenders, who are

doubly culpable, not alone toward the foreigners, but toward Your

Majesty, under whose rule the purpose of China to dwell in concord with

the world had hitherto found expression in the welcome and protection

assured to strangers.

Taking, as a point of departure, the Imperial edict appointing Earl Li

Hung Chang and Prince Ching plenipotentiaries to arrange a settlement,

and the edict of September 25, whereby certain high officials were

designated for punishment, this Government has moved, in concert with

the other powers, toward the opening of negotiations, which Mr. Conger,

assisted by Mr. Rockhill, has been authorized to conduct on behalf of

the United States.

General bases of negotiation formulated by the Government of the French

Republic have been accepted with certain reservations as to details,

made necessary by our own circumstances, but, like similar reservations

by other powers, open to discussion in the progress of the negotiations.

The disposition of the Emperor's Government to admit liability for

wrongs done to foreign Governments and their nationals, and to act upon

such additional designation of the guilty persons as the foreign

ministers at Peking may be in a position to make, gives hope of a

complete settlement of all questions involved, assuring foreign rights

of residence and intercourse on terms of equality for all the world.

I regard as one of the essential factors of a durable adjustment the

securement of adequate guarantees for liberty of faith, since insecurity

of those natives who may embrace alien creeds is a scarcely less

effectual assault upon the rights of foreign worship and teaching than

would be the direct invasion thereof.

The matter of indemnity for our wronged citizens is a question of

grave concern. Measured in money alone, a sufficient reparation may

prove to be beyond the ability of China to meet. All the powers concur

in emphatic disclaimers of any purpose of aggrandizement through

the dismemberment of the Empire. I am disposed to think that due

compensation may be made in part by increased guarantees of security

for foreign rights and immunities, and, most important of all, by the

opening of China to the equal commerce of all the world. These views

have been and will be earnestly advocated by our representatives.

The Government of Russia has put forward a suggestion, that in the event

of protracted divergence of views in regard to indemnities the matter

may be relegated to the Court of Arbitration at The Hague. I favorably

incline to this, believing that high tribunal could not fail to reach a

solution no less conducive to the stability and enlarged prosperity of

China itself than immediately beneficial to the powers.

Ratifications of a treaty of extradition with the Argentine Republic

were exchanged on June 2 last.

While the Austro-Hungarian Government has in the many cases that have

been reported of the arrest of our naturalized citizens for alleged

evasion of military service faithfully observed the provisions of the

treaty and released such persons from military obligations, it has in

some instances expelled those whose presence in the community of their

origin was asserted to have a pernicious influence. Representations have

been made against this course whenever its adoption has appeared unduly

onerous.

We have been urgently solicited by Belgium to ratify the International

Convention of June, 1899, amendatory of the previous Convention of 1890

in respect to the regulation of the liquor trade in Africa. Compliance

was necessarily withheld, in the absence of the advice and consent of

the Senate thereto. The principle involved has the cordial sympathy of

this Government, which in the revisionary negotiations advocated more

drastic measures, and I would gladly see its extension, by international

agreement, to the restriction of the liquor traffic with all uncivilized

peoples, especially in the Western Pacific.

A conference will be held at Brussels December 11, 1900, under the

Convention for the protection of industrial property, concluded at

Paris March 20, 1883, to which delegates from this country have been

appointed. Any lessening of the difficulties that our inventors

encounter in obtaining patents abroad for their inventions and that

our farmers, manufacturers, and merchants may have in the protection of

their trade-marks is worthy of careful consideration, and your attention

will be called to the results of the conference at the proper time.

In the interest of expanding trade between this country and South

America, efforts have been made during the past year to conclude

conventions with the southern republics for the enlargement of postal

facilities. Two such agreements, signed with Bolivia on April 24, of

which that establishing the money-order system is undergoing certain

changes suggested by the Post-Office Department, have not yet been

ratified by this Government. A treaty of extradition with that country,

signed on the same day, is before the Senate.

A boundary dispute between Brazil and Bolivia over the territory of Acre

is in a fair way of friendly adjustment, a protocol signed in December,

1899, having agreed on a definite frontier and provided for its

demarcation by a joint commission.

Conditions in Brazil have weighed heavily on our export trade to that

country in marked contrast to the favorable conditions upon which

Brazilian products are admitted into our markets. Urgent representations

have been made to that Government on the subject and some amelioration

has been effected. We rely upon the reciprocal justice and good will of

that Government to assure to us a further improvement in our commercial

relations.

The Convention signed May 24, 1897, for the final settlement of claims

left in abeyance upon the dissolution of the Commission of 1893, was at

length ratified by the Chilean Congress and the supplemental Commission

has been organized.

It remains for the Congress to appropriate for the necessary expenses of

the Commission.

The insurrectionary movement which disturbed Colombia in the latter part

of 1899 has been practically suppressed, although guerrillas still

operate in some departments. The executive power of that Republic

changed hands in August last by the act of Vice-President Marroquin in

assuming the reins of government during the absence of President San

Clemente from the capital. The change met with no serious opposition,

and, following the precedents in such cases, the United States minister

entered into relations with the new _de facto_ Government on

September 17.

It is gratifying to announce that the residual questions between Costa

Rica and Nicaragua growing out of the Award of President Cleveland in

1888 have been adjusted through the choice of an American engineer,

General E.P. Alexander, as umpire to run the disputed line. His task has

been accomplished to the satisfaction of both contestants.

A revolution in the Dominican Republic toward the close of last year

resulted in the installation of President Jimenez, whose Government was

formally recognized in January. Since then final payment has been made

of the American claim in regard to the Ozama bridge.

The year of the exposition has been fruitful in occasions for displaying

the good will that exists between this country and France. This great

competition brought together from every nation the best in natural

productions, industry, science, and the arts, submitted in generous

rivalry to a judgment made all the more searching because of that

rivalry. The extraordinary increase of exportations from this country

during the past three years and the activity with which our inventions

and wares had invaded new markets caused much interest to center upon

the American exhibit, and every encouragement was offered in the way of

space and facilities to permit of its being comprehensive as a whole and

complete in every part.

It was, however, not an easy task to assemble exhibits that could fitly

illustrate our diversified resources and manufactures. Singularly

enough, our national prosperity lessened the incentive to exhibit. The

dealer in raw materials knew that the user must come to him; the great

factories were contented with the phenomenal demand for their output,

not alone at home, but also abroad, where merit had already won a

profitable trade.

Appeals had to be made to the patriotism of exhibitors to induce them

to incur outlays promising no immediate return. This was especially

the case where it became needful to complete an industrial sequence or

illustrate a class of processes. One manufacturer after another had to

be visited and importuned, and at times, after a promise to exhibit in a

particular section had been obtained, it would be withdrawn, owing to

pressure of trade orders, and a new quest would have to be made.

The installation of exhibits, too, encountered many obstacles and

involved unexpected cost. The exposition was far from ready at the date

fixed for its opening. The French transportation lines were congested

with offered freight. Belated goods had to be hastily installed in

unfinished quarters with whatever labor could be obtained in the

prevailing confusion. Nor was the task of the Commission lightened by

the fact that, owing to the scheme of classification adopted, it was

impossible to have the entire exhibit of any one country in the same

building or more than one group of exhibits in the same part of any

building. Our installations were scattered on both sides of the Seine

and in widely remote suburbs of Paris, so that additional assistants

were needed for the work of supervision and arrangement.

Despite all these drawbacks the contribution of the United States was

not only the largest foreign display, but was among the earliest in

place and the most orderly in arrangement. Our exhibits were shown in

one hundred and one out of one hundred and twenty-one classes, and more

completely covered the entire classification than those of any other

nation. In total number they ranked next after those of France, and the

attractive form in which they were presented secured general attention.

A criterion of the extent and success of our participation and of the

thoroughness with which our exhibits were organized is seen in the

awards granted to American exhibitors by the international jury, namely,

grand prizes, 240; gold medals, 597; silver medals, 776; bronze medals,

541, and honorable mentions, 322--2,476 in all, being the greatest total

number given to the exhibit of any exhibiting nation, as well as the

largest number in each grade. This significant recognition of merit in

competition with the chosen exhibits of all other nations and at the

hands of juries almost wholly made up of representatives of France and

other competing countries is not only most gratifying, but is especially

valuable, since it sets us to the front in international questions of

supply and demand, while the large proportion of awards in the classes

of art and artistic manufactures afforded unexpected proof of the

stimulation of national culture by the prosperity that flows from

natural productiveness joined to industrial excellence.

Apart from the exposition several occasions for showing international

good will occurred. The inauguration in Paris of the Lafayette Monument,

presented by the school children of the United States, and the designing

of a commemorative coin by our Mint and the presentation of the first

piece struck to the President of the Republic, were marked by

appropriate ceremonies, and the Fourth of July was especially observed

in the French capital.

Good will prevails in our relations with the German Empire. An amicable

adjustment of the long-pending question of the admission of our

life-insurance companies to do business in Prussia has been reached. One

of the principal companies has already been readmitted and the way is

opened for the others to share the privilege.

The settlement of the Samoan problem, to which I adverted in my last

message, has accomplished good results. Peace and contentment prevail in

the islands, especially in Tutuila, where a convenient administration

that has won the confidence and esteem of the kindly disposed natives

has been organized under the direction of the commander of the United

States naval station at Pago-Pago.

An Imperial meat-inspection law has been enacted for Germany. While it

may simplify the inspections, it prohibits certain products heretofore

admitted. There is still great uncertainty as to whether our well-nigh

extinguished German trade in meat products can revive under its new

burdens. Much will depend upon regulations not yet promulgated, which we

confidently hope will be free from the discriminations which attended

the enforcement of the old statutes.

The remaining link in the new lines of direct telegraphic communication

between the United States and the German Empire has recently been

completed, affording a gratifying occasion for exchange of friendly

congratulations with the German Emperor.

Our friendly relations with Great Britain continue. The war in

Southern Africa introduced important questions. A condition unusual

in international wars was presented in that while one belligerent had

control of the seas, the other had no ports, shipping, or direct trade,

but was only accessible through the territory of a neutral. Vexatious

questions arose through Great Britain's action in respect to neutral

cargoes, not contraband in their own nature, shipped to Portuguese South

Africa, on the score of probable or suspected ultimate destination to

the Boer States.

Such consignments in British ships, by which alone direct trade is kept

up between our ports and Southern Africa, were seized in application of

a municipal law prohibiting British vessels from trading with the enemy

without regard to any contraband character of the goods, while cargoes

shipped to Delagoa Bay in neutral bottoms were arrested on the ground

of alleged destination to enemy's country. Appropriate representations

on our part resulted in the British Government agreeing to purchase

outright all such goods shown to be the actual property of American

citizens, thus closing the incident to the satisfaction of the

immediately interested parties, although, unfortunately, without a broad

settlement of the question of a neutral's right to send goods not

contraband _per se_ to a neutral port adjacent to a belligerent

area.

The work of marking certain provisional boundary points, for convenience

of administration, around the head of Lynn Canal, in accordance with the

temporary arrangement of October, 1899, was completed by a joint survey

in July last. The _modus vivendi_ has so far worked without

friction, and the Dominion Government has provided rules and regulations

for securing to our citizens the benefit of the reciprocal stipulation

that the citizens or subjects of either power found by that arrangement

within the temporary jurisdiction of the other shall suffer no

diminution of the rights and privileges they have hitherto enjoyed. But

however necessary such an expedient may have been to tide over the grave

emergencies of the situation, it is at best but an unsatisfactory

makeshift, which should not be suffered to delay the speedy and complete

establishment of the frontier line to which we are entitled under the

Russo-American treaty for the cession of Alaska.

In this relation I may refer again to the need of definitely marking

the Alaskan boundary where it follows the one hundred and forty-first

meridian. A convention to that end has been before the Senate for some

two years, but as no action has been taken I contemplate negotiating a

new convention for a joint determination of the meridian by telegraphic

observations. These, it is believed, will give more accurate and

unquestionable results than the sidereal methods heretofore independently

followed, which, as is known, proved discrepant at several points on

the line, although not varying at any place more than 700 feet.

The pending claim of R.H. May against the Guatemalan Government has been

settled by arbitration, Mr. George F.B. Jenner, British minister at

Guatemala, who was chosen as sole arbitrator, having awarded $143,750.73

in gold to the claimant.

Various American claims against Haiti have been or are being advanced to

the resort of arbitration.

As the result of negotiations with the Government of Honduras in regard

to the indemnity demanded for the murder of Frank H. Pears in Honduras,

that Government has paid $10,000 in settlement of the claim of the

heirs.

The assassination of King Humbert called forth sincere expressions of

sorrow from this Government and people, and occasion was fitly taken to

testify to the Italian nation the high regard here felt for the memory

of the lamented ruler.

In my last message I referred at considerable length to the lynching of

five Italians at Tallulah. Notwithstanding the efforts of the Federal

Government, the production of evidence tending to inculpate the authors

of this grievous offense against our civilization, and the repeated

inquests set on foot by the authorities of the State of Louisiana, no

punishments have followed. Successive grand juries have failed to

indict. The representations of the Italian Government in the face of

this miscarriage have been most temperate and just.

Setting the principle at issue high above all consideration of merely

pecuniary indemnification, such as this Government made in the three

previous cases, Italy has solemnly invoked the pledges of existing

treaty and asked that the justice to which she is entitled shall be

meted in regard to her unfortunate countrymen in our territory with the

same full measure she herself would give to any American were his

reciprocal treaty rights contemned.

I renew the urgent recommendations I made last year that the Congress

appropriately confer upon the Federal courts jurisdiction in this class

of international cases where the ultimate responsibility of the Federal

Government may be involved, and I invite action upon the bills to

accomplish this which were introduced in the Senate and House. It is

incumbent upon us to remedy the statutory omission which has led, and

may again lead, to such untoward results. I have pointed out the

necessity and the precedent for legislation of this character. Its

enactment is a simple measure of previsory justice toward the nations

with which we as a sovereign equal make treaties requiring reciprocal

observance.

While the Italian Government naturally regards such action as the

primary and, indeed, the most essential element in the disposal of the

Tallulah incident, I advise that, in accordance with precedent, and in

view of the improbability of that particular case being reached by the

bill now pending, Congress make gracious provision for indemnity to the

Italian sufferers in the same form and proportion as heretofore.

In my inaugural address I referred to the general subject of lynching in

these words:

Lynching must not be tolerated in a great and civilized country like the

United States; courts, not mobs, must execute the penalties of the law.

The preservation of public order, the right of discussion, the integrity

of courts, and the orderly administration of justice must continue

forever the rock of safety upon which our Government securely rests.

This I most urgently reiterate and again invite the attention of my

countrymen to this reproach upon our civilization.

The closing year has witnessed a decided strengthening of Japan's

relations to other States. The development of her independent judicial

and administrative functions under the treaties which took effect July

17, 1899, has proceeded without international friction, showing the

competence of the Japanese to hold a foremost place among modern

peoples.

In the treatment of the difficult Chinese problems Japan has acted in

harmonious concert with the other powers, and her generous cooperation

materially aided in the joint relief of the beleaguered legations in

Peking and in bringing about an understanding preliminary to a

settlement of the issues between the powers and China. Japan's

declarations in favor of the integrity of the Chinese Empire and the

conservation of open world trade therewith have been frank and positive.

As a factor for promoting the general interests of peace, order, and

fair commerce in the Far East the influence of Japan can hardly be

overestimated.

The valuable aid and kindly courtesies extended by the Japanese

Government and naval officers to the battle ship _Oregon_ are

gratefully appreciated.

Complaint was made last summer of the discriminatory enforcement

of a bubonic quarantine against Japanese on the Pacific coast and of

interference with their travel in California and Colorado under the

health laws of those States. The latter restrictions have been adjudged

by a Federal court to be unconstitutional. No recurrence of either cause

of complaint is apprehended.

No noteworthy incident has occurred in our relations with our important

southern neighbor. Commercial intercourse with Mexico continues to

thrive, and the two Governments neglect no opportunity to foster their

mutual interests in all practicable ways.

Pursuant to the declaration of the Supreme Court that the awards of

the late Joint Commission in the La Abra and Weil claims were obtained

through fraud, the sum awarded in the first case, $403,030.08, has been

returned to Mexico, and the amount of the Weil award will be returned in

like manner.

A Convention indefinitely extending the time for the labors of the

United States and Mexican International (Water) Boundary Commission has

been signed.

It is with satisfaction that I am able to announce the formal

notification at The Hague, on September 4, of the deposit of

ratifications of the Convention for the Pacific Settlement of

International Disputes by sixteen powers, namely, the United States,

Austria, Belgium, Denmark, England, France, Germany, Italy, Persia,

Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Spain, Sweden and Norway, and the

Netherlands. Japan also has since ratified the Convention.

The Administrative Council of the Permanent Court of Arbitration has

been organized and has adopted rules of order and a constitution for the

International Arbitration Bureau. In accordance with Article XXIII of

the Convention providing for the appointment by each signatory power

of persons of known competency in questions of international law as

arbitrators, I have appointed as members of this Court, Hon. Benjamin

Harrison, of Indiana, ex-President of the United States; Hon. Melville

W. Fuller, of Illinois, Chief Justice of the United States; Hon. John W.

Griggs, of New Jersey, Attorney-General of the United States; and Hon.

George Gray, of Delaware, a judge of the circuit court of the United

States.

As an incident of the brief revolution in the Mosquito district of

Nicaragua early in 1899 the insurgents forcibly collected from American

merchants duties upon imports. On the restoration of order the

Nicaraguan authorities demanded a second payment of such duties on the

ground that they were due to the titular Government and that their

diversion had aided the revolt.

This position was not accepted by us. After prolonged discussion a

compromise was effected under which the amount of the second payments

was deposited with the British consul at San Juan del Norte in trust

until the two Governments should determine whether the first payments

had been made under compulsion to a _de facto_ authority. Agreement

as to this was not reached, and the point was waived by the act of the

Nicaraguan Government in requesting the British consul to return the

deposits to the merchants.

Menacing differences between several of the Central American States have

been accommodated, our ministers rendering good offices toward an

understanding.

The all-important matter of an interoceanic canal has assumed a new

phase. Adhering to its refusal to reopen the question of the forfeiture

of the contract of the Maritime Canal Company, which was terminated for

alleged nonexecution in October, 1899, the Government of Nicaragua has

since supplemented that action by declaring the so-styled Eyre-Cragin

option void for nonpayment of the stipulated advance. Protests in

relation to these acts have been filed in the State Department and are

under consideration. Deeming itself relieved from existing engagements,

the Nicaraguan Government shows a disposition to deal freely with the

canal question either in the way of negotiations with the United States

or by taking measures to promote the waterway.

Overtures for a convention to effect the building of a canal under the

auspices of the United States are under consideration. In the meantime,

the views of the Congress upon the general subject, in the light of the

report of the Commission appointed to examine the comparative merits of

the various trans-Isthmian ship-canal projects, may be awaited.

I commend to the early attention of the Senate the Convention with Great

Britain to facilitate the construction of such a canal and to remove any

objection which might arise out of the Convention commonly called the

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.

The long-standing contention with Portugal, growing out of the seizure

of the Delagoa Bay Railway, has been at last determined by a favorable

award of the tribunal of arbitration at Berne, to which it was

submitted. The amount of the award, which was deposited in London

awaiting arrangements by the Governments of the United States and Great

Britain for its disposal, has recently been paid over to the two

Governments.

A lately signed Convention of Extradition with Peru as amended by the

Senate has been ratified by the Peruvian Congress.

Another illustration of the policy of this Government to refer

international disputes to impartial arbitration is seen in the agreement

reached with Russia to submit the claims on behalf of American sealing

vessels seized in Bering Sea to determination by Mr. T.M.C. Asser, a

distinguished statesman and jurist of the Netherlands.

Thanks are due to the Imperial Russian Government for the kindly aid

rendered by its authorities in eastern Siberia to American missionaries

fleeing from Manchuria.

Satisfactory progress has been made toward the conclusion of a general

treaty of friendship and intercourse with Spain, in replacement of the

old treaty, which passed into abeyance by reason of the late war. A new

convention of extradition is approaching completion, and I should be

much pleased were a commercial arrangement to follow. I feel that we

should not suffer to pass any opportunity to reaffirm the cordial ties

that existed between us and Spain from the time of our earliest

independence, and to enhance the mutual benefits of that commercial

intercourse which is natural between the two countries.

By the terms of the Treaty of Peace the line bounding the ceded

Philippine group in the southwest failed to include several small

islands lying westward of the Sulus, which have always been recognized

as under Spanish control. The occupation of Sibutú and Cagayan Sulu by

our naval forces elicited a claim on the part of Spain, the essential

equity of which could not be gainsaid. In order to cure the defect of

the treaty by removing all possible ground of future misunderstanding

respecting the interpretation of its third article, I directed the

negotiation of a supplementary treaty, which will be forthwith laid

before the Senate, whereby Spain quits all title and claim of title to

the islands named as well as to any and all islands belonging to the

Philippine Archipelago lying outside the lines described in said third

article, and agrees that all such islands shall be comprehended in the

cession of the archipelago as fully as if they had been expressly

included within those lines. In consideration of this cession the United

States is to pay to Spain the sum of $100,000.

A bill is now pending to effect the recommendation made in my last

annual message that appropriate legislation be had to carry into

execution Article VII of the Treaty of Peace with Spain, by which the

United States assumed the payment of certain claims for indemnity of its

citizens against Spain. I ask that action be taken to fulfill this

obligation.

The King of Sweden and Norway has accepted the joint invitation of the

United States, Germany, and Great Britain to arbitrate claims growing

out of losses sustained in the Samoan Islands in the course of military

operations made necessary by the disturbances in 1899.

Our claims upon the Government of the Sultan for reparation for injuries

suffered by American citizens in Armenia and elsewhere give promise of

early and satisfactory settlement. His Majesty's good disposition in

this regard has been evinced by the issuance of an irade for rebuilding

the American college at Harpoot.

The failure of action by the Senate at its last session upon the

commercial conventions then submitted for its consideration and

approval, although caused by the great pressure of other legislative

business, has caused much disappointment to the agricultural and

industrial interests of the country, which hoped to profit by their

provisions. The conventional periods for their ratification having

expired, it became necessary to sign additional articles extending the

time for that purpose. This was requested on our part, and the other

Governments interested have concurred with the exception of one

convention, in respect to which no formal reply has been received.

Since my last communication to the Congress on this subject special

commercial agreements under the third section of the tariff act have

been proclaimed with Portugal, with Italy, and with Germany. Commercial

conventions under the general limitations of the fourth section of the

same act have been concluded with Nicaragua, with Ecuador, with the

Dominican Republic, with Great Britain on behalf of the island of

Trinidad, and with Denmark on behalf of the island of St. Croix. These

will be early communicated to the Senate. Negotiations with other

Governments are in progress for the improvement and security of our

commercial relations.

The policy of reciprocity so manifestly rests upon the principles of

international equity and has been so repeatedly approved by the people

of the United States that there ought to be no hesitation in either

branch of the Congress in giving to it full effect.

This Government desires to preserve the most just and amicable

commercial relations with all foreign countries, unmoved by the

industrial rivalries necessarily developed in the expansion of

international trade. It is believed that the foreign Governments

generally entertain the same purpose, although in some instances there

are clamorous demands upon them for legislation specifically hostile to

American interests. Should these demands prevail I shall communicate

with the Congress with the view of advising such legislation as may be

necessary to meet the emergency.

The exposition of the resources and products of the Western Hemisphere

to be held at Buffalo next year promises important results not only

for the United States but for the other participating countries. It is

gratifying that the Latin-American States have evinced the liveliest

interest, and the fact that an International American Congress will

be held in the City of Mexico while the exposition is in progress

encourages the hope of a larger display at Buffalo than might otherwise

be practicable. The work of preparing an exhibit of our national

resources is making satisfactory progress under the direction of

different officials of the Federal Government, and the various States of

the Union have shown a disposition toward the most liberal participation

in the enterprise.

The Bureau of the American Republics continues to discharge, with the

happiest results, the important work of promoting cordial relations

between the United States and the Latin-American countries, all of which

are now active members of the International Union. The Bureau has been

instrumental in bringing about the agreement for another International

American Congress, which is to meet in the City of Mexico in October,

1901. The Bureau's future for another term of ten years is assured by

the international compact, but the congress will doubtless have much to

do with shaping new lines of work and a general policy. Its usefulness

to the interests of Latin-American trade is widely appreciated and shows

a gratifying development.

The practical utility of the consular service in obtaining a wide range

of information as to the industries and commerce of other countries and

the opportunities thereby afforded for introducing the sale of our goods

have kept steadily in advance of the notable expansion of our foreign

trade, and abundant evidence has been furnished, both at home and

abroad, of the fact that the Consular Reports, including many from our

diplomatic representatives, have to a considerable extent pointed out

ways and means of disposing of a great variety of manufactured goods

which otherwise might not have found sale abroad.

Testimony of foreign observers to the commercial efficiency of the

consular corps seems to be conclusive, and our own manufacturers and

exporters highly appreciate the value of the services rendered not only

in the printed reports but also in the individual efforts of consular

officers to promote American trade. An increasing part of the work of

the Bureau of Foreign Commerce, whose primary duty it is to compile and

print the reports, is to answer inquiries from trade organizations,

business houses, etc., as to conditions in various parts of the world,

and, notwithstanding the smallness of the force employed, the work has

been so systematized that responses are made with such promptitude and

accuracy as to elicit flattering encomiums. The experiment of printing

the Consular Reports daily for immediate use by trade bodies, exporters,

and the press, which was begun in January, 1898, continues to give

general satisfaction.

It is gratifying to be able to state that the surplus revenues for

the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900, were $79,527,060.18. For the six

preceding years we had only deficits, the aggregate of which from 1894

to 1899, inclusive, amounted to $283,022,991.14. The receipts for the

year from all sources, exclusive of postal revenues, aggregated

$567,240,851.89, and expenditures for all purposes, except for the

administration of the postal department, aggregated $487,713,791.71.

The receipts from customs were $233,164,871.16, an increase over the

preceding year of $27,036,389.41. The receipts from internal revenue

were $295,327,926.76, an increase of $21,890,765.25 over 1899. The

receipts from miscellaneous sources were $38,748,053.97, as against

$36,394,976.92 for the previous year.

It is gratifying also to note that during the year a considerable

reduction is shown in the expenditures of the Government. The War

Department expenditures for the fiscal year 1900 were $134,774,767.78,

a reduction of $95,066,486.69 over those of 1899. In the Navy Department

the expenditures were $55,953,077.72 for the year 1900, as against

$63,942,104.25 for the preceding year, a decrease of $7,989,026.53. In

the expenditures on account of Indians there was a decrease in 1900 over

1899 of $2,630,604.38; and in the civil and miscellaneous expenses for

1900 there was a reduction of $13,418,065.74.

Because of the excess of revenues over expenditures the Secretary of the

Treasury was enabled to apply bonds and other securities to the sinking

fund to the amount of $56,544,556.06. The details of the sinking fund

are set forth in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to which

I invite attention. The Secretary of the Treasury estimates that the

receipts for the current fiscal year will aggregate $580,000,000 and

the expenditures $500,000,000, leaving an excess of revenues over

expenditures of $80,000,000. The present condition of the Treasury is

one of undoubted strength. The available cash balance November 30 was

$139,303,794.50. Under the form of statement prior to the financial law

of March 14 last there would have been included in the statement of

available cash gold coin and bullion held for the redemption of United

States notes.

If this form were pursued, the cash balance including the present gold

reserve of $150,000,000, would be $289,303,794.50. Such balance November

30, 1899, was $296,495,301.55. In the general fund, which is wholly

separate from the reserve and trust funds, there was on November 30,

$70,090,073.15 in gold coin and bullion, to which should be added

$22,957,300 in gold certificates subject to issue, against which there

is held in the Division of Redemption gold coin and bullion, making a

total holding of free gold amounting to $93,047,373.15.

It will be the duty as I am sure it will be the disposition of the

Congress to provide whatever further legislation is needed to insure the

continued parity under all conditions between our two forms of metallic

money, silver and gold.

Our surplus revenues have permitted the Secretary of the Treasury

since the close of the fiscal year to call in the funded loan of 1891

continued at 2 per cent, in the sum of $25,364,500. To and including

November 30, $23,458,100 of these bonds have been paid. This sum,

together with the amount which may accrue from further redemptions under

the call, will be applied to the sinking fund.

The law of March 14, 1900, provided for refunding into 2 per cent

thirty-year bonds, payable, principal and interest, in gold coin of the

present standard value, that portion of the public debt represented by

the 3 per cent bonds of 1908, the 4 percents of 1907, and the 5 percents

of 1904, of which there was outstanding at the date of said law

$839,149,930. The holders of the old bonds presented them for exchange

between March 14 and November 30 to the amount of $364,943,750. The net

saving to the Government on these transactions aggregates $9,106,166.

Another effect of the operation, as stated by the Secretary, is to

reduce the charge upon the Treasury for the payment of interest from the

dates of refunding to February 1, 1904, by the sum of more than seven

million dollars annually. From February 1, 1904, to July 1, 1907, the

annual interest charge will be reduced by the sum of more than five

millions, and for the thirteen months ending August 1, 1908, by about

one million. The full details of the refunding are given in the annual

report of the Secretary of the Treasury.

The beneficial effect of the financial act of 1900, so far as it

relates to a modification of the national banking act, is already

apparent. The provision for the incorporation of national banks with a

capital of not less than $25,000 in places not exceeding three thousand

inhabitants has resulted in the extension of banking facilities to many

small communities hitherto unable to provide themselves with banking

institutions under the national system. There were organized from the

enactment of the law up to and including November 30, 369 national

banks, of which 266 were with capital less than $50,000, and 103 with

capital of $50,000 or more.

It is worthy of mention that the greater number of banks being organized

under the new law are in sections where the need of banking facilities

has been most pronounced. Iowa stands first, with 30 banks of the

smaller class, while Texas, Oklahoma, Indian Territory, and the middle

and western sections of the country have also availed themselves largely

of the privileges under the new law.

A large increase in national-bank-note circulation has resulted from the

provision of the act which permits national banks to issue circulating

notes to the par value of the United States bonds deposited as security

instead of only 90 per cent thereof, as heretofore. The increase in

circulating notes from March 14 to November 30 is $77,889,570.

The party in power is committed to such legislation as will better make

the currency responsive to the varying needs of business at all seasons

and in all sections.

Our foreign trade shows a remarkable record of commercial and industrial

progress. The total of imports and exports for the first time in the

history of the country exceeded two billions of dollars. The exports are

greater than they have ever been before, the total for the fiscal year

1900 being $1,394,483,082, an increase over 1899 of $167,459,780, an

increase over 1898 of $163,000,752, over 1897 of $343,489,526, and

greater than 1896 by $511,876,144.

The growth of manufactures in the United States is evidenced by the fact

that exports of manufactured products largely exceed those of any

previous year, their value for 1900 being $433,851,756, against

$339,592,146 in 1899, an increase of 28 per cent.

Agricultural products were also exported during 1900 in greater volume

than in 1899, the total for the year being $835,858,123, against

$784,776,142 in 1899.

The imports for the year amounted to $849,941,184, an increase over 1899

of $152,792,695. This increase is largely in materials for manufacture,

and is in response to the rapid development of manufacturing in the

United States. While there was imported for use in manufactures in 1900

material to the value of $79,768,972 in excess of 1899, it is reassuring

to observe that there is a tendency toward decrease in the importation

of articles manufactured ready for consumption, which in 1900 formed

15.17 per cent of the total imports, against 15.54 per cent in 1899 and

21.09 per cent in 1896.

I recommend that the Congress at its present session reduce the

internal-revenue taxes imposed to meet the expenses of the war with

Spain in the sum of thirty millions of dollars. This reduction should be

secured by the remission of those taxes which experience has shown to be

the most burdensome to the industries of the people.

I specially urge that there be included in whatever reduction is made

the legacy tax on bequests for public uses of a literary, educational,

or charitable character.

American vessels during the past three years have carried about 9 per

cent of our exports and imports. Foreign ships should carry the least,

not the greatest, part of American trade. The remarkable growth of our

steel industries, the progress of shipbuilding for the domestic trade,

and our steadily maintained expenditures for the Navy have created an

opportunity to place the United States in the first rank of commercial

maritime powers.

Besides realizing a proper national aspiration this will mean the

establishment and healthy growth along all our coasts of a distinctive

national industry, expanding the field for the profitable employment of

labor and capital. It will increase the transportation facilities and

reduce freight charges on the vast volume of products brought from the

interior to the seaboard for export, and will strengthen an arm of the

national defense upon which the founders of the Government and their

successors have relied. In again urging immediate action by the Congress

on measures to promote American shipping and foreign trade, I direct

attention to the recommendations on the subject in previous messages,

and particularly to the opinion expressed in the message of 1899:

I am satisfied the judgment of the country favors the policy of aid to

our merchant marine, which will broaden our commerce and markets and

upbuild our sea-carrying capacity for the products of agriculture and

manufacture, which, with the increase of our Navy, mean more work and

wages to our countrymen, as well as a safeguard to American interests

in every part of the world.

The attention of the Congress is invited to the recommendation of the

Secretary of the Treasury in his annual report for legislation in behalf

of the Revenue-Cutter Service, and favorable action is urged.

In my last annual message to the Congress I called attention to the

necessity for early action to remedy such evils as might be found to

exist in connection with combinations of capital organized into trusts,

and again invite attention to my discussion of the subject at that time,

which concluded with these words:

It is apparent that uniformity of legislation upon this subject in

the several States is much to be desired. It is to be hoped that such

uniformity, founded in a wise and just discrimination between what is

injurious and what is useful and necessary in business operations, may

be obtained, and that means may be found for the Congress, within the

limitations of its constitutional power, so to supplement an effective

code of State legislation as to make a complete system of laws

throughout the United States adequate to compel a general observance

of the salutary rules to which I have referred.

The whole question is so important and far-reaching that I am sure no

part of it will be lightly considered, but every phase of it will have

the studied deliberation of the Congress, resulting in wise and

judicious action.

Restraint upon such combinations as are injurious, and which are within

Federal jurisdiction, should be promptly applied by the Congress.

In my last annual message I dwelt at some length upon the condition of

affairs in the Philippines. While seeking to impress upon you that the

grave responsibility of the future government of those islands rests

with the Congress of the United States, I abstained from recommending

at that time a specific and final form of government for the territory

actually held by the United States forces and in which as long as

insurrection continues the military arm must necessarily be supreme.

I stated my purpose, until the Congress shall have made the formal

expression of its will, to use the authority vested in me by the

Constitution and the statutes to uphold the sovereignty of the United

States in those distant islands as in all other places where our flag

rightfully floats, placing, to that end, at the disposal of the army and

navy all the means which the liberality of the Congress and the people

have provided. No contrary expression of the will of the Congress having

been made, I have steadfastly pursued the purpose so declared, employing

the civil arm as well toward the accomplishment of pacification and the

institution of local governments within the lines of authority and law.

Progress in the hoped-for direction has been favorable. Our forces have

successfully controlled the greater part of the islands, overcoming the

organized forces of the insurgents and carrying order and administrative

regularity to all quarters. What opposition remains is for the most part

scattered, obeying no concerted plan of strategic action, operating only

by the methods common to the traditions of guerrilla warfare, which,

while ineffective to alter the general control now established, are

still sufficient to beget insecurity among the populations that have

felt the good results of our control and thus delay the conferment upon

them of the fuller measures of local self-government, of education, and

of industrial and agricultural development which we stand ready to give

to them.

By the spring of this year the effective opposition of the dissatisfied

Tagals to the authority of the United States was virtually ended, thus

opening the door for the extension of a stable administration over much

of the territory of the Archipelago. Desiring to bring this about, I

appointed in March last a civil Commission composed of the Hon. William

H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; the Hon. Luke I.

Wright, of Tennessee; the Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Prof.

Bernard Moses, of California. The aims of their mission and the scope of

their authority are clearly set forth in my instructions of April 7,

1900, addressed to the Secretary of War to be transmitted to them:

In the message transmitted to the Congress on the 5th of December, 1899,

I said, speaking of the Philippine Islands: "As long as the insurrection

continues the military arm must necessarily be supreme. But there is no

reason why steps should not be taken from time to time to inaugurate

governments essentially popular in their form as fast as territory is

held and controlled by our troops. To this end I am considering the

advisability of the return of the Commission, or such of the members

thereof as can be secured, to aid the existing authorities and

facilitate this work throughout the islands."

To give effect to the intention thus expressed, I have appointed Hon.

William H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Hon.

Luke I. Wright, of Tennessee; Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Prof.

Bernard Moses, of California, Commissioners to the Philippine Islands

to continue and perfect the work of organizing and establishing civil

government already commenced by the military authorities, subject in

all respects to any laws which Congress may hereafter enact.

The Commissioners named will meet and act as a board, and the Hon.

William H. Taft is designated as president of the board. It is probable

that the transfer of authority from military commanders to civil

officers will be gradual and will occupy a considerable period. Its

successful accomplishment and the maintenance of peace and order in the

meantime will require the most perfect co-operation between the civil

and military authorities in the islands, and both should be directed

during the transition period by the same Executive Department. The

Commission will therefore report to the Secretary of War, and all their

action will be subject to your approval and control.

You will instruct the Commission to proceed to the city of Manila,

where they will make their principal office, and to communicate with

the Military Governor of the Philippine Islands, whom you will at the

same time direct to render to them every assistance within his power

in the performance of their duties. Without hampering them by too

specific instructions, they should in general be enjoined, after making

themselves familiar with the conditions and needs of the country, to

devote their attention in the first instance to the establishment of

municipal governments, in which the natives of the islands, both in the

cities and in the rural communities, shall be afforded the opportunity

to manage their own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they

are capable and subject to the least degree of supervision and control

which a careful study of their capacities and observation of the

workings of native control show to be consistent with the maintenance

of law, order, and loyalty.

The next subject in order of importance should be the organization of

government in the larger administrative divisions corresponding to

counties, departments, or provinces, in which the common interests of

many or several municipalities falling within the same tribal lines,

or the same natural geographical limits, may best be subserved by

a common administration. Whenever the Commission is of the opinion

that the condition of affairs in the islands is such that the central

administration may safely be transferred from military to civil control

they will report that conclusion to you, with their recommendations as

to the form of central government to be established for the purpose of

taking over the control.

Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the authority to

exercise, subject to my approval, through the Secretary of War, that

part of the power of government in the Philippine Islands which is of a

legislative nature is to be transferred from the Military Governor of

the islands to this Commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in

the place and stead of the Military Governor, under such rules and

regulations as you shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil

central government for the islands contemplated in the last foregoing

paragraph, or until Congress shall otherwise provide. Exercise of this

legislative authority will include the making of rules and orders,

having the effect of law, for the raising of revenue by taxes, customs

duties, and imposts; the appropriation and expenditure of public funds

of the islands; the establishment of an educational system throughout

the islands; the establishment of a system to secure an efficient civil

service; the organization and establishment of courts; the organization

and establishment of municipal and departmental governments, and all

other matters of a civil nature for which the Military Governor is now

competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative character.

The Commission will also have power during the same period to appoint to

office such officers under the judicial, educational, and civil-service

systems and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall be

provided for. Until the complete transfer of control the Military

Governor will remain the chief executive head of the government of the

islands, and will exercise the executive authority now possessed by him

and not herein expressly assigned to the Commission, subject, however,

to the rules and orders enacted by the Commission in the exercise of the

legislative powers conferred upon them. In the meantime the municipal

and departmental governments will continue to report to the Military

Governor and be subject to his administrative supervision and control,

under your direction, but that supervision and control will be confined

within the narrowest limits consistent with the requirement that the

powers of government in the municipalities and departments shall be

honestly and effectively exercised and that law and order and individual

freedom shall be maintained.

All legislative rules and orders, establishments of government, and

appointments to office by the Commission will take effect immediately,

or at such times as they shall designate, subject to your approval

and action upon the coming in of the Commission's reports, which are

to be made from time to time as their action is taken. Wherever civil

governments are constituted under the direction of the Commission

such military posts, garrisons, and forces will be continued for the

suppression of insurrection and brigandage and the maintenance of law

and order as the Military Commander shall deem requisite, and the

military forces shall be at all times subject, under his orders, to the

call of the civil authorities for the maintenance of law and order and

the enforcement of their authority.

In the establishment of municipal governments the Commission will take

as the basis of their work the governments established by the Military

Governor under his order of August 8, 1899, and under the report of the

board constituted by the Military Governor by his order of January 29,

1900, to formulate and report a plan of municipal government, of which

His Honor Cayetano Arellano, President of the Audiencia, was chairman,

and they will give to the conclusions of that board the weight and

consideration which the high character and distinguished abilities of

its members justify.

In the constitution of departmental or provincial governments they will

give especial attention to the existing government of the island of

Negros, constituted with the approval of the people of that island,

under the order of the Military Governor of July 22, 1899, and after

verifying, so far as may be practicable, the reports of the successful

working of that government they will be guided by the experience thus

acquired so far as it may be applicable to the condition existing in

other portions of the Philippines. They will avail themselves, to the

fullest degree practicable, of the conclusions reached by the previous

Commission to the Philippines.

In the distribution of powers among the governments organized by the

Commission, the presumption is always to be in favor of the smaller

subdivision, so that all the powers which can properly be exercised by

the municipal government shall be vested in that government, and all

the powers of a more general character which can be exercised by the

departmental government shall be vested in that government, and so

that in the governmental system, which is the result of the process,

the central government of the islands, following the example of

the distribution of the powers between the States and the National

Government of the United States, shall have no direct administration

except of matters of purely general concern, and shall have only such

supervision and control over local governments as may be necessary to

secure and enforce faithful and efficient administration by local

officers.

The many different degrees of civilization and varieties of custom

and capacity among the people of the different islands preclude very

definite instruction as to the part which the people shall take in the

selection of their own officers; but these general rules are to be

observed: That in all cases the municipal officers who administer the

local affairs of the people, are to be selected by the people, and that

wherever officers of more extended jurisdiction are to be selected in

any way, natives of the islands are to be preferred, and if they can be

found competent and willing to perform the duties, they are to receive

the offices in preference to any others.

It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present with Americans

which after a time may well be filled by natives of the islands. As

soon as practicable a system for ascertaining the merit and fitness of

candidates for civil office should be put in force. An indispensable

qualification for all offices and positions of trust and authority in

the islands must be absolute and unconditional loyalty to the United

States, and absolute and unhampered authority and power to remove and

punish any officer deviating from that standard must at all times be

retained in the hands of the central authority of the islands.

In all the forms of government and administrative provisions which

they are authorized to prescribe the Commission should bear in mind

that the government which they are establishing is designed not for our

satisfaction, or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for

the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of the Philippine

Islands, and the measures adopted should be made to conform to their

customs, their habits, and even their prejudices, to the fullest extent

consistent with the accomplishment of the indispensable requisites of

just and effective government.

At the same time the Commission should bear in mind, and the people

of the islands should be made plainly to understand, that there are

certain great principles of government which have been made the basis

of our governmental system which we deem essential to the rule of law

and the maintenance of individual freedom, and of which they have,

unfortunately, been denied the experience possessed by us; that there

are also certain practical rules of government which we have found to

be essential to the preservation of these great principles of liberty

and law, and that these principles and these rules of government must

be established and maintained in their islands for the sake of their

liberty and happiness, however much they may conflict with the customs

or laws of procedure with which they are familiar.

It is evident that the most enlightened thought of the Philippine

Islands fully appreciates the importance of these principles and rules,

and they will inevitably within a short time command universal assent.

Upon every division and branch of the government of the Philippines,

therefore, must be imposed these inviolable rules:

That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without

due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public

use without just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the

accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be

informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted

with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining

witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his

defense; that excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines

imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted; that no person

shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in

any criminal case to be a witness against himself; that the right to be

secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated;

that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist except as a

punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder or _ex-post-facto_

law shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom

of speech or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably

assemble and petition the Government for a redress of grievances; that

no law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or

prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and

enjoyment of religious profession and worship without discrimination or

preference shall forever be allowed.

It will be the duty of the Commission to make a thorough investigation

into the titles to the large tracts of land held or claimed by

individuals or by religious orders; into the justice of the claims and

complaints made against such landholders by the people of the island or

any part of the people, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a

just settlement of the controversies and redress of wrongs which have

caused strife and bloodshed in the past. In the performance of this duty

the Commission is enjoined to see that no injustice is done; to have

regard for substantial rights and equity, disregarding technicalities so

far as substantial right permits, and to observe the following rules:

That the provision of the Treaty of Paris pledging the United States

to the protection of all rights of property in the islands, and as

well the principle of our own Government which prohibits the taking of

private property without due process of law, shall not be violated;

that the welfare of the people of the islands, which should be a

paramount consideration, shall be attained consistently with this rule

of property right; that if it becomes necessary for the public interest

of the people of the islands to dispose of claims to property which the

Commission finds to be not lawfully acquired and held disposition shall

be made thereof by due legal procedure, in which there shall be full

opportunity for fair and impartial hearing and judgment; that if the

same public interests require the extinguishment of property rights

lawfully acquired and held due compensation shall be made out of the

public treasury therefor; that no form of religion and no minister of

religion shall be forced upon any community or upon any citizen of the

islands; that, upon the other hand, no minister of religion shall be

interfered with or molested in following his calling, and that the

separation between State and Church shall be real, entire, and absolute.

It will be the duty of the Commission to promote and extend, and,

as they find occasion, to improve the system of education already

inaugurated by the military authorities. In doing this they should

regard as of first importance the extension of a system of primary

education which shall be free to all, and which shall tend to fit the

people for the duties of citizenship and for the ordinary avocations of

a civilized community. This instruction should be given in the first

instance in every part of the islands in the language of the people.

In view of the great number of languages spoken by the different tribes,

it is especially important to the prosperity of the islands that a

common medium of communication may be established, and it is obviously

desirable that this medium should be the English language. Especial

attention should be at once given to affording full opportunity to all

the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English language.

It may be well that the main changes which should be made in the system

of taxation and in the body of the laws under which the people are

governed, except such changes as have already been made by the military

government, should be relegated to the civil government which is to be

established under the auspices of the Commission. It will, however, be

the duty of the Commission to inquire diligently as to whether there

are any further changes which ought not to be delayed, and if so, they

are authorized to make such changes subject to your approval. In doing

so they are to bear in mind that taxes which tend to penalize or repress

industry and enterprise are to be avoided; that provisions for taxation

should be simple, so that they may be understood by the people; that

they should affect the fewest practicable subjects of taxation which

will serve for the general distribution of the burden.

The main body of the laws which regulate the rights and obligations of

the people should be maintained with as little interference as possible.

Changes made should be mainly in procedure, and in the criminal laws to

secure speedy and impartial trials, and at the same time effective

administration and respect for individual rights.

In dealing with the uncivilized tribes of the islands the Commission

should adopt the same course followed by Congress in permitting the

tribes of our North American Indians to maintain their tribal

organization and government, and under which many of those tribes are

now living in peace and contentment, surrounded by a civilization to

which they are unable or unwilling to conform. Such tribal governments

should, however, be subjected to wise and firm regulation, and, without

undue or petty interference, constant and active effort should be

exercised to prevent barbarous practices and introduce civilized

customs.

Upon all officers and employees of the United States, both civil and

military, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely

the material but the personal and social rights of the people of the

islands, and to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their

personal dignity which the people of the United States are accustomed

to require from each other.

The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the 13th of

August, 1898, concluded with these words:

"This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship,

its educational establishments, and its private property of all

descriptions, are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and

honor of the American Army."

I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and

sacred an obligation rests upon the Government of the United States to

give protection for property and life, civil and religious freedom, and

wise, firm, and unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity

to all the people of the Philippine Islands. I charge this Commission

to labor for the full performance of this obligation, which concerns

the honor and conscience of their country, in the firm hope that through

their labors all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may come to

look back with gratitude to the day when God gave victory to American

arms at Manila and set their land under the sovereignty and the

protection of the people of the United States.

Coincidently with the entrance of the Commission upon its labors I

caused to be issued by General MacArthur, the Military Governor of the

Philippines, on June 21, 1900, a proclamation of amnesty in generous

terms, of which many of the insurgents took advantage, among them a

number of important leaders.

This Commission, composed of eminent citizens representing the diverse

geographical and political interests of the country, and bringing

to their task the ripe fruits of long and intelligent service in

educational, administrative, and judicial careers, made great progress

from the outset. As early as August 21, 1900, it submitted a preliminary

report, which will be laid before the Congress, and from which it

appears that already the good effects of returning order are felt; that

business, interrupted by hostilities, is improving as peace extends;

that a larger area is under sugar cultivation than ever before; that the

customs revenues are greater than at any time during the Spanish rule;

that economy and efficiency in the military administration have created

a surplus fund of $6,000,000, available for needed public improvements;

that a stringent civil-service law is in preparation; that railroad

communications are expanding, opening up rich districts, and that a

comprehensive scheme of education is being organized.

Later reports from the Commission show yet more encouraging advance

toward insuring the benefits of liberty and good government to the

Filipinos, in the interest of humanity and with the aim of building up

an enduring, self-supporting, and self-administering community in those

far eastern seas. I would impress upon the Congress that whatever

legislation may be enacted in respect to the Philippine Islands should

be along these generous lines. The fortune of war has thrown upon this

nation an unsought trust which should be unselfishly discharged, and

devolved upon this Government a moral as well as material responsibility

toward these millions whom we have freed from an oppressive yoke.

I have on another occasion called the Filipinos "the wards of the

nation." Our obligation as guardian was not lightly assumed; it must not

be otherwise than honestly fulfilled, aiming first of all to benefit

those who have come under our fostering care. It is our duty so to treat

them that our flag may be no less beloved in the mountains of Luzon and

the fertile zones of Mindanao and Negros than it is at home, that there

as here it shall be the revered symbol of liberty, enlightenment, and

progress in every avenue of development.

The Filipinos are a race quick to learn and to profit by knowledge.

He would be rash who, with the teachings of contemporaneous history in

view, would fix a limit to the degree of culture and advancement yet

within the reach of these people if our duty toward them be faithfully

performed.

The civil government of Puerto Rico provided for by the act of the

Congress approved April 12, 1900, is in successful operation. The courts

have been established. The Governor and his associates, working

intelligently and harmoniously, are meeting with commendable success.

On the 6th of November a general election was held in the island for

members of the Legislature, and the body elected has been called to

convene on the first Monday of December.

I recommend that legislation be enacted by the Congress conferring upon

the Secretary of the Interior supervision over the public lands in

Puerto Rico, and that he be directed to ascertain the location and

quantity of lands the title to which remained in the Crown of Spain

at the date of cession of Puerto Rico to the United States, and that

appropriations necessary for surveys be made, and that the methods of

the disposition of such lands be prescribed by law.

On the 25th of July, 1900, I directed that a call be issued for an

election in Cuba for members of a constitutional convention to frame a

constitution as a basis for a stable and independent government in the

island. In pursuance thereof the Military Governor issued the following

instructions:

Whereas the Congress of the United States, by its joint resolution of

April 20, 1898, declared--

"That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be,

free and independent.

"That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to

exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except

for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that

is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to

its people;"

And whereas, the people of Cuba have established municipal governments,

deriving their authority from the suffrages of the people given under

just and equal laws, and are now ready, in like manner, to proceed to

the establishment of a general government which shall assume and

exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, and control over the island:

Therefore, it is ordered that a general election be held in the island

of Cuba on the third Saturday of September, in the year nineteen

hundred, to elect delegates to a convention to meet in the city of

Havana at twelve o'clock noon on the first Monday of November, in the

year nineteen hundred, to frame and adopt a constitution for the people

of Cuba, and as a part thereof to provide for and agree with the

Government of the United States upon the relations to exist between that

Government and the Government of Cuba, and to provide for the election

by the people of officers under such constitution and the transfer of

government to the officers so elected.

The election will be held in the several voting precincts of the island

under, and pursuant to, the provisions of the electoral law of April 18,

1900, and the amendments thereof.

The election was held on the 15th of September, and the convention

assembled on the 5th of November, 1900, and is now in session.

In calling the convention to order, the Military Governor of Cuba made

the following statement:

As Military Governor of the island, representing the President of the

United States, I call this convention to order.

It will be your duty, first, to frame and adopt a constitution for Cuba,

and when that has been done to formulate what in your opinion ought to

be the relations between Cuba and the United States.

The constitution must be adequate to secure a stable, orderly, and free

government.

When you have formulated the relations which in your opinion ought to

exist between Cuba and the United States the Government of the United

States will doubtless take such action on its part as shall lead to a

final and authoritative agreement between the people of the two

countries to the promotion of their common interests.

All friends of Cuba will follow your deliberations with the deepest

interest, earnestly desiring that you shall reach just conclusions, and

that by the dignity, individual self-restraint, and wise conservatism

which shall characterize your proceedings the capacity of the Cuban

people for representative government may be signally illustrated.

The fundamental distinction between true representative government and

dictatorship is that in the former every representative of the people,

in whatever office, confines himself strictly within the limits of his

defined powers. Without such restraint there can be no free

constitutional government.

Under the order pursuant to which you have been elected and convened you

have no duty and no authority to take part in the present government of

the island. Your powers are strictly limited by the terms of that order.

When the convention concludes its labors I will transmit to the Congress

the constitution as framed by the convention for its consideration and

for such action as it may deem advisable.

I renew the recommendation made in my special message of February 10,

1899, as to the necessity for cable communication between the United

States and Hawaii, with extension to Manila. Since then circumstances

have strikingly emphasized this need. Surveys have shown the entire

feasibility of a chain of cables which at each stopping place shall

touch on American territory, so that the system shall be under our own

complete control. Manila once within telegraphic reach, connection with

the systems of the Asiatic coast would open increased and profitable

opportunities for a more direct cable route from our shores to the

Orient than is now afforded by the trans-Atlantic, continental, and

trans-Asian lines. I urge attention to this important matter.

The present strength of the Army is 100,000 men--65,000 regulars and

35,000 volunteers. Under the act of March 2, 1899, on the 30th of June

next the present volunteer force will be discharged and the Regular Army

will be reduced to 2,447 officers and 29,025 enlisted men.

In 1888 a Board of Officers convened by President Cleveland adopted a

comprehensive scheme of coast-defense fortifications which involved the

outlay of something over one hundred million dollars. This plan received

the approval of the Congress, and since then regular appropriations have

been made and the work of fortification has steadily progressed.

More than sixty millions of dollars have been invested in a great number

of forts and guns, with all the complicated and scientific machinery and

electrical appliances necessary for their use. The proper care of this

defensive machinery requires men trained in its use. The number of men

necessary to perform this duty alone is ascertained by the War

Department, at a minimum allowance, to be 18,420.

There are fifty-eight or more military posts in the United States other

than the coast-defense fortifications.

The number of these posts is being constantly increased by the Congress.

More than $22,000,000 have been expended in building and equipment,

and they can only be cared for by the Regular Army. The posts now in

existence and others to be built provide for accommodations for, and if

fully garrisoned require, 26,000 troops. Many of these posts are along

our frontier or at important strategic points, the occupation of which

is necessary.

We have in Cuba between 5,000 and 6,000 troops. For the present our

troops in that island cannot be withdrawn or materially diminished, and

certainly not until the conclusion of the labors of the constitutional

convention now in session and a government provided by the new

constitution shall have been established and its stability assured.

In Puerto Rico we have reduced the garrisons to 1,636, which includes

879 native troops. There is no room for further reduction here.

We will be required to keep a considerable force in the Philippine

Islands for some time to come. From the best information obtainable we

will need there for the immediate future from 45,000 to 60,000 men.

I am sure the number may be reduced as the insurgents shall come to

acknowledge the authority of the United States, of which there are

assuring indications.

It must be apparent that we will require an army of about 60,000, and

that during present conditions in Cuba and the Philippines the President

should have authority to increase the force to the present number of

100,000. Included in this number authority should be given to raise

native troops in the Philippines up to 15,000, which the Taft Commission

believe will be more effective in detecting and suppressing guerrillas,

assassins, and ladrones than our own soldiers.

The full discussion of this subject by the Secretary of War in his

annual report is called to your earnest attention.

I renew the recommendation made in my last annual message that the

Congress provide a special medal of honor for the volunteers, regulars,

sailors, and marines on duty in the Philippines who voluntarily remained

in the service after their terms of enlistment had expired.

I favor the recommendation of the Secretary of War for the detail

of officers from the line of the Army when vacancies occur in the

Adjutant-General's Department, Inspector-General's Department,

Quartermaster's Department, Subsistence Department, Pay Department,

Ordnance Department, and Signal Corps.

The Army cannot be too highly commended for its faithful and effective

service in active military operations in the field and the difficult

work of civil administration.

The continued and rapid growth of the postal service is a sure index

of the great and increasing business activity of the country. Its most

striking new development is the extension of rural free delivery. This

has come almost wholly within the last year. At the beginning of the

fiscal year 1899-1900 the number of routes in operation was only 391,

and most of these had been running less than twelve months. On the

15th of November, 1900, the number had increased to 2,614, reaching

into forty-four States and Territories, and serving a population of

1,801,524. The number of applications now pending and awaiting action

nearly equals all those granted up to the present time, and by the

close of the current fiscal year about 4,000 routes will have been

established, providing for the daily delivery of mails at the scattered

homes of about three and a half millions of rural population.

This service ameliorates the isolation of farm life, conduces to

good roads, and quickens and extends the dissemination of general

information. Experience thus far has tended to allay the apprehension

that it would be so expensive as to forbid its general adoption or make

it a serious burden. Its actual application has shown that it increases

postal receipts, and can be accompanied by reductions in other branches

of the service, so that the augmented revenues and the accomplished

savings together materially reduce the net cost. The evidences which

point to these conclusions are presented in detail in the annual report

of the Postmaster-General, which with its recommendations is commended

to the consideration of the Congress. The full development of this

special service, however, requires such a large outlay of money that

it should be undertaken only after a careful study and thorough

understanding of all that it involves.

Very efficient service has been rendered by the Navy in connection with

the insurrection in the Philippines and the recent disturbance in China.

A very satisfactory settlement has been made of the long-pending

question of the manufacture of armor plate. A reasonable price has been

secured and the necessity for a Government armor plant avoided.

I approve of the recommendations of the Secretary for new vessels and

for additional officers and men which the required increase of the Navy

makes necessary. I commend to the favorable action of the Congress the

measure now pending for the erection of a statue to the memory of the

late Admiral David D. Porter. I commend also the establishment of a

national naval reserve and of the grade of vice-admiral. Provision

should be made, as recommended by the Secretary, for suitable rewards

for special merit. Many officers who rendered the most distinguished

service during the recent war with Spain have received in return no

recognition from the Congress.

The total area of public lands as given by the Secretary of the Interior

is approximately 1,071,881,662 acres, of which 917,135,880 acres are

undisposed of and 154,745,782 acres have been reserved for various

purposes. The public lands disposed of during the year amount to

13,453,887.96 acres, including 62,423.09 acres of Indian lands, an

increase of 4,271,474.80 over the preceding year. The total receipts

from the sale of public lands during the fiscal year were $4,379,758.10,

an increase of $1,309,620.76 over the preceding year.

The results obtained from our forest policy have demonstrated its wisdom

and the necessity in the interest of the public for its continuance and

increased appropriations by the Congress for the carrying on of the

work. On June 30, 1900, there were thirty-seven forest reserves, created

by Presidential proclamations under section 24 of the act of March 3,

1891, embracing an area of 46,425,529 acres.

During the past year the Olympic Reserve, in the State of Washington,

was reduced 265,040 acres, leaving its present area at 1,923,840 acres.

The Prescott Reserve, in Arizona, was increased from 10,240 acres to

423,680 acres, and the Big Horn Reserve, in Wyoming, was increased from

1,127,680 acres to 1,180,800 acres. A new reserve, the Santa Ynez, in

California, embracing an area of 145,000 acres, was created during this

year. On October 10, 1900, the Crow Creek Forest Reserve, in Wyoming,

was created, with an area of 56,320 acres.

At the end of the fiscal year there were on the pension roll 993,529

names, a net increase of 2,010 over the fiscal year 1899. The number

added to the rolls during the year was 45,344. The amount disbursed for

Army pensions during the year was $134,700,597.24 and for Navy pensions

$3,761,533.41, a total of $138,462,130.65, leaving an unexpended balance

of $5,542,768.25 to be covered into the Treasury, which shows an

increase over the previous year's expenditure of $107,077.70. There were

684 names added to the rolls during the year by special acts passed at

the first session of the Fifty-sixth Congress.

The act of May 9, 1900, among other things provides for an extension

of income to widows pensioned under said act to $250 per annum. The

Secretary of the Interior believes that by the operations of this act

the number of persons pensioned under it will increase and the increased

annual payment for pensions will be between $3,000,000 and $4,000,000.

The Government justly appreciates the services of its soldiers and

sailors by making pension payments liberal beyond precedent to them,

their widows and orphans.

There were 26,540 letters patent granted, including reissues and

designs, during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900; 1,660 trademarks,

682 labels, and 93 prints registered. The number of patents which

expired was 19,988. The total receipts for patents were $1,358,228.35.

The expenditures were $1,247,827.58, showing a surplus of $110,400.77.

The attention of the Congress is called to the report of the Secretary

of the Interior touching the necessity for the further establishment of

schools in the Territory of Alaska, and favorable action is invited

thereon.

Much interesting information is given in the report of the Governor of

Hawaii as to the progress and development of the islands during the

period from July 7, 1898, the date of the approval of the joint

resolution of the Congress providing for their annexation, up to April

30, 1900, the date of the approval of the act providing a government for

the Territory, and thereafter.

The last Hawaiian census, taken in the year 1896, gives a total

population of 109,020, of which 31,019 were native Hawaiians. The number

of Americans reported was 8,485. The results of the Federal census,

taken this year, show the islands to have a total population of 154,001,

showing an increase over that reported in 1896 of 44,981, or 41.2 per

cent.

There has been marked progress in the educational, agricultural, and

railroad development of the islands.

In the Territorial act of April 30, 1900, section 7 of said act repeals

Chapter 34 of the Civil Laws of Hawaii whereby the Government was to

assist in encouraging and developing the agricultural resources of the

Republic, especially irrigation. The Governor of Hawaii recommends

legislation looking to the development of such water supply as may exist

on the public lands, with a view of promoting land settlement. The

earnest consideration of the Congress is invited to this important

recommendation and others, as embodied in the report of the Secretary of

the Interior.

The Director of the Census states that the work in connection with the

Twelfth Census is progressing favorably. This national undertaking,

ordered by the Congress each decade, has finally resulted in the

collection of an aggregation of statistical facts to determine the

industrial growth of the country, its manufacturing and mechanical

resources, its richness in mines and forests, the number of its

agriculturists, their farms and products, its educational and religious

opportunities, as well as questions pertaining to sociological

conditions.

The labors of the officials in charge of the Bureau indicate that the

four important and most-desired subjects, namely, population,

agricultural, manufacturing, and vital statistics, will be completed

within the limit prescribed by the law of March 3, 1899.

The field work incident to the above inquiries is now practically

finished, and as a result the population of the States and Territories,

including the Hawaiian Islands and Alaska, has been announced. The

growth of population during the last decade amounts to over 13,000,000,

a greater numerical increase than in any previous census in the history

of the country.

Bulletins will be issued as rapidly as possible giving the population by

States and Territories, by minor civil divisions. Several announcements

of this kind have already been made, and it is hoped that the list will

be completed by January 1. Other bulletins giving the results of the

manufacturing and agricultural inquiries will be given to the public as

rapidly as circumstances will admit.

The Director, while confident of his ability to complete the

different branches of the undertaking in the allotted time, finds

himself embarrassed by the lack of a trained force properly equipped for

statistical work, thus raising the question whether in the interest of

economy and a thorough execution of the census work there should not

be retained in the Government employ a certain number of experts not

only to aid in the preliminary organization prior to the taking of the

decennial census, but in addition to have the advantage in the field and

office work of the Bureau of trained assistants to facilitate the early

completion of this enormous undertaking.

I recommend that the Congress at its present session apportion

representation among the several States as provided by the Constitution.

The Department of Agriculture has been extending its work during the

past year, reaching farther for new varieties of seeds and plants;

co-operating more fully with the States and Territories in research

along useful lines; making progress in meteorological work relating to

lines of wireless telegraphy and forecasts for ocean-going vessels;

continuing inquiry as to animal disease; looking into the extent

and character of food adulteration; outlining plans for the care,

preservation, and intelligent harvesting of our woodlands; studying

soils that producers may cultivate with better knowledge of conditions,

and helping to clothe desert places with grasses suitable to our arid

regions. Our island possessions are being considered that their peoples

may be helped to produce the tropical products now so extensively

brought into the United States. Inquiry into methods of improving our

roads has been active during the year; help has been given to many

localities, and scientific investigation of material in the States and

Territories has been inaugurated. Irrigation problems in our semiarid

regions are receiving careful and increased consideration.

An extensive exhibit at Paris of the products of agriculture has made

the peoples of many countries more familiar with the varied products of

our fields and their comparative excellence.

The collection of statistics regarding our crops is being improved and

sources of information are being enlarged, to the end that producers may

have the earliest advices regarding crop conditions. There has never

been a time when those for whom it was established have shown more

appreciation of the services of the Department.

In my annual message of December 5, 1898, I called attention to the

necessity for some amendment of the alien contract law. There still

remain important features of the rightful application of the eight-hour

law for the benefit of labor and of the principle of arbitration, and I

again commend these subjects to the careful attention of the Congress.

That there may be secured the best service possible in the Philippine

Islands, I have issued, under date of November 30, 1900, the following

order:

The United States Civil Service Commission is directed to render such

assistance as may be practicable to the Civil Service Board, created

under the act of the United States Philippine Commission, for the

establishment and maintenance of an honest and efficient civil service

in the Philippine Islands, and for that purpose to conduct examinations

for the civil service of the Philippine Islands, upon the request of the

Civil Service Board of said islands, under such regulations as may be

agreed upon by the said Board and the said United States Civil Service

Commission.

The Civil Service Commission is greatly embarrassed in its work for

want of an adequate permanent force for clerical and other assistance.

Its needs are fully set forth in its report. I invite attention to

the report, and especially urge upon the Congress that this important

bureau of the public service, which passes upon the qualifications and

character of so large a number of the officers and employees of the

Government, should be supported by all needed appropriations to secure

promptness and efficiency.

I am very much impressed with the statement made by the heads of all the

Departments of the urgent necessity of a hall of public records. In

every departmental building in Washington, so far as I am informed, the

space for official records is not only exhausted, but the walls of rooms

are lined with shelves, the middle floor space of many rooms is filled

with file cases, and garrets and basements, which were never intended

and are unfitted for their accommodation, are crowded with them. Aside

from the inconvenience there is great danger, not only from fire, but

from the weight of these records upon timbers not intended for their

support. There should be a separate building especially designed for the

purpose of receiving and preserving the annually accumulating archives

of the several Executive Departments. Such a hall need not be a costly

structure, but should be so arranged as to admit of enlargement from

time to time. I urgently recommend that the Congress take early action

in this matter.

I transmit to the Congress a resolution adopted at a recent meeting of

the American Bar Association concerning the proposed celebration of John

Marshall Day, February 4, 1901. Fitting exercises have been arranged,

and it is earnestly desired by the committee that the Congress may

participate in this movement to honor the memory of the great jurist.

The transfer of the Government to this city is a fact of great

historical interest. Among the people there is a feeling of genuine

pride in the Capital of the Republic.

It is a matter of interest in this connection that in 1800 the

population of the District of Columbia was 14,093; to-day it is 278,718.

The population of the city of Washington was then 3,210; to-day it is

218,196.

The Congress having provided for "an appropriate national celebration

of the Centennial Anniversary of the Establishment of the Seat of the

Government in the District of Columbia," the committees authorized by it

have prepared a programme for the 12th of December, 1900, which date has

been selected as the anniversary day. Deep interest has been shown in

the arrangements for the celebration by the members of the committees

of the Senate and House of Representatives, the committee of Governors

appointed by the President, and the committees appointed by the citizens

and inhabitants of the District of Columbia generally. The programme, in

addition to a reception and other exercises at the Executive Mansion,

provides commemorative exercises to be held jointly by the Senate and

House of Representatives in the Hall of the House of Representatives,

and a reception in the evening at the Corcoran Gallery of Art in honor

of the Governors of the States and Territories.

In our great prosperity we must guard against the danger it invites of

extravagance in Government expenditures and appropriations; and the

chosen representatives of the people will, I doubt not, furnish an

example in their legislation of that wise economy which in a season of

plenty husbands for the future. In this era of great business activity

and opportunity caution is not untimely. It will not abate, but

strengthen, confidence. It will not retard, but promote, legitimate

industrial and commercial expansion. Our growing power brings with it

temptations and perils requiring constant vigilance to avoid. It must

not be used to invite conflicts, nor for oppression, but for the more

effective maintenance of those principles of equality and justice upon

which our institutions and happiness depend. Let us keep always in mind

that the foundation of our Government is liberty; its superstructure

peace.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, December 4, 1900_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith, for the information of Congress, copy of a letter

from the Commissioner-General of the United States to the Paris

Exposition of 1900, of November 17, 1900, giving a detailed statement of

the expenditures of the commission for the year ended November 15, 1900.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, December 6, 1900_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith the report from the Secretary of State and

accompanying papers relating to the claim against the United States of

the Russian subject, Gustav Isak Dahlberg, master and principal owner of

the Russian bark _Hans_, based on his wrongful and illegal arrest

and imprisonment by officers of the United States District Court for the

southern district of Mississippi, and, in view of the opinion expressed

by the Department of Justice that the said arrest and detention of the

complainant were wrongful and without the authority of law, I recommend

the appropriation by Congress of the sum of $5,000 to reimburse the

master and owners of the vessel for all losses and damages incurred by

reason of his said wrongful and illegal arrest and detention.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, December 6, 1900_.

_To the Congress of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, with

accompanying papers, in relation to the lynching, in La Salle County,

Tex., on October 5, 1895, of Florentine Suaste, a Mexican citizen.

Following the course pursued in the case of the lynching of three

Italian subjects at Hahnville, La., on August 8, 1896, and in that of

the lynching of the Mexican citizen, Luis Moreno, at Yreka, Cal., in

August, 1895, I recommend the appropriation by Congress, out of humane

consideration, and without reference to the question of liability of the

Government of the United States, of the sum of $2,000, to be paid by the

Secretary of State to the Government of Mexico, and by that Government

distributed to the heirs of the above-mentioned Florentino Suaste.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 3, 1901_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In reply to a resolution of the Senate of December 19, 1900, directing

the Secretary of War "to transmit to the Senate the report of Abraham L.

Lawshe, giving in detail the result of his investigations, made under

the direction of the War Department, into the receipts and expenditures

of Cuban funds," the Senate is informed that for the reasons stated in

the accompanying communication from the Secretary of War, dated December

28, 1900, it is not deemed compatible with the public interest to

transmit the report to the Senate at this time.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 16, 1901_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith for the information of the Congress a letter from

the Secretary of Agriculture, in which he presents a preliminary report

of investigations upon the forests of the southern Appalachian Mountain

region. Upon the basis of the facts established by this investigation

the Secretary of Agriculture recommends the purchase of land for a

national forest reserve in western North Carolina, eastern Tennessee,

and adjacent States. I commend to the favorable consideration of

Congress the reasons upon which this recommendation rests.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _January 25, 1901_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

For the information of the Congress and with a view to such action on

its part as it may deem wise and appropriate I transmit a report of the

Secretary of War, made to me under date of January 24, 1901, containing

the reports of the Taft commission, its several acts of legislation, and

other important information relating to the conditions and immediate

wants of the Philippine Islands.

I earnestly recommend legislation under which the government of the

islands may have authority to assist in their peaceful industrial

development in the directions indicated by the Secretary of War.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 29, 1901_.

_To the Congress_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State relating to

the treaty between the United States and Spain, signed at Washington,

November 7, 1900, providing for the cession of any and all islands of

the Philippine Archipelago lying outside of the lines described in

Article III of the treaty of peace of December 10, 1898.

I recommend the appropriation by Congress during the present session of

the sum of one hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of carrying out

the obligations of the United States under the treaty.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 29, 1901_.

_To the Congress_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State relating to the

lynching of two Italian subjects at Tallulah, La., on July 20, 1899.

I renew the recommendation made in my annual message to the Congress on

December 3, 1900, that in accordance with precedent Congress make

gracious provision for indemnity to the families of the victims in the

same form as heretofore.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 29, 1901_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a communication from the Secretary of State

accompanying the Commercial Relations of the United States for the year

1900, being the annual and other reports of consular and diplomatic

officers upon the industries and commerce of foreign countries, with

particular reference to the growing share of the United States in

international trade. The advance in the general efficiency of our

consular service in promoting trade, which was noted in my message of

March 1, 1900, transmitting the reports for 1899, was even more marked

than last year. The promptitude with which the reports of the consuls

are printed and distributed, the generous recognition which is being

increasingly accorded by our business interests to the practical value

of their efforts for enlarging trade, and the continued testimony of

competent foreign authorities to the general superiority of their

commercial work, have naturally had a stimulating effect upon its

consular corps as a whole, and experience in the discharge of their

duties adds greatly to their efficiency. It is gratifying to be able to

state that the improvement in the service, following closely upon the

steady progress in expediting the publication of reports, has enabled

the Department of State this year to submit the annual reports a month

in advance of the usual time, and to make them as nearly as possible a

contemporaneous picture of the trade of the world. In view of the great

importance of these reports to our producers, manufacturers, exporters,

and business interest generally, I cordially approve the recommendation

of the Secretary of State that Congress shall authorize the printing as

heretofore of an edition of 10,000 copies of the summary, entitled

"Review of the World's Commerce," and of 5,000 copies of Commercial

Relations (including this summary), to be distributed by the Department

of State.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 14, 1901_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

During our recent war with Spain the United States naval force on the

North Atlantic Station was charged with varied and important duties,

chief among which were the maintenance of the blockade of Cuba, aiding

the army, and landing troops and in subsequent operations, and

particularly in the pursuit, blockade, and destruction of the Spanish

Squadron under Admiral Cervera.

This naval campaign, embracing objects of wide scope and grave

responsibilities, was conducted with great ability on the part of the

commander-in-chief, and of the officers and enlisted men under his

command. It culminated in the annihilation of the Spanish fleet in the

battle of July 3, 1898, one of the most memorable naval engagements in

history.

The result of this battle was the freeing of our Atlantic coast from the

possibilities to which it had been exposed from Admiral Cervera's fleet,

and the termination of the war upon the seas.

I recommend that, following our national precedents, especially that

in the case of Admiral Dewey and the Asiatic Squadron, the thanks of

Congress be given to Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson, United States

Navy, and to the officers and men under his command for highly

distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, and in carrying on

the blockade and naval campaign on the Cuban coast, resulting in the

destruction of the Spanish fleet at Santiago de Cuba July 3, 1898.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February 21, 1901_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith, for the information of the Congress and with a view

to its publication in suitable form, if such action is deemed desirable,

a special report of the United States Board on Geographic Names,

relating to geographic names in the Philippine Islands, and invite

attention to the recommendation of the Board:

"That in addition to the usual number, there be printed 15,000 copies:

2,000 copies for the use of the Senate, 3,000 copies for the use of the

House of Representatives, and 10,000 copies for distribution by the

Board to the Executive Departments and the public."

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, February 26, 1901_.

_To the Congress_:

I transmit herewith, for the consideration of Congress, in connection

with my message of January 29, 1901, relative to the lynching of certain

Italian subjects at Tallulah, La., a report by the Secretary of State

touching a claim for $5,000 presented by the Italian ambassador at

Washington on behalf of Guiseppe Defina, on account of his being obliged

to abandon his home and business.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, February 28, 1901_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith, in pursuance of the act of Congress approved July

1, 1898 (U.S. Stat. L., vol. 30, pp. 645, 646), the report of Mr.

Ferdinand W. Peck, commissioner-general of the United States to the

International Exposition held at Paris, France, during the year 1900.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, March 1, 1901_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I return herewith, without approval, House bill No. 3204, entitled "An

act to refer certain claims for Indian depredations to the Court of

Claims."

General relief has been extended to citizens who have lost property by

reason of Indian depredations by the act of March 3, 1891, conferring

jurisdiction upon the Court of Claims to hear and determine such cases.

That act provides for payment for damages growing out of depredations

committed by any Indian or Indians belonging to a band, tribe, or nation

in amity with the United States, excluding from consideration all claims

which originated during the existence of actual hostilities between the

United States and the Indian tribe.

In making this discrimination the act of 1891 follows the general

principle which has been asserted in all general legislation which has

ever been enacted for the payment of claims for property destroyed by

Indians. The first act which promised such indemnity, that of May 19,

1796, contained the same restriction, and it was reported in every

subsequent general act of Congress dealing with the subject. This

policy, which has been clearly manifested from the beginning, is in

accord with the recognized principle that the nation is not liable for

damage to the private property of its citizens caused by the act of the

public enemy. This statute has been thoroughly considered by the Court

of Claims and by the Supreme Court and its interpretation fixed, and it

has been declared to be in accord not only with the policy of Congress

as expressed through the legislation of the century, but with the

general principles of international law.

I am informed that the records of the Court of Claims show that the

claims of four of the five beneficiaries named in the present bill

have been presented to that court under the general law and decided

adversely, the court having held that a state of war existed between

the United States and the Sioux Indians in the year 1862 when the

claims arose. The remaining claim, which originated under the same

circumstances and at the same time, would, of course, be subject to

the same defense if presented.

The bill provides that these claims shall be sent back to the Court of

Claims for trial according to the principles and rules which governed

the commission appointed under the act of February 16, 1863. That act,

which was a special act relating to losses occurring during the

hostilities of the previous year, did not, of course, impose the

requirement of amity, the claims allowed by the commission being paid

out of the funds belonging to the hostile Indians sequestered by the

statute. The effect of this bill, if it became a law, would be to

provide for the payment out of the Treasury of the United States of

these claims which were not presented for payment out of the Indian

funds and which have been rejected by the courts under the general law.

There are many hundreds of cases, aggregating a large amount claimed,

which have been filed in the Court of Claims, but which are excluded

from its jurisdiction for the same reason which necessitated the

dismissal of the petitions filed by these claimants. There is no legal

obligation on the part of the United States, and no promise, express or

implied, for the payment of such claims.

The measure of governmental liability is fulfilled by the passage of the

act of March 3, 1891, and the prompt payment of the judgments rendered

thereunder. To single out for payment a few claims of this large class

to the exclusion of all others would, in my judgment, be unjust; and

such action would also with reason be cited as a precedent for extending

governmental aid in all similar cases.

For the reasons given I am constrained to withhold my approval from the

bill.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 7, 1901_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State in response to

the resolution of the House of Representatives of February 19, 1901,

requesting him to furnish that body "all the information in the

possession of the State Department relating to the shipment of horses

and mules from New Orleans in large numbers for the use of the British

army in the war in South Africa."

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, March 2, 1901_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I return herewith, without approval, House bill No. 321, entitled "An

act for the relief of the legal representative of Samuel Tewksbury,

deceased."

This bill provides for the payment to the legal representative of Samuel

Tewksbury, late of Scranton, Allegheny County, Pa., the sum of $5,697

in full compensation for the use and occupation by the United States

Government of the brick building and premises owned by him in the city

of Scranton, Pa., as a depot or barracks for United States troops by the

Provost Marshal of the United States from June, 1862, to June, 1865,

inclusive.

The records of the War Department show that about April 26, 1865, Col.

J.G. Johnson, Chief Quartermaster, forwarded to the office of the

Quartermaster-General a claim of Samuel Tewksbury for use of a building

at Scranton, Pa., from February 24, 1864, to February 3, 1865, Stated at

$1,133.33, and damage to said building at $1,400, total $2,533.33.

In forwarding these papers Colonel Johnson states as follows:

In the spring of 1864 Mr. Samuel Tewksbury presented to me through his

agents a claim against the United States Government for use of the

premises mentioned in the enclosed account accompanying the papers.

I learn from Mr. S.N. Bradford, Provost Marshal of the Twelfth District

of Pennsylvania at Scranton, that lodgings were furnished to persons in

military service at that place by Gardiner and Atkinson under a contract

with the Provost Marshal, also that the contractors rented the building

used for the above purpose from Mr. Tewksbury.

Considering it a matter entirely between that gentleman and his tenants,

Messrs. Gardiner and Atkinson, I at that time refused to take any action

in the matter whatever.

The claim was again submitted to the office of the Quartermaster-General

on September 30, 1865, by Major W.B. Lane, and was returned on May 1,

1866, with the information that the United States had already paid for

lodging of the troops under the control of the Provost Marshal at

Scranton, Pa., during the time for which charge for rent is made.

The claimant was referred to the officer or person by whom the building

was taken for compensation for its use. No other record of this case is

found in the War Department, although it will be observed that the bill

covers a period from June, 1862, to June, 1865, inclusive, while the

claim as originally presented to the War Department was for occupancy of

the building at Scranton, Pa., from February 24, 1864, to February 3,

1865.

It thus appears that when this claim was originally presented it was

examined by the proper representative of the Government, and was

rejected; that no such use and occupation as the United States

Government had of claimant's building was under a contract between the

Government and the tenants of claimant, and that payment therefor was

duly made by the Government. Now after a lapse of some thirty-seven

years the period of use and occupation covered by the claim has

increased threefold, and the compensation asked therefor has more than

doubled. Under the circumstances of this case I do not feel at liberty

to approve the bill.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

_My Fellow-Citizens_:

When we assembled here on the 4th of March, 1897, there was great

anxiety with regard to our currency and credit. None exists now. Then

our Treasury receipts were inadequate to meet the current obligations

of the Government. Now they are sufficient for all public needs, and we

have a surplus instead of a deficit. Then I felt constrained to convene

the Congress in extraordinary session to devise revenues to pay the

ordinary expenses of the Government. Now I have the satisfaction to

announce that the Congress just closed has reduced taxation in the sum

of $41,000,000. Then there was deep solicitude because of the long

depression in our manufacturing, mining, agricultural, and mercantile

industries and the consequent distress of our laboring population. Now

every avenue of production is crowded with activity, labor is well

employed, and American products find good markets at home and abroad.

Our diversified productions, however, are increasing in such

unprecedented volume as to admonish us of the necessity of still further

enlarging our foreign markets by broader commercial relations. For this

purpose reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations should in

liberal spirit be carefully cultivated and promoted.

The national verdict of 1896 has for the most part been executed.

Whatever remains unfulfilled is a continuing obligation resting with

undiminished force upon the Executive and the Congress. But fortunate as

our condition is, its permanence can only be assured by sound business

methods and strict economy in national administration and legislation.

We should not permit our great prosperity to lead us to reckless

ventures in business or profligacy in public expenditures. While the

Congress determines the objects and the sum of appropriations, the

officials of the executive departments are responsible for honest and

faithful disbursement, and it should be their constant care to avoid

waste and extravagance.

Honesty, capacity, and industry are nowhere more indispensable than in

public employment. These should be fundamental requisites to original

appointment and the surest guaranties against removal.

Four years ago we stood on the brink of war without the people knowing

it and without any preparation or effort at preparation for the

impending peril. I did all that in honor could be done to avert the war,

but without avail. It became inevitable; and the Congress at its first

regular session, without party division, provided money in anticipation

of the crisis and in preparation to meet it. It came. The result was

signally favorable to American arms and in the highest degree honorable

to the Government. It imposed upon us obligations from which we cannot

escape and from which it would be dishonorable to seek escape. We are

now at peace with the world, and it is my fervent prayer that if

differences arise between us and other powers they may be settled by

peaceful arbitration and that hereafter we may be spared the horrors

of war.

Intrusted by the people for a second time with the office of President,

I enter upon its administration appreciating the great responsibilities

which attach to this renewed honor and commission, promising unreserved

devotion on my part to their faithful discharge and reverently invoking

for my guidance the direction and favor of Almighty God. I should shrink

from the duties this day assumed if I did not feel that in their

performance I should have the co-operation of the wise and patriotic

men of all parties. It encourages me for the great task which I now

undertake to believe that those who voluntarily committed to me the

trust imposed upon the Chief Executive of the Republic will give to

me generous support in my duties to "preserve, protect, and defend,

the Constitution of the United States" and to "care that the laws be

faithfully executed." The national purpose is indicated through a

national election. It is the constitutional method of ascertaining the

public will. When once it is registered it is a law to us all, and

faithful observance should follow its decrees.

Strong hearts and helpful hands are needed, and, fortunately, we have

them in every part of our beloved country. We are reunited. Sectionalism

has disappeared. Division on public questions can no longer be traced

by the war maps of 1861. These old differences less and less disturb

the judgment. Existing problems demand the thought and quicken the

conscience of the country, and the responsibility for their presence, as

well as for their righteous settlement, rests upon us all--no more upon

me than upon you. There are some national questions in the solution

of which patriotism should exclude partisanship. Magnifying their

difficulties will not take them off our hands nor facilitate their

adjustment. Distrust of the capacity, integrity, and high purposes of

the American people will not be an inspiring theme for future political

contests. Dark pictures and gloomy forebodings are worse than useless.

These only becloud, they do not help to point the way of safety and

honor. "Hope maketh not ashamed." The prophets of evil were not the

builders of the Republic, nor in its crises since have they saved or

served it. The faith of the fathers was a mighty force in its creation,

and the faith of their descendants has wrought its progress and

furnished its defenders. They are obstructionists who despair, and who

would destroy confidence in the ability of our people to solve wisely

and for civilization the mighty problems resting upon them. The American

people, intrenched in freedom at home, take their love for it with them

wherever they go, and they reject as mistaken and unworthy the doctrine

that we lose our own liberties by securing the enduring foundations of

liberty to others. Our institutions will not deteriorate by extension,

and our sense of justice will not abate under tropic suns in distant

seas. As heretofore, so hereafter will the nation demonstrate its

fitness to administer any new estate which events devolve upon it, and

in the fear of God will "take occasion by the hand and make the bounds

of freedom wider yet." If there are those among us who would make our

way more difficult, we must not be disheartened, but the more earnestly

dedicate ourselves to the task upon which we have rightly entered. The

path of progress is seldom smooth. New things are often found hard to

do. Our fathers found them so. We find them so. They are inconvenient.

They cost us something. But are we not made better for the effort and

sacrifice, and are not those we serve lifted up and blessed?

We will be consoled, too, with the fact that opposition has confronted

every onward movement of the Republic from its opening hour until now,

but without success. The Republic has marched on and on, and its step

has exalted freedom and humanity. We are undergoing the same ordeal as

did our predecessors nearly a century ago. We are following the course

they blazed. They triumphed. Will their successors falter and plead

organic impotency in the nation? Surely after 125 years of achievement

for mankind we will not now surrender our equality with other powers on

matters fundamental and essential to nationality. With no such purpose

was the nation created. In no such spirit has it developed its full and

independent sovereignty. We adhere to the principle of equality among

ourselves, and by no act of ours will we assign to ourselves a

subordinate rank in the family of nations.

My fellow-citizens, the public events of the past four years have

gone into history. They are too near to justify recital. Some of them

were unforeseen; many of them momentous and far-reaching in their

consequences to ourselves and our relations with the rest of the world.

The part which the United States bore so honorably in the thrilling

scenes in China, while new to American life, has been in harmony with

its true spirit and best traditions, and in dealing with the results its

policy will be that of moderation and fairness.

We face at this moment a most important question--that of the future

relations of the United States and Cuba. With our near neighbors we must

remain close friends. The declaration of the purposes of this Government

in the resolution of April 20, 1898, must be made good. Ever since the

evacuation of the island by the army of Spain the Executive, with all

practicable speed, has been assisting its people in the successive steps

necessary to the establishment of a free and independent government

prepared to assume and perform the obligations of international law

which now rest upon the United States under the treaty of Paris. The

convention elected by the people to frame a constitution is approaching

the completion of its labors. The transfer of American control to the

new government is of such great importance, involving an obligation

resulting from our intervention and the treaty of peace, that I am glad

to be advised by the recent act of Congress of the policy which the

legislative branch of the Government deems essential to the best

interests of Cuba and the United States. The principles which led to

our intervention require that the fundamental law upon which the new

government rests should be adapted to secure a government capable of

performing the duties and discharging the functions of a separate

nation, of observing its international obligations of protecting life

and property, insuring order, safety, and liberty, and conforming to the

established and historical policy of the United States in its relation

to Cuba.

The peace which we are pledged to leave to the Cuban people must

carry with it the guaranties of permanence. We became sponsors for the

pacification of the island, and we remain accountable to the Cubans,

no less than to our own country and people, for the reconstruction of

Cuba as a free commonwealth on abiding foundations of right, justice,

liberty, and assured order. Our enfranchisement of the people will not

be completed until free Cuba shall "be a reality, not a name; a perfect

entity, not a hasty experiment bearing within itself the elements of

failure."

While the treaty of peace with Spain was ratified on the 6th of

February, 1899, and ratifications were exchanged nearly two years ago,

the Congress has indicated no form of government for the Philippine

Islands. It has, however, provided an army to enable the Executive to

suppress insurrection, restore peace, give security to the inhabitants,

and establish the authority of the United States throughout the

archipelago. It has authorized the organization of native troops as

auxiliary to the regular force. It has been advised from time to time

of the acts of the military and naval officers in the islands, of my

action in appointing civil commissions, of the instructions with which

they were charged, of their duties and powers, of their recommendations,

and of their several acts under executive commission, together with the

very complete general information they have submitted. These reports

fully set forth the conditions, past and present, in the islands, and

the instructions clearly show the principles which will guide the

Executive until the Congress shall, as it is required to do by the

treaty, determine "the civil rights and political status of the native

inhabitants." The Congress having added the sanction of its authority to

the powers already possessed and exercised by the Executive under the

Constitution, thereby leaving with the Executive the responsibility for

the government of the Philippines, I shall continue the efforts already

begun until order shall be restored throughout the islands, and as fast

as conditions permit will establish local governments, in the formation

of which the full co-operation of the people has been already invited,

and when established will encourage the people to administer them. The

settled purpose, long ago proclaimed, to afford the inhabitants of the

islands self-government as fast as they were ready for it will be

pursued with earnestness and fidelity. Already something has been

accomplished in this direction. The Government's representatives, civil

and military, are doing faithful and noble work in their mission of

emancipation and merit the approval and support of their countrymen.

The most liberal terms of amnesty have already been communicated to the

insurgents, and the way is still open for those who have raised their

arms against the Government for honorable submission to its authority.

Our countrymen should not be deceived. We are not waging war against the

inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. A portion of them are making war

against the United States. By far the greater part of the inhabitants

recognize American sovereignty and welcome it as a guaranty of order and

of security for life, property, liberty, freedom of conscience, and the

pursuit of happiness. To them full protection will be given. They shall

not be abandoned. We will not leave the destiny of the loyal millions in

the islands to the disloyal thousands who are in rebellion against the

United States. Order under civil institutions will come as soon as those

who now break the peace shall keep it. Force will not be needed or used

when those who make war against us shall make it no more. May it end

without further bloodshed, and there be ushered in the reign of peace

to be made permanent by a government of liberty under law!

MARCH 4, 1901.

PROCLAMATIONS.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas public interests require that the Congress of the United States

should be convened in extra session at twelve o'clock on the 15th day of

March, 1897, to receive such communication as may be made by the

Executive:

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States of

America, do hereby proclaim and declare that an extraordinary occasion

requires the Congress of the United States to convene in extra session

at the Capitol in the city of Washington on the 15th day of March, 1897,

at twelve o'clock, noon, of which all persons who shall at that time be

entitled to act as members thereof, are hereby required to take notice.

[SEAL.]

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at Washington the

6th day of March in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and

ninety-seven, and of the Independence of the United States the one

hundred and twenty-first.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN SHERMAN,

_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION.

In remembrance of God's goodness to us during the past year, which has

been so abundant, "let us offer unto Him our thanksgiving and pay our

vows unto the Most High." Under His watchful providence industry has

prospered, the conditions of labor have been improved, the rewards of

the husbandman have been increased, and the comforts of our homes

multiplied. His mighty hand has preserved peace and protected the

nation. Respect for law and order has been strengthened, love of free

institutions cherished, and all sections of our beloved country brought

into closer bonds of fraternal regard and generous cooperation.

For these great benefits it is our duty to praise the Lord in a spirit

of humility and gratitude and to offer up to Him our most earnest

supplications. That we may acknowledge our obligation as a people to

Him who has so graciously granted us the blessings of free government

and material prosperity, I, William McKinley, President of the United

States, do hereby designate and set apart Thursday, the twenty-fifth

day of November, for national thanksgiving and prayer, which all of

the people are invited to observe with appropriate religious services

in their respective places of worship. On this day of rejoicing and

domestic reunion let our prayers ascend to the Giver of every good and

perfect gift for the continuance of His love and favor to us, that our

hearts may be filled with charity and good will, and we may be ever

worthy of His beneficent concern.

[SEAL.]

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington this 29th day of October, in the year of

our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN SHERMAN,

_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas satisfactory proof has been given me that vessels of the United

States in ballast which proceed to Mexico with the object of devoting

themselves to pearl fishery and fishing on the Mexican coasts or for the

purpose of receiving and carrying passengers and mail or of loading

cattle, wood, or any other Mexican product and which shall go directly

to ports open to general commerce so that thence they may be dispatched

to their destination, and steam vessels of the United States are

exempted from tonnage duties in Mexican ports;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States of

America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the act of Congress

approved July 24, 1897, entitled "An act to authorize the President to

suspend discriminating duties imposed on foreign vessels and commerce,"

do hereby declare and proclaim that from and after the date of this, my

proclamation, Mexican vessels in ballast which proceed to the United

States with the object of fishing on the coast thereof or for the

purpose of receiving and carrying passengers and mail or of loading

cattle, wood, or any other product of the United States and which shall

go directly to ports open to general commerce so that thence they may be

despatched to their destination, and Mexican steam vessels shall be

exempted from the payment of the tonnage duties imposed by section 4219

of the Revised Statutes of the United States.

And this proclamation shall remain in force and effect until otherwise

ordered by the President of the United States.

In witness whereof I have set my hand and caused the seal of the United

States to be hereunto affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington this 12th day of November, in the year

of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN SHERMAN,

_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of Congress,

approved March third, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, entitled "An act

to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "That the

President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and

reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests,

in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or

undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations,

and the President shall, by public proclamation, declare the

establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;"

And whereas, the public lands in the Territory of Arizona, within the

limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it

appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and

reserving said lands as a public reservation;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid

act of Congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby

reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a Public Reservation

all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being

situate in the Territory of Arizona, and within the boundaries

particularly described as follows, to wit:

Beginning at the northeast corner of Section twelve (12), Township

thirteen (13) North, Range three (3) West, Gila and Salt River Meridian,

Arizona; thence southerly along the range line to the point for the

southeast corner of Section twenty-five (25), said Township; thence

westerly along the unsurveyed section line to the point for the

southwest corner of Section twenty-eight (28), said Township; thence

northerly along the unsurveyed section line to the point for the

northwest corner of Section nine (9), said Township; thence easterly

along the unsurveyed and surveyed section line to the northeast corner

of Section twelve (12), said Township, the place of beginning.

Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which

may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or

covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper United States

Land Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant

to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing

of record has not expired; and all mining claims duly located and held

according to the laws of the United States and rules and regulations not

in conflict therewith;

Provided, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any

particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler, or claimant

continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing,

settlement, or location was made.

Warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to enter or make

settlement upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington this 10th day of May, in the year of

our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

WILLIAM R. DAY,

_Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of Congress

approved March third, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, entitled, "An

act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "That the

President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and

reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests,

in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or

undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations,

and the President shall, by public proclamation, declare the

establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;"

And whereas it is further provided by the act of Congress, approved June

fourth, eighteen hundred and ninety-seven, entitled, "An act making

appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the

fiscal year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight,

and for other purposes," that "The President is hereby authorized at any

time to modify any executive order that has been or may hereafter be

made establishing any forest reserve, and by such modification may

reduce the area or change the boundary lines of such reserve, or may

vacate altogether any order creating such reserve;"

And whereas the public lands in the Territory of New Mexico, within the

limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it

appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and

reserving said lands as a public reservation;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by the aforesaid acts of Congress, do

hereby make known and proclaim that the boundary lines of the Forest

Reservation in the Territory of New Mexico, known as "The Pecos River

Forest Reserve," created by proclamation of January eleventh, eighteen

hundred and ninety-two, are hereby so changed and enlarged as to include

all those certain tracts, pieces, or parcels of land lying and being

situate in the Territory of New Mexico, and within the boundaries

particularly described as follows, to wit:

Beginning at the southwest corner of Township seventeen (17) North,

Range thirteen (13) East, New Mexico Principal Meridian, New Mexico;

thence easterly along the Fourth (4th) Standard Parallel North, to its

intersection with the west boundary line of the Las Vegas Grant; thence

northerly along the west boundary lines of the Las Vegas and Mora Grants

to the point of intersection with the southeast boundary line of the

Rancho del Rio Grande Grant; thence along the boundary line of said

grant in a southwesterly direction to the most southerly point thereof;

thence southerly to the line of the Santa Barbary Grant; thence

southeasterly and southerly to the southeast corner thereof; thence

westerly along the south boundary line of said grant to the southwest

corner thereof, and continuing westerly to the east boundary line of the

Las Trampas Grant; thence in a general southwesterly direction following

the boundary lines of the Las Trampas, Las Truchas, and San Fernando

Santiago Grants to the point of intersection with the unsurveyed range

line between Ranges ten (10) and eleven (11) East; thence southerly

along the range line to the point for the southwest corner of Section

eighteen (18), Fractional Township sixteen (16) North, Range eleven (11)

East; thence easterly along the unsurveyed section line to the point for

the southeast corner of Section thirteen (13), said township; thence

northerly along the range line to the northeast corner of Township

seventeen (17) North, Range eleven (11) East; thence easterly along the

township line to the southeast corner of Township eighteen (18) North,

Range twelve (12) East; thence southerly along the range line to the

southwest corner of Township seventeen (17) North, Range thirteen (13)

East, the place of beginning.

Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which

may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or

covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper United States

Land Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant

to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of

record has not expired; and all mining claims duly located and held

according to the laws of the United States and rules and regulations not

in conflict therewith;

Provided, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any

particular tract of land unless the entry man, settler, or claimant

continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing,

settlement, or location was made.

Warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to enter or make

settlement upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 27th day of May, in the year of

our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

J.B. MOORE,

_Acting Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas pursuant to section 3 of the act of Congress approved July 24,

1897, entitled "An Act to provide revenue for the Government and to

encourage the industries of the United States," the Governments of the

United States and of the French Republic have in the spirit of amity,

and with a desire to improve their commercial relations, entered into

a Commercial Agreement in which reciprocal and equivalent concessions

have been in the judgment of the President secured according to the

provisions of said section, whereby the following articles of commerce,

being the products and manufactures of the United States, are to be

admitted into France on and after the 1st day of June, 1898, at the

minimum rate of duty, not exceeding the rates respectively appearing

in the following table, namely:

Francs per 100 kilogs.

Canned meats 15

Table fruits, fresh:

Lemons, oranges, cedrats and their varieties not mentioned 5

Mandarin oranges 10

Common table grapes 8

Apples and pears:

For the table 2

For cider and perry 1.50

Other fruits except hothouse grapes and fruits 3

Fruits dried or pressed (excluding raisins):

Apples and pears:

For the table 10

For cider and perry 4

Prunes 10

Other fruits 5

Common woods, logs 0.65

Sawed or squared timber 80 mm. or more in thickness 1

Squared or sawed lumber exceeding 35 mm.

and less than 80 mm. in thickness 1.25

Wood sawed 35 mm. or less in thickness 1.75

Paving blocks 1.75

Staves 1.75

Hops 30

Apples and pears crushed, or cut and dried 1.50

Manufactured and prepared Pork meats 50

Lard and its compounds 25

Therefore, in further execution of the provisions of said section it is

hereby declared that on and after the 1st day of June, 1898, and during

the continuance in force of the Agreement aforesaid, and until otherwise

declared, the imposition and collection of the duties heretofore imposed

and collected upon the following named articles, the products of France,

by virtue of said act are hereby suspended, and in place thereof the

duties shall be imposed and collected thereon according to the

provisions of said section 3 as follows:

On argols, or crude tartar, or wine lees, crude, five _per centum ad

valorem_.

On brandies, or other spirits manufactured or distilled from grain or

other materials, one dollar and seventy-five cents per proof gallon.

On paintings in oil or water colors, pastels, pen and ink drawings, and

statuary, fifteen _per centum ad valorem_.

It is further declared that the rates of duty heretofore imposed and

collected on still wines and vermuth, the product of France, under the

provisions of the United States Tariff Act of 1897 are conditionally

suspended, and in place thereof shall be imposed and collected on and

after the 1st day of June next as follows, namely:

On still wines and vermuth, in casks, thirty-five cents per gallon; in

bottles or jugs, per case of one dozen bottles or jugs containing each

not more than one quart and more than one pint, or twenty-four bottles

or jugs containing each not more than one pint, one dollar and

twenty-five cents per case, and any excess beyond these quantities found

in such bottles or jugs shall be subject to a duty of four cents per

pint or fractional part thereof, but no separate or additional duty

shall be assessed upon the bottles or jugs.

Now, therefore, be it known that I, William McKinley, President of the

United States of America, have caused the above stated modifications of

the customs duties of the respective countries to be made public for the

information of the citizens of the United States of America.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington this 30th day of May, one thousand eight

hundred and ninety-eight, and of the Independence of the United States

of America the one hundred and twenty-second.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

WILLIAM R. DAY,

_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the public lands in the State of California, within the limits

hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears

that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving

said lands as a public reservation;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by the aforesaid acts of Congress, do

hereby make known and proclaim that the boundary lines of the Forest

Reservation in the State of California, known as "the Pine Mountain

and Zaca Lake Forest Reserve," created by proclamation of March second,

eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, are hereby so changed and enlarged as

to include all those certain tracts, pieces, or parcels of land lying

and being situate in the State of California, and within the boundaries

particularly described as follows, to wit:

Beginning at the northwest corner of fractional Township twelve (12)

North, Range thirty (30) West, San Bernardino Base and Meridian,

California; thence southerly along the range line to the southwest

corner of said fractional township; thence westerly along the township

line to the northwest corner of Section three (3), Township eleven (11)

North, Range thirty-one (31) West; thence southerly along the section

line to the southwest corner of Section twenty-two (22), said township;

thence westerly along the section line to the northwest corner of

Section thirty (30), said township; thence southerly along the range

line between Ranges thirty-one (31) and thirty-two (32) West, to

the northern boundary of the rancho Sisquoc; thence in a general

southeasterly direction along the boundaries of the ranchos Sisquoc, La

Laguna, Cañada de los Pinos or College Rancho, Tequepis, San Marcos, and

Los Prietos y Najalayegua, to the range line between Ranges twenty-four

(24) and twenty-five (25) West; thence southerly along said range line

to the southeast corner of Township five (5) North, Range twenty-five

(25) West; thence easterly along the township line between Townships

four (4) and five (5) North, to the western boundary of the rancho

Temascal; thence along the western, northern, and eastern boundary of

said rancho to its intersection with the northern boundary of the rancho

San Francisco; thence along the northern and eastern boundary of said

rancho to its southeast corner and continuing southerly to the northern

boundary of the Ex Mission de San Fernando Grant; thence along the

northern boundary of said grant to its intersection with the range line

between Ranges fourteen (14) and fifteen (15) West; thence northerly

along said range line to the northeast corner of Section twenty-four

(24), Township four (4) North, Range fifteen (15) West; thence easterly

along the section line to the southeast corner of Section thirteen (13),

Township four (4) North, Range thirteen (13) West; thence northerly

along the range line to the southwest corner of Township five (5) North,

Range twelve (12) West; thence easterly along the township line to the

southeast corner of said township; thence northerly along the range line

to the northeast corner of Section twelve (12) of said township; thence

westerly along the section line to the northwest corner of Section seven

(7), said township; thence northerly along the range line to the First

(1st) Standard Parallel North; thence westerly along the First (1st)

Standard Parallel North to the southeast corner of Township six (6)

North, Range thirteen (13) West; thence northerly along the range line

to the northeast corner of Section thirteen (13), said township; thence

westerly along the section line to the northwest corner of Section

thirteen (13), Township six (6) North, Range fourteen (14) West; thence

northerly along the section line to the northeast corner of Section two

(2), said township; thence westerly along the township line to the

northwest corner of Section four (4), said township; thence northerly

along the section line to the northeast corner of Section five (5),

Township seven (7) North, Range fourteen (14) West; thence westerly

along the township line to the northwest corner of fractional Section

one (1), Township seven (7) North, Range seventeen (17) West; thence

northerly along the section line to the intersection with the southern

boundary of the rancho La Liebre; thence northwesterly along the

boundaries of the ranches La Liebre and Los Alamos y Agua Caliente to

the township line between Townships eight (8) and nine (9) North; thence

westerly along said township line to the southeast corner of Township

nine (9) North, Range twenty-two (22) West; thence northerly along the

township line to the northeast corner of said township; thence westerly

along the township line to the intersection with the southern boundary

of the rancho Cuyama; thence westerly and northwesterly along the

southern boundaries of the ranches Cuyama to the Eighth (8th) Standard

Parallel South; thence westerly along said parallel to the northwest

corner of fractional Township twelve (12) North, Range thirty (30) West,

the place of beginning.

Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all irrigation

rights and lands lawfully acquired therefor and all lands which may have

been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered

by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper United States Land

Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to

law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of

record has not expired; and all mining claims duly located and held

according to the laws of the United States and rules and regulations not

in conflict therewith;

Provided, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any

particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler, or claimant

continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing,

settlement, or location was made.

Warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to enter or make

settlement upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 29th day of June, in the year of

our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

J.B. MOORE,

_Acting Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas satisfactory proof has been given to me that no tonnage or

light-house dues or any equivalent tax or taxes whatever are imposed

upon vessels of the United States in the port of Copenhagen, in the

Kingdom of Denmark;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States of

America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by section eleven of

the act of Congress, entitled "An Act to abolish certain fees for

official services to American vessels, and to amend the laws relating

to shipping commissioners, seamen, and owners of vessels, and for other

purposes," approved June nineteenth, one thousand eight hundred and

eighty-six, and in virtue of the further act amendatory thereof,

entitled "An act to amend the laws relating to navigation and for

other purposes," approved April four, one thousand eight hundred and

eighty-eight, do hereby declare and proclaim that from and after the

date of this, my Proclamation, shall be suspended the collection of the

whole of the tonnage duty which is imposed by said section eleven of the

act approved June nineteenth, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-six,

upon vessels entered in the ports of the United States directly from the

port of Copenhagen, in the Kingdom of Denmark.

Provided, that there shall be excluded from the benefits of the

suspension hereby declared and proclaimed, the vessels of any foreign

country in whose ports the fees or dues of any kind or nature imposed on

vessels of the United States, or the import or export duties on their

cargoes, are in excess of the fees, dues, or duties imposed on the

vessels of such country or on the cargoes of such vessels; but this

proviso shall not be held to be inconsistent with the special regulation

by foreign countries of duties and other charges on their own vessels,

and the cargoes thereof, engaged in their coasting trade, or with the

existence between such countries and other States of reciprocal

stipulations founded on special conditions and equivalents, and thus not

within the treatment of American vessels under the most favored nation

clause in treaties between the United States and such countries.

And the suspension hereby declared and proclaimed shall continue so long

as the reciprocal exemption of vessels belonging to citizens of the

United States and their cargoes, shall be continued in the said port of

Copenhagen and no longer.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 19th day of July, in the year of

our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

WILLIAM R. DAY,

_Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas in the opening of the Cherokee Outlet, pursuant to section ten

of the act of Congress, approved March third, eighteen hundred and

ninety-three, the lands known as the Eastern Middle, and Western Saline

Reserves, were excepted from settlement in view of three leases made

by the Cherokee Nation prior to March third, eighteen hundred and

ninety-three, under authority of the act of Congress, approved August

seventh, eighteen hundred and eighty-two;

And whereas it appears that said leases were never approved as provided

by law;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by section ten of said act of March

third, eighteen hundred and ninety-three, do hereby declare and make

known that all the lands in said saline reserves, as described in a

proclamation dated August nineteenth, eighteen hundred and ninety-three,

are hereby restored to the public domain and will be disposed of under

the laws of the United States relating to public lands in said Cherokee

Outlet, subject to the policy of the Government in disposing of saline

lands.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington this 27th day of July, in the year

of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

WILLIAM R. DAY,

_Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of Congress,

approved March third, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, entitled "An

act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "That the

President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and

reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests,

in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or

undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations,

and the President shall, by public proclamation, declare the

establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;"

And whereas it is further provided by the act of Congress, approved June

fourth, eighteen hundred and ninety-seven, entitled, "An act making

appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the

fiscal year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight,

and for other purposes," that "The President is hereby authorized at any

time to modify any Executive order that has been or may hereafter be

made establishing any forest reserve, and by such modification may

reduce the area or change the boundary lines of such reserve, or may

vacate altogether any order creating such reserve;"

And whereas, the public lands in the States of South Dakota and Wyoming,

within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with

timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting

apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by the aforesaid acts of Congress, do

hereby make known and proclaim that the boundary lines of the Forest

Reservation in the State of South Dakota, known as "The Black Hills

Forest Reserve," created by proclamation of February twenty-second,

eighteen hundred and ninety-seven, are hereby so changed and enlarged as

to include all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and

being situate in the States of South Dakota and Wyoming, and within the

boundaries particularly described as follows, to wit:

Beginning at the southeast corner of Township five (5) South, Range five

(5) East, Black Hills Meridian, South Dakota; thence northerly to the

northeast corner of said township; thence easterly to the southeast

corner of Section thirty-three (33), Township four (4) South, Range six

(6) East; thence northerly to the southeast corner of Section nine (9),

said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of Section twelve

(12), said township; thence northerly along the range line to the

northeast corner of Section thirteen (13), Township one (1) North, Range

six (6) East; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section;

thence northerly to the northeast corner of Section two (2), said

township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section;

thence northerly to the northeast corner of Section twenty-two (22),

Township two (2) North, Range six (6) East; thence westerly to the

southeast corner of Section seventeen (17), said township; thence

northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to

the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the southeast

corner of Section thirty (30), Township three (3) North, Range six (6)

East; thence easterly to the southeast corner of Section twenty-seven

(27), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of Section

twenty-two (22), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner

of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of Section

sixteen (16), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of

said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of Section eight

(8), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said

section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of Section nineteen

(19), Township four (4) North, Range six (6) East; thence westerly to

the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast

corner of Section twelve (12), Township four (4) North, Range five (5)

East; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence

northerly to the northeast corner of Section thirty-five (35), Township

five (5) North, Range five (5) East; thence westerly to the northwest

corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of

Section twenty-seven (27), said township; thence westerly to the

northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast

corner of Section twenty-one (21), said township; thence westerly to

the southeast corner of Section thirteen (13), Township five (5) North,

Range four (4) East; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said

section; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence

northerly to the northeast corner of Section two (2), said township;

thence westerly to the northwest corner of Section four (4), said

township; thence southerly to the southwest corner of said section;

thence westerly to the southeast corner of Section two (2), Township

five (5) North, Range three (3) East; thence northerly to the northeast

corner of said section; thence westerly to the southeast corner of

Section thirty-five (35), Township six (6) North, Range two (2) East;

thence northerly to the northeast corner of Section twenty-six (26) said

township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of Section twenty-four

(24), Township six (6) North, Range one (1) East; thence northerly to

the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly along the section

line to its intersection with the boundary line between the States of

South Dakota and Wyoming; thence southerly along said State boundary

line to its intersection with the section line between Sections

twenty-eight (28) and thirty-three (33), Township fifty-two (52) North,

Range sixty (60) West, Sixth (6th) Principal Meridian, Wyoming; thence

westerly to the northwest corner of Section thirty-six (36), Township

fifty-two (52) North, Range sixty-one (61) West; thence southerly along

the section line to its intersection with the Twelfth (12th) Standard

Parallel North; thence easterly along said parallel to its intersection

with the boundary line between the States of Wyoming and South Dakota;

thence southerly along said State boundary line to its intersection with

the section line between Sections eighteen (18) and nineteen (19),

Township three (3) South, Range one (1) East, Black Hills Meridian,

South Dakota; thence easterly to the northwest corner of Section

twenty-two (22), said township, thence southerly to the southwest corner

of Section thirty-four (34), said township; thence easterly to the

southeast corner of said township; thence southerly to the southwest

corner of Section thirty (30), Township four (4) South, Range two (2)

East; thence easterly to the southeast corner of Section twenty-seven

(27), said township; thence southerly to the southwest corner of Section

eleven (11), Township five (5) South, Range two (2) East; thence

easterly to the northwest corner of Section eighteen (18), Township five

(5) South, Range four (4) East; thence southerly to the southwest corner

of said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of Township

five (5) South, Range five (5) East, the place of beginning; excepting

and excluding from reservation all those certain tracts, pieces or

parcels of land lying and being situate within the boundaries

particularly described as follows, to wit:

Beginning at the northeast corner of Section twenty-four (24), Township

five (5) North, Range three (3) East, Black Hills Meridian; thence

westerly to the northwest corner of Section nineteen (19), said

township; thence southerly to the northwest corner of Section thirty-one

(31), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of Section

thirty-six (36), Township five (5) North, Range two (2) East; thence

southerly to the southwest corner of Section thirteen (13), Township

four (4) North, Range two (2) East; thence easterly to the southeast

corner of Section fifteen (15), Township four (4) North, Range three (3)

East; thence northerly to the southwest corner of Section two (2), said

township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of said section;

thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence

easterly to the southeast corner of Township five (5) North, Range three

(3) East; thence northerly to the northeast corner of Section

twenty-four (24), said township, the place of beginning.

Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which

may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or

covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper United States

Land Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant

to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of

record has not expired; and all mining claims duly located and held

according to the laws of the United States and rules and regulations not

in conflict therewith; _Provided_, That this exception shall not

continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman,

settler, or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the

entry, filing, settlement, or location was made.

Warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to enter or make

settlement upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 19th day of September, in the year

of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

ALVEY A. ADEE,

_Acting Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by joint resolution "to provide for annexing the Hawaiian

Islands to the United States," approved July 7, 1898, the cession by the

Government of the Republic of Hawaii to the United States of America, of

all rights of sovereignty of whatsoever kind in and over the Hawaiian

Islands and their dependencies, and the transfer to the United States

of the absolute fee and ownership of all public, Government, or crown

lands, public buildings, or edifices, ports, harbors, military

equipment, and all other public property of every kind and description

belonging to the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, was duly accepted,

ratified, and confirmed, and the said Hawaiian Islands and their

dependencies annexed as a part of the territory of the United States and

made subject to the sovereign dominion thereof, and all and singular the

property and rights hereinbefore mentioned vested in the United States

of America; and

Whereas it was further provided in said resolution that the existing

laws of the United States relative to public lands shall not apply to

such lands in the Hawaiian Islands, but the Congress of the United

States shall enact special laws for their management and disposition;

and

Whereas it is deemed necessary in the public interests that certain lots

and plats of land in the city of Honolulu be immediately reserved for

naval purposes;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the authority in me vested, do hereby declare, proclaim, and

make known that the following described lots or plats of land be and the

same are hereby reserved for naval purposes until such time as the

Congress of the United States shall otherwise direct, to wit:

1st. The water front lying between the Bishop Estate and the line of

Richards Street including the site of prospective wharves, slips, and

their approaches.

2d. The blocks of land embracing lots No. 86 to 91, 100 to 131,

including Mililani Street to the intersection of Halekauwali Street; and

the Government water lots lying between the Bishop Estate and Punchbowl

and Allen Streets.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 2d day of November, in the year one

thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the Independence of the

United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN HAY,

_Secretary of State._

HAWAIIAN CABLE CONCESSION.

_To all to whom these presents shall come; greeting_:

Know ye, that: Whereas, by an Indenture made the 2d day of July, in the

year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight between

Sanford B. Dole, President of the Republic of Hawaii for and in behalf

of the Hawaiian Government of the one part and the Pacific Cable

Company, a corporation organized and existing under the laws of the

State of New York of the United States of America, of the other part,

there was granted, conceded, and confirmed unto the party of the second

part and its successors and assigns the right and privilege to lay,

construct, land, maintain and operate telegraphic and magnetic lines or

cables from a point or points on the Pacific Coast of the United States

to a suitable landing place or places to be selected by the party of the

second part in the Hawaiian Islands with terminus at Honolulu, Island of

Oahu, and from and beyond the Hawaiian Islands to Japan and any islands

or places necessary for stations for such cables between the Hawaiian

Islands and Japan that lie north of the tenth degree or parallel of

north latitude in the North Pacific Ocean, as an exclusive right and

privilege together with an exemption from duties, charges, and taxes

for and during the term of twenty years from the date expressed in

said Indenture, to wit, the 21st day of June, A.D. 1898,--said right,

privilege, and exemption being subject to the terms and conditions set

forth in said Indenture;

And whereas among said terms and conditions it is declared and agreed by

said Indenture that the party of the second part within two years from

the approval (within eighteen months from the date of said contract) of

an act by the Congress of the United States authorizing the party of the

second part to construct and operate a submarine cable line between the

United States and the Hawaiian Islands shall construct, lay in proper

working order, and establish a submarine telegraph cable from a point or

points on the Pacific coast of the United States to a landing place or

places in the Hawaiian Islands with terminus at Honolulu, Island of

Oahu, according to the specifications of said Indenture, and further,

within three years from the approval of such act by the Congress of the

United States, shall in like manner construct, lay in proper working

order, and establish a submarine telegraph cable from a point or points

at or near said Honolulu to Japan;

And whereas it is provided by said Indenture that the contract therein

made and set forth shall not take effect, if at any time within six

months from the date thereof, to wit, the 2d day of July, A.D., 1898,

"the United States State Department" shall express its disapproval

thereof;

And whereas, pursuant to a Joint Resolution of the Senate and House of

Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

approved July 7, 1898, to provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to

the United States, the sovereignty of the said Hawaiian Islands was

yielded up to the United States on the 12th day of August, A.D., 1898,

becoming thenceforth vested in the United States of America.

And whereas, in view of the provisions of said Joint Resolution for the

determination by the Congress of the United States of all matters of

municipal legislation concerning the Hawaiian Islands, and because the

subject matter and provisions of said Indenture are deemed to be proper

subjects for the consideration and determination of the Congress of the

United States, it is deemed expedient and necessary that the Congress of

the United States consider and adopt such legislation, especially in

regard to grants and contractual obligations to be controlled by and

rest upon the United States of America as vested with sovereignty over

said Hawaiian Islands, without let or hindrance by reason of any action

of the Government of the Republic of Hawaii in respect to such grants

and contractual obligations initiated by the said Government of the

Republic of Hawaii prior to and incomplete at the time of the yielding

up of the sovereignty of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States;

Now, therefore, I, John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, do

hereby express on the part of "the United States State Department" its

disapproval of the contract stipulated in the said Indenture to the end

that the same shall not take effect.

[SEAL.]

Given under my hand and the seal of the Department of State of the

United States, in the city of Washington, D.C., this thirty-first day of

December in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and

ninety-eight.

JOHN HAY.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of Congress,

approved March third, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, entitled, "An

act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "That the

President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and

reserve in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests, in

any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or

undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations,

and the President shall, by public proclamation, declare the

establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;"

And whereas it is further provided by the act of Congress, approved June

fourth, eighteen hundred and ninety-seven, entitled, "An act making

appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the

fiscal year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight,

and for other purposes," that "The President is hereby authorized at any

time to modify any executive order that has been or may hereafter be

made establishing any forest reserve, and by such modification may

reduce the area or change the boundary lines of such reserve, or may

vacate altogether any order creating such reserve;"

And whereas the public lands in the State of California, within the

limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it

appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and

reserving said lands as a public reservation;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by the aforesaid acts of Congress, do

hereby make known and proclaim that the boundary lines of the Forest

Reservation in the State of California, known as "The Trabuco Cañon

Forest Reserve," created by proclamation of February twenty-fifth,

eighteen hundred and ninety-three, are hereby so changed and enlarged as

to include all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and

being situate in the State of California, and within the boundaries

particularly described as follows, to wit:

Beginning at the northeast corner of Section thirteen (13), Township

five (5) South, Range six (6) West, San Bernardino Base and Meridian,

California; thence westerly along the section line to the southeast

corner of Section nine (9), said township; thence northerly along the

section line to the northeast corner of Section four (4), said township;

thence westerly along the township line to the northwest corner of

Section three (3), Township five (5) South, Range seven (7) West; thence

southerly along the section line to the southwest corner of Section

thirty-four (34), said township; thence easterly along the township

line to the southeast corner of said township; thence southerly

along the range line between Ranges six (6) and seven (7) West, to its

intersection with the northern boundary of the Rancho Mission Viejo or

La Paz; thence along the northern and eastern boundary of said rancho

to its intersection with the northern boundary of the Rancho Santa

Margarita y Las Flores; thence along the northern boundary of said

rancho to its intersection with the range line between Ranges four

(4) and five (5) West; thence northerly along said range line to its

intersection with the southern boundary of the Rancho Santa Rosa; thence

in a northwesterly and northeasterly direction along the southern and

western boundary of said rancho to its intersection with the township

line between Townships six (6) and seven (7) South; thence westerly

along said township line to the southeast corner of Township six (6)

South, Range six (6) West; thence northerly along the range line to the

northeast corner of Section thirteen (13), Township five (5) South,

Range six (6) West, the place of beginning.

Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which

may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or

covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper United States

Land Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant

to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of

record has not expired; _Provided_, that this exception shall not

continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman,

settler, or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the

entry, filing, or settlement was made.

Warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement

upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 30th day of January, in the year of

our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN HAY,

_Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas satisfactory proof has been given to me by the Government of

Mexico that no discriminating duties of tonnage or imposts are imposed

or levied in the ports of Mexico upon vessels wholly belonging to

citizens of the United States, or upon the produce, manufactures, or

merchandise imported in the same from the United States, or from any

foreign country:

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States

of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by section four

thousand two hundred and twenty-eight of the Revised Statutes of the

United States, do hereby declare and proclaim that, from and after

the date of this, my proclamation, so long as vessels of the United

States and their cargoes shall be exempt from discriminating duties as

aforesaid, any such duties on Mexican vessels entering the ports of the

United States, or on the produce, manufactures, or merchandise imported

in such vessels, shall be suspended and discontinued, and no longer.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, the 9th day of February, in the year

of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN HAY,

_Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of Congress,

approved March third, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, entitled "An

act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "That the

President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and

reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests,

in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or

undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations,

and the President shall, by public proclamation, declare the

establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;"

And whereas the public lands in the State of Montana, within the limits

hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears

that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving

said lands as public reservations;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid

act of Congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there are hereby

reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as Public Reservations

all those certain tracts, pieces, or parcels of land lying and being

situate in the State of Montana and particularly described as follows,

to wit:

Sections fourteen (14), twenty-four (24), twenty-six (26), and

thirty-six (36), Township three (3) South, Range five (5) East; Sections

two (2), twelve (12), fourteen (14), twenty-four (24), twenty-six (26),

and thirty-six (36), Township four (4) South, Range five (5) East;

Sections two (2), twelve (12), fourteen (14), and twenty-four (24),

Township five (5) South, Range five (5) East; Sections fourteen (14),

sixteen (16), eighteen (18), twenty (20), twenty-two (22), twenty-four

(24), twenty-six (26), twenty-eight (28), thirty (30), thirty-two (32),

thirty-four (34), and thirty-six (36), Township three (3) South, Range

six (6) East; Sections two (2), four (4), six (6), eight (8), ten (10),

twelve (12), fourteen (14), sixteen (16), eighteen (18), twenty (20),

twenty-two (22), twenty-four (24), twenty-six (26), twenty-eight (28),

thirty (30), thirty-two (32), thirty-four (34), and thirty-six (36),

Township four (4) South, Range six (6) East; Sections two (2), four (4),

six (6), eight (8), ten (10), twelve (12), fourteen (14), sixteen (16),

eighteen (18), twenty (20), twenty-two (22), and twenty-four (24),

Township five (5) South, Range six (6) East; Sections eighteen (18), and

thirty (30), Township three (3) South, Range seven (7) East; Sections

six (6), eighteen (18), and thirty (30), Township four (4) South, Range

seven (7) East; and Sections six (6) and eighteen (18), Township five

(5) South, Range seven (7) East, Principal Meridian, Montana.

Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which

may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or

covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper United States

Land Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant

to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of

record has not expired; _Provided_, that this exception shall not

continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman,

settler, or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the

entry, filing, or settlement was made.

Warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement

upon the tracts of land reserved by this proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of February, in the year

of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN HAY,

_Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of Congress,

approved March third, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, entitled, "An

act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "That the

President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and

reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests,

in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or

undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations,

and the President shall, by public proclamation, declare the

establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;"

And whereas the public lands in the State of Utah, within the limits

hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears

that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving

said lands as a public reservation;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid

act of Congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby

reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a Public Reservation

all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being

situate in the State of Utah and within the boundaries particularly

described as follows, to wit:

Beginning at the northeast corner of Section twenty-four (24), Township

twenty-four (24) South, Range two (2) East, Salt Lake Base and Meridian,

Utah; thence southerly along the range line to the northeast corner of

Section thirteen (13), Township twenty-five (25) South, Range two (2)

East; thence easterly along the section line to the northeast corner of

Section eighteen (18), Township twenty-five (25) South, Range three

(3) East; thence southerly along the section line to the Fifth (5th)

Standard Parallel South; thence westerly along said parallel to the

northeast corner of Township twenty-six (26) South, Range two (2) East;

thence southerly along the range line to the southeast corner of said

township; thence westerly along the township line to the southwest

corner of Section thirty-five (35), Township twenty-six (26) South,

Range one (1) East; thence northerly along the section line to the Fifth

(5th) Standard Parallel South; thence easterly along said parallel to

the southwest corner of Township twenty-five (25) South, Range two (2)

East; thence northerly along the range line to the northwest corner of

Section nineteen (19), Township twenty-four (24) South, Range two (2)

East; thence easterly along the section line to the northeast corner of

Section twenty-four (24), said township, the place of beginning.

Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which

may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or

covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper United States

Land Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant

to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of

record has not expired; _Provided_, that this exception shall not

continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman,

settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the

entry, filing, or settlement was made.

Warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement

upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington this 10th day of February, in the year

of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN HAY,

_Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of Congress,

approved March third, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, entitled, "An

act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "That the

President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and

reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests,

in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or

undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations,

and the President shall, by public proclamation, declare the

establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;"

And whereas, the public lands in the Territory of New Mexico, within the

limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it

appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and

reserving said lands as a public reservation;

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, by

virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid

act of Congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby

reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a Public Reservation

all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being

situate in the Territory of New Mexico and within the boundaries

particularly described as follows, to-wit:

Beginning at a point on the boundary line between New Mexico and Arizona

where it is intersected by the north line of Township five (5) South,

Range twenty-one (21) West, New Mexico Principal Meridian, New Mexico;

thence easterly along the township line to the northeast corner of

Township five (5) South, Range sixteen (16) West; thence southerly along

the range line between Ranges fifteen (15) and sixteen (16) West, to the

southeast corner of Township eight (8) South, Range sixteen (16) West;

thence easterly along the township line to the northeast corner of

Township nine (9) South, Range fifteen (15) West; thence southerly along

the range line to the southeast corner of said township; thence easterly

along the township line to the northeast corner of Township ten (10)

South, Range ten (10) West; thence southerly along the First Guide

Meridian West, between Ranges nine (9) and ten (10) West, to its

intersection with the Third (3rd) Standard Parallel South, between

Townships fifteen (15) and sixteen (16) South; thence westerly along the

said Third (3rd) Standard Parallel South to the southwest corner of

Township fifteen (15) South, Range sixteen (16) West; thence northerly

along the range line to the northwest corner of said township; thence

westerly along the township line to the northeast corner of Township

fifteen (15) South, Range nineteen (19) West; thence southerly along the

range line to its intersection with the Third (3rd) Standard Parallel

South; thence westerly along the Third (3rd) Standard Parallel South to

its intersection with the boundary line between New Mexico and Arizona;

thence northerly along said boundary line to the point where it

intersects the north line of Township five (5) South, Range twenty-one

(21) West, the place of beginning.

Excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which

may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or

covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper United States

Land Office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant

to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of

record has not expired; _Provided_, that this exception shall not

continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman,

settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the

entry, filing or settlement was made.

Warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement

upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of

the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington this second day of March, in the year

of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, and of the

Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.

WILLIAM McKINLEY.

By the President:

JOHN HAY,

_Secretary of State._

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by a proclamation of the President of the United States, dated

the second day of December, eighteen hundred and ninety one, upon proof

then appearing satisfactory that no tonnage or lighthouse dues or other

equivalent tax or taxes were imposed upon American vessels entering the

ports of the Island of Tobago, one of the British West India Islands,

and that vessels belonging to the United States of America and their

cargoes were not required in the ports of the said Island of Tobago to

pay any fee or due of any kind or nature, or any import due higher than

was payable by vessels from ports or places in the said Island of

Tobago, or their cargoes, in the United States, the President did

therefore declare and proclaim, from and after the date of his said

proclamation of December second, eighteen hundred and ninety one, the

suspension of the collection of the whole of the duty of three cents per

ton, not to exceed fifteen cents per ton per annum, imposed upon vessels

entered in the ports of the United States from any of the ports of the

Island of Tobago by section 11 of the act of Congress approved June

nineteenth, eighteen hundred and eighty six, entitled "An act to abolish

certain fees for official services to American vessels and to amend the

laws relating to shipping commissioners, seamen, and owners of vessels

and for other purposes."

And whereas the President did further declare and proclaim in his

proclamation of December second, eighteen hundred and ninety one, that

the said suspension should continue so long as the reciprocal exemption