[Footnote 56: See D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft, Hallam's Constitutional
History, and Dr. Lathbury's History of the Nonjurors.]
[Footnote 57: See the autobiography of his descendant and namesake the
dramatist. See also Onslow's note on Burnet, ii. 76.]
[Footnote 58: A vindication of their Majesties' authority to fill the
sees of the deprived Bishops, May 20. 1691; London Gazette, April 27.
and June 15. 1691; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, May 1691. Among the
Tanner MSS. are two letters from Jacobites to Beveridge, one mild and
decent, the other scurrilous even beyond the ordinary scurrility of the
nonjurors. The former will be found in the Life of Ken by a Layman.]
[Footnote 59: It does not seem quite clear whether Sharp's scruple about
the deprived prelates was a scruple of conscience or merely a scruple of
delicacy. See his Life by his Son.]
[Footnote 60: See Overall's Convocation Book, chapter 28. Nothing can be
clearer or more to the purpose than his language
"When, having attained their ungodly desires, whether ambitious kings
by bringing any country into their subjection, or disloyal subjects
by rebellious rising against their natural sovereigns, they have
established any of the said degenerate governments among their people,
the authority either so unjustly established, or wrung by force from the
true and lawful possessor, being always God's authority, and therefore
receiving no impeachment by the wickedness of those that have it, is
ever, when such alterations are thoroughly settled, to be reverenced
and obeyed; and the people of all sorts, as well of the clergy as of the
laity, are to be subject unto it, not only for fear, but likewise for
conscience sake."
Then follows the canon
"If any man shall affirm that, when any such new forms of government,
begun by rebellion, are after thoroughly settled, the authority in them
is not of God, or that any who live within the territories of any such
new governments are not bound to be subject to God's authority which is
there executed, but may rebel against the same, he doth greatly err."]
[Footnote 61: A list of all the pieces which I have read relating to
Sherlock's apostasy would fatigue the reader. I will mention a few
of different kinds. Parkinson's Examination of Dr. Sherlock's Case of
Allegiance, 1691; Answer to Dr. Sherlock's Case of Allegiance, by a
London Apprentice, 1691; the Reasons of the New Converts taking the
Oaths to the present Government, 1691; Utrum horum? or God's ways of
disposing of Kingdoms and some Clergymen's ways of disposing of
them, 1691; Sherlock and Xanthippe 1691; Saint Paul's Triumph in his
Sufferings for Christ, by Matthew Bryan, LL.D., dedicated Ecclesim sub
cruce gementi; A Word to a wavering Levite; The Trimming Court Divine;
Proteus Ecclesiasticus, or observations on Dr. Sh--'s late Case of
Allegiance; the Weasil Uncased; A Whip for the Weasil; the Anti-Weasils.
Numerous allusions to Sherlock and his wife will be found in the ribald
writings of Tom Brown, Tom Durfey, and Ned Ward. See Life of James, ii.
318. Several curious letters about Sherlock's apostasy are among the
Tanner MSS. I will give two or three specimens of the rhymes which the
Case of Allegiance called forth.
"When Eve the fruit had tasted,
She to her husband hasted,
And chuck'd him on the chin-a.
Dear Bud, quoth she, come taste this fruit;
'Twill finly with your palate suit,
To eat it is no sin-a."
"As moody Job, in shirtless ease,
With collyflowers all o'er his face,
Did on the dunghill languish,
His spouse thus whispers in his ear,
Swear, husband, as you love me, swear,
'Twill ease you of your anguish."
"At first he had doubt, and therefore did pray
That heaven would instruct him in the right way,
Whether Jemmy or William he ought to obey,
Which nobody can deny,
"The pass at the Boyne determin'd that case;
And precept to Providence then did give place;
To change his opinion he thought no disgrace;
Which nobody can deny.
"But this with the Scripture can never agree,
As by Hosea the eighth and the fourth you may see;
'They have set up kings, but yet not by me,'
Which nobody can deny."]
[Footnote 62: The chief authority for this part of my history is the
Life of James, particularly the highly important and interesting passage
which begins at page 444. and ends at page 450. of the second volume.]
[Footnote 63: Russell to William, May 10 1691, in Dalrymple's Appendix,
Part II. Book vii. See also the Memoirs of Sir John Leake.]
[Footnote 64: Commons' Journals, Mar. 21. 24. 1679; Grey's Debates;
Observator.]
[Footnote 65: London Gazette, July 21. 1690.]
[Footnote 66: Life of James, ii. 449.]
[Footnote 67: Shadwell's Volunteers.]
[Footnote 68: Story's Continuation; Proclamation of February 21. 1690/1;
the London Gazette of March 12.]
[Footnote 69: Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 70: Story's Impartial History; London Gazette, Nov. 17. 1690.]
[Footnote 71: Story's Impartial History. The year 1684 had been
considered as a time of remarkable prosperity, and the revenue from the
Customs had been unusually large. But the receipt from all the ports
of Ireland, during the whole year, was only a hundred and twenty-seven
thousand pounds. See Clarendon's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 72: Story's History and Continuation; London Gazettes of
September 29. 1690, and Jan. 8. and Mar. 12. 1690/1.]
[Footnote 73: See the Lords' Journals of March 2. and 4. 1692/3 and the
Commons' Journals of Dec. 16. 1693, and Jan. 29. 1695/4. The story, bad
enough at best, was told by the personal and political enemies of the
Lords justices with additions which the House of Commons evidently
considered as calumnious, and which I really believe to have been
so. See the Gallienus Redivivus. The narrative which Colonel Robert
Fitzgerald, a Privy Councillor and an eyewitness delivered in writing to
the House of Lords, under the sanction of an oath, seems to me perfectly
trustworthy. It is strange that Story, though he mentions the murder of
the soldiers, says nothing about Gafney.]
[Footnote 74: Burnet, ii. 66.; Leslie's Answer to King.]
[Footnote 75: Macariae Excidium; Fumeron to Louvois Jan 31/Feb 10 1691.
It is to be observed that Kelly, the author of the Macariae Excidium and
Fumeron, the French intendant, are most unexceptionable witnesses.
They were both, at this time, within the walls of Limerick. There is no
reason to doubt the impartiality of the Frenchman; and the Irishman was
partial to his own countrymen.]
[Footnote 76: Story's Impartial History and Continuation and the London
Gazettes of December, January, February, and March 1690/1.]
[Footnote 77: It is remarkable that Avaux, though a very shrewd judge
of men, greatly underrated Berwick. In a letter to Louvois, dated Oct.
15/25. 1689, Avaux says: "Je ne puis m'empescher de vous dire qu'il est
brave de sa personne, a ce que l'on dit mais que c'est un aussy mechant
officie, qu'il en ayt, et qu'il n'a pas le sens commun."]
[Footnote 78: Leslie's Answer to King, Macariae Excidium.]
[Footnote 79: Macariae Excidium.]
[Footnote 80: Macariae Excidium; Life of James, ii. 422.; Memoirs of
Berwick.]
[Footnote 81: Macariae Excidium.]
[Footnote 82: Life of James, ii. 422, 423.; Memoires de Berwick.]
[Footnote 83: Life of James, ii. 433-457.; Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 84: Life of James, ii. 438.; Light to the Blind; Fumeron to
Louvois, April 22/May 2 1691.]
[Footnote 85: Macariae Excidium; Memoires de Berwick; Life of James, ii.
451, 452.]
[Footnote 86: Macariae Excidium; Burnet, ii. 78.; Dangeau; The Mercurius
Reformatus, June 5. 1691.]
[Footnote 87: An exact journal of the victorious progress of their
Majesties' forces under the command of General Ginckle this summer in
Ireland, 1691; Story's Continuation; Mackay's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 88: London Gazette, June 18. 22. 1691; Story's Continuation;
Life of James, ii. 452. The author of the Life accuses the Governor of
treachery or cowardice.]
[Footnote 89: London Gazette, June 22. 25. July 2. 1691; Story's
Continuation; Exact Journal.]
[Footnote 90: Life of James, ii. 373. 376. 377]
[Footnote 91: Macariae Excidium. I may observe that this is one of
the many passages which lead me to believe the Latin text to be the
original. The Latin is: "Oppidum ad Salaminium amnis latus recentibus ac
sumptuosioribus aedificiis attollebatur; antiquius et ipsa vetustate in
cultius quod in Paphiis finibus exstructum erat." The English version
is: "The town on Salaminia side was better built than that in Paphia."
Surely there is in the Latin the particularity which we might expect
from a person who had known Athlone before the war. The English
version is contemptibly bad, I need hardly say that the Paphian side is
Connaught, and the Salaminian side Leinster.]
[Footnote 92: I have consulted several contemporary maps of Athlone. One
will be found in Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 93: Diary of the Siege of Athlone, by an Engineer of the Army,
a Witness of the Action, licensed July 11. 1691; Story's Continuation;
London Gazette, July 2. 1691; Fumeron to Louvois, June 28/July 8. 1691.
The account of this attack in the Life of James, ii. 453., is an absurd
romance. It does not appear to have been taken from the King's original
Memoirs.]
[Footnote 94: Macariae Excidium. Here again I think that I see clear
proof that the English version of this curious work is only a
bad translation from the Latin. The English merely says:
"Lysander,"--Sarsfield,--"accused him, a few days before, in the
general's presence," without intimating what the accusation was. The
Latin original runs thus: "Acriter Lysander, paucos ante dies, coram
praefecto copiarum illi exprobraverat nescio quid, quod in aula Syriaca
in Cypriorum opprobrium effutivisse dicebatur." The English translator
has, by omitting the most important words, and by using the aorist
instead of the preterpluperfect tense, made the whole passage
unmeaning.]
[Footnote 95: Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium; Daniel Macneal to
Sir Arthur Rawdon, June 28. 1691, in the Rawdon Papers.]
[Footnote 96: London Gazette, July 6. 1691; Story's Continuation;
Macariae Excidium; Light to the Blind.]
[Footnote 97: Macariae Excidium; Light to the Blind.]
[Footnote 98: Life of James, ii. 460.; Life of William, 1702.]
[Footnote 99: Story's Continuation; Mackay's Memoirs; Exact Journal;
Diary of the Siege of Athlone.]
[Footnote 100: Story's Continuation.; Macariae Excid.; Burnet, ii. 78,
79.; London Gaz. 6. 13. 1689; Fumeron to Louvois June 30/July 10 1690;
Diary of the Siege of Athlone; Exact Account.]
[Footnote 101: Story's Continuation; Life of James, ii. 455. Fumeron to
Louvois June 30/July 10 1691; London Gazette, July 13.]
[Footnote 102: The story, as told by the enemies of Tyrconnel, will be
found in the Macariae Excidium, and in a letter written by Felix O'Neill
to the Countess of Antrim on the 10th of July 1691. The letter was found
on the corpse of Felix O'Neill after the battle of Aghrim. It is printed
in the Rawdon Papers. The other story is told in Berwick's Memoirs and
in the Light to the Blind.]
[Footnote 103: Macariae Excidium; Life of James, ii 456.; Light to the
Blind.]
[Footnote 104: Macariae Excidium.]
[Footnote 105: Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 106: Burnet, ii. 79.; Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 107: "They maintained their ground much longer than they had
been accustomed to do," says Burnet. "They behaved themselves like men
of another nation," says Story. "The Irish were never known to fight
with more resolution," says the London Gazette.]
[Footnote 108: Story's Continuation; London Gazette, July 20. 23. 1691;
Memoires de Berwick; Life of James, ii. 456.; Burnet, ii. 79.; Macariae
Excidium; Light to the Blind; Letter from the English camp to Sir Arthur
Rawdon, in the Rawdon Papers; History of William the Third, 1702.]
The narratives to which I have referred differ very widely from
each other. Nor can the difference be ascribed solely or chiefly to
partiality. For no two narratives differ more widely than that which
will be found in the Life of James, and that which will be found in the
memoirs of his son.]
In consequence, I suppose, of the fall of Saint Ruth, and of the absence
of D'Usson, there is at the French War Office no despatch containing a
detailed account of the battle.]
[Footnote 109: Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 110: Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium; Life of James,
ii. 464.; London Gazette, July 30., Aug. 17. 1691; Light to the Blind.]
[Footnote 111: Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium; Life of James,
ii. 459; London Gazette, July 30., Aug. 3. 1691.]
[Footnote 112: He held this language in a letter to Louis XIV., dated
the 5/15th of August. This letter, written in a hand which it is not
easy to decipher, is in the French War Office. Macariae Excidium; Light
to the Blind.]
[Footnote 113: Macariae Excidium; Life of James, ii. 461, 462.]
[Footnote 114: Macariae Excidium; Life of James, ii. 459. 462.;
London Gazette, Aug. 31 1691; Light to the Blind; D'Usson and Tesse to
Barbesieux, Aug. 13/23.]
[Footnote 115: Story's Continuation; D'Usson and Tesse to Barbesieux
Aug. 169r. An unpublished letter from Nagle to Lord Merion of Auk.
15. This letter is quoted by Mr. O'Callaghan in a note on Macariae
Excidium.]
[Footnote 116: Macariae Excidium; Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 117: Story's Continuation; London Gazette, Sept. 28. 1691;
Life of James, ii. 463.; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick, 1692; Light to
the Blind. In the account of the siege which is among the archives of
the French War Office, it is said that the Irish cavalry behaved worse
than the infantry.]
[Footnote 118: Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium; R. Douglas to
Sir A. Rawdon, Sept. 25. 1691, in the Rawdon Papers; London Gazette,
October 8.; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick; Light to the Blind; Account
of the Siege of Limerick in the archives of the French War Office.
The account of this affair in the Life of James, ii. 464., deserves to
be noticed merely for its preeminent absurdity. The writer tells us
that seven hundred of the Irish held out some time against a much larger
force, and warmly praises their heroism. He did not know, or did
not choose to mention, one fact which is essential to the right
understanding of the story; namely, that these seven hundred men were in
a fort. That a garrison should defend a fort during a few hours against
superior numbers is surely not strange. Forts are built because they can
be defended by few against many.]
[Footnote 119: Account of the Siege of Limerick in the archives of the
French War Office; Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 120: D'Usson to Barbesieux, Oct. 4/14. 1691.]
[Footnote 121: Macariae Excidium.]
[Footnote 122: Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick.]
[Footnote 123: London Gazette, Oct. S. 1691; Story's Continuation; Diary
of the Siege of Lymerick.]
[Footnote 124: Life of James, 464, 465.]
[Footnote 125: Story's Continuation.]
[Footnote 126: Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick;
Burnet, ii. 81.; London Gazette, Oct. 12. 1691.]
[Footnote 127: Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick;
London Gazette, Oct. 15. 1691.]
[Footnote 128: The articles of the civil treaty have often been
reprinted.]
[Footnote 129: Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick.]
[Footnote 130: Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick.]
[Footnote 131: Story's Continuation. His narrative is confirmed by the
testimony which an Irish Captain who was present has left us in bad
Latin. "Hic apud sacrum omnes advertizantur a capellanis ire potius in
Galliam."]
[Footnote 132: D'Usson and Tesse to Barbesieux, Oct. 17. 1691.]
[Footnote 133: That there was little sympathy between the Celts of
Ulster and those of the Southern Provinces is evident from the curious
memorial which the agent of Baldearg O'Donnel delivered to Avaux.]
[Footnote 134: Treasury Letter Book, June 19. 1696; Journals of the
Irish House of Commons Nov. 7. 1717.]
[Footnote 135: This I relate on Mr. O'Callaghan's authority. History of
the Irish Brigades Note 47.]
[Footnote 136: There is, Junius wrote eighty years after the
capitulation of Limerick, "a certain family in this country on which
nature seems to have entailed a hereditary baseness of disposition. As
far as their history has been known, the son has regularly improved upon
the vices of the father, and has taken care to transmit them pure and
undiminished into the bosom of his successors." Elsewhere he says of the
member for Middlesex, "He has degraded even the name of Luttrell." He
exclaims, in allusion to the marriage of the Duke of Cumberland and Mrs.
Horton who was born a Luttrell: "Let Parliament look to it. A Luttrell
shall never succeed to the Crown of England." It is certain that very
few Englishmen can have sympathized with Junius's abhorrence of
the Luttrells, or can even have understood it. Why then did he use
expressions which to the great majority of his readers must have been
unintelligible? My answer is that Philip Francis was born, and passed
the first ten years of his life, within a walk of Luttrellstown.]
[Footnote 137: Story's Continuation; London Gazette, Oct. 22. 1691;
D'Usson and Tesse to Lewis, Oct. 4/14., and to Barbesieux, Oct. 7/17.;
Light to the Blind.]
[Footnote 138: Story's Continuation; London Gazette Jan. 4. 1691/2]
[Footnote 139: Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium, and Mr.
O'Callaghan's note; London Gazette, Jan. 4. 1691/2.]
[Footnote 140: Some interesting facts relating to Wall, who was minister
of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the Third, will be found in the
letters of Sir Benjamin Keene and Lord Bristol, published in Coxe's
Memoirs of Spain.]
[Footnote 141: This is Swift's language, language held not once, but
repeatedly and at long intervals. In the Letter on the Sacramental Test,
written in 1708, he says: "If we (the clergy) were under any real fear
of the Papists in this kingdom, it would be hard to think us so stupid
as not to be equally apprehensive with others, since we are likely to be
the greater and more immediate sufferers; but, on the contrary, we
look upon them to be altogether as inconsiderable as the women and
children.... The common people without leaders, without discipline, or
natural courage, being little better than hewers of wood and drawers of
water, are out of all capacity of doing any mischief, if they were ever
so well inclined." In the Drapier's Sixth Letter, written in 1724, he
says: "As to the people of this kingdom, they consist either of Irish
Papists, who are as inconsiderable, in point of power, as the women and
children, or of English Protestants." Again, in the Presbyterian's Plea
of Merit written in 1731, he says,
"The estates of Papists are very few, crumbling into small parcels, and
daily diminishing; their common people are sunk in poverty, ignorance
and cowardice, and of as little consequence as women and children. Their
nobility and gentry are at least one half ruined, banished or converted.
They all soundly feel the smart of what they suffered in the last Irish
war. Some of them are already retired into foreign countries; others, as
I am told, intend to follow them; and the rest, I believe to a man, who
still possess any lands, are absolutely resolved never to hazard them
again for the sake of establishing their superstition."
I may observe that, to the best of my belief, Swift never, in any thing
that he wrote, used the word Irishman to denote a person of Anglosaxon
race born in Ireland. He no more considered himself as an Irishman than
an Englishman born at Calcutta considers himself as a Hindoo.]
[Footnote 142: In 1749 Lucas was the idol of the democracy of his own
caste. It is curious to see what was thought of him by those who were
not of his own caste. One of the chief Pariah, Charles O'Connor, wrote
thus: "I am by no means interested, nor is any of our unfortunate
population, in this affair of Lucas. A true patriot would not have
betrayed such malice to such unfortunate slaves as we." He adds, with
too much truth, that those boasters the Whigs wished to have liberty all
to themselves.]
[Footnote 143: On this subject Johnson was the most liberal politician
of his time. "The Irish," he said with great warmth, "are in a most
unnatural state for we see there the minority prevailing over the
majority." I suspect that Alderman Beckford and Alderman Sawbridge
would have been far from sympathizing with him. Charles O'Connor, whose
unfavourable opinion of the Whig Lucas I have quoted, pays, in the
Preface to the Dissertations on Irish History, a high compliment to the
liberality of the Tory Johnson.]
[Footnote 144: London Gazette, Oct. 22. 1691.]
[Footnote 145: Burnet, ii. 78, 79.; Burchett's Memoirs of Transactions
at Sea; Journal of the English and Dutch fleet in a Letter from an
Officer on board the Lennox, at Torbay, licensed August 21. 1691. The
writer says: "We attribute our health, under God, to the extraordinary
care taken in the well ordering of our provisions, both meat and
drink."]
[Footnote 146: Lords' and Commons' Journals, Oct. 22. 1691.]
[Footnote 147: This appears from a letter written by Lowther, after he
became Lord Lonsdale, to his son. A copy of this letter is among the
Mackintosh MSS.]
[Footnote 148: See Commons' Journals, Dec. 3. 1691; and Grey's Debates.
It is to be regretted that the Report of the Commissioners of Accounts
has not been preserved. Lowther, in his letter to his son, alludes to
the badgering of this day with great bitterness. "What man," he asks,
"that hath bread to eat, can endure, after having served with all the
diligence and application mankind is capable of, and after having given
satisfaction to the King from whom all officers of State derive their
authoritie, after acting rightly by all men, to be hated by men who do
it to all people in authoritie?"]
[Footnote 149: Commons' Journals, Dec. 12. 1691.]
[Footnote 150: Commons' Journals, Feb. 15. 1690/1; Baden to the States
General, Jan 26/Feb 5]
[Footnote 151: Stat. 3 W. & M. c. 2., Lords' Journals; Lords' Journals,
16 Nov. 1691; Commons' Journals, Dec. 1. 9. 5.]
[Footnote 152: The Irish Roman Catholics complained, and with but
too much reason, that, at a later period, the Treaty of Limerick was
violated; but those very complaints are admissions that the Statute 3 W.
& M. c. 2. was not a violation of the Treaty. Thus the author of A Light
to the Blind speaking of the first article, says: "This article, in
seven years after, was broken by a Parliament in Ireland summoned by the
Prince of Orange, wherein a law was passed for banishing the Catholic
bishops, dignitaries, and regular clergy." Surely he never would have
written thus, if the article really had, only two months after it was
signed, been broken by the English Parliament. The Abbe Mac Geoghegan,
too, complains that the Treaty was violated some years after it was
made. But he does not pretend that it was violated by Stat. 3 W. & M. c.
2.]
[Footnote 153: Stat. 21 Jac. 1. c. 3.]
[Footnote 154: See particularly Two Letters by a Barrister concerning
the East India Company (1676), and an Answer to the Two Letters
published in the same year. See also the judgment of Lord Jeffreys
concerning the Great Case of Monopolies. This judgment was published
in 1689, after the downfall of Jeffreys. It was thought necessary to
apologize in the preface for printing anything that bore so odious a
name. "To commend this argument," says the editor, "I'll not undertake
because of the author. But yet I may tell you what is told me, that it
is worthy any gentleman's perusal." The language of Jeffreys is most
offensive, sometimes scurrilous, sometimes basely adulatory; but
his reasoning as to the mere point of law is certainly able, if not
conclusive.]
[Footnote 155: Addison's Clarinda, in the week of which she kept a
journal, read nothing but Aurengzebe; Spectator, 323. She dreamed that
Mr. Froth lay at her feet, and called her Indamora. Her friend Miss
Kitty repeated, without book, the eight best lines of the play; those,
no doubt, which begin, "Trust on, and think to-morrow will repay." There
are not eight finer lines in Lucretius.]
[Footnote 156: A curious engraving of the India House of the seventeenth
century will be found in the Gentleman's Magazine for December 1784.]
[Footnote 157: See Davenant's Letter to Mulgrave.]
[Footnote 158: Answer to Two Letters concerning the East India Company,
1676.]
[Footnote 159: Anderson's Dictionary; G. White's Account of the Trade to
the East Indies, 1691; Treatise on the East India Trade by Philopatris,
1681.]
[Footnote 160: Reasons for constituting a New East India Company in
London, 1681; Some Remarks upon the Present State of the East India
Company's Affairs, 1690.]
[Footnote 161: Evelyn, March 16. 1683]
[Footnote 162: See the State Trials.]
[Footnote 163: Pepys's Diary, April 2. and May 10 1669.]
[Footnote 164: Tench's Modest and Just Apology for the East India
Company, 1690.]
[Footnote 165: Some Remarks on the Present State of the East India
Company's Affairs, 1690; Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies.]
[Footnote 166: White's Account of the East India Trade, 1691; Pierce
Butler's Tale, 1691.]
[Footnote 167: White's Account of the Trade to the East Indies, 1691;
Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies; Sir John Wyborne to Pepys
from Bombay, Jan. 7. 1688.]
[Footnote 168: London Gazette, Feb. 16/26 1684.]
[Footnote 169: Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies.]
[Footnote 170: Papillon was of course reproached with his inconsistency.
Among the pamphlets of that time is one entitled "A Treatise concerning
the East India Trade, wrote at the instance of Thomas Papillon, Esquire,
and in his House, and printed in the year 1680, and now reprinted for
the better Satisfaction of himself and others."]
[Footnote 171: Commons' Journals, June 8. 1689.]
[Footnote 172: Among the pamphlets in which Child is most fiercely
attacked are Some Remarks on the Present State of the East India
Company's Affairs, 1690; fierce Butler's Tale, 1691; and White's Account
of the Trade to the East Indies, 1691.]
[Footnote 173: Discourse concerning the East India Trade, showing it
to be unprofitable to the Kingdom, by Mr. Cary; pierce Butler's Tale,
representing the State of the Wool Case, or the East India Case truly
stated, 1691. Several petitions to the same effect will be found in the
Journals of the House of Commons.]
[Footnote 174: Reasons against establishing an East India Company with a
joint Stock, exclusive to all others, 1691.]
[Footnote 175: The engagement was printed, and has been several times
reprinted. As to Skinners' Hall, see Seymour's History of London, 1734]
[Footnote 176: London Gazette, May 11. 1691; White's Account of the East
India Trade.]
[Footnote 177: Commons' Journals, Oct. 28. 1691.]
[Footnote 178: Ibid. Oct. 29. 1691.]
[Footnote 179: Rowe, in the Biter, which was damned, and deserved to be
so, introduced an old gentleman haranguing his daughter thus: "Thou hast
been bred up like a virtuous and a sober maiden; and wouldest thou take
the part of a profane wretch who sold his stock out of the Old East
India Company?"]
[Footnote 180: Hop to the States General, Oct 30/Nov. 9 1691.]
[Footnote 181: Hop mentions the length and warmth of the debates; Nov.
12/22. 1691. See the Commons' Journals, Dec. 17. and 18.]
[Footnote 182: Commons' Journals, Feb 4. and 6. 1691.]
[Footnote 183: Ibid. Feb. 11. 1691.]
[Footnote 184: The history of this bill is to be collected from the
bill itself, which is among the Archives of the Upper House, from
the Journals of the two Houses during November and December 1690, and
January 1691; particularly from the Commons' Journals of December 11.
and January 13. and 25., and the Lords' Journals of January 20. and 28.
See also Grey's Debates.]
[Footnote 185: The letter, dated December 1. 1691, is in the Life of
James, ii. 477.]
[Footnote 186: Burnet, ii. 85.; and Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. See also a
memorial signed by Holmes, but consisting of intelligence furnished
by Ferguson, among the extracts from the Nairne Papers, printed by
Macpherson. It bears date October 1691. "The Prince of Orange," says
Holmes, "is mortally hated by the English. They see very fairly that he
hath no love for them; neither doth he confide in them, but all in his
Dutch... It's not doubted but the Parliament will not be for foreigners
to ride them with a caveson."]
[Footnote 187: Evelyn's Diary, Jan. 24.; Hop to States General, Jan
22/Feb 1 1691; Bader to States General, Feb. 16/26]
[Footnote 188: The words of James are these; they were written in
November 1692:--"Mes amis, l'annee passee, avoient dessein de me
rappeler par le Parlement. La maniere etoit concertee; et Milord
Churchill devoit proposer dans le Parlement de chasser tous les
etrangers tant des conseils et de l'armee que du royaume. Si le Prince
d'Orange avoit consenti a cette proposition ils l'auroient eu entre
leurs mains. S'il l'avoit refusee, il auroit fait declarer le Parlement
contre lui; et en meme temps Milord Churchill devoir se declarer avec
l'armee pour le Parlement; et la flotte devoit faire de meme; et l'on
devoit me rappeler. L'on avoit deja commence d'agir dans ce projet; et
on avoit gagne un gros parti, quand quelques fideles sujets indiscrets,
croyant me servir, et s'imaginant que ce que Milord Churchill faisoit
n'etoit pas pour moi, mais pour la Princesse de Danemarck, eurent
l'imprudence de decouvrir le tout a Benthing, et detournerent ainsi le
coup."
A translation of this most remarkable passage, which at once solves many
interesting and perplexing problems, was published eighty years ago by
Macpherson. But, strange to say, it attracted no notice, and has never,
as far as I know, been mentioned by any biographer of Marlborough.
The narrative of James requires no confirmation; but it is strongly
confirmed by the Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. "Marleburrough," Burnet wrote in
September 1693, "set himself to decry the King's conduct and to lessen
him in all his discourses, and to possess the English with an aversion
to the Dutch, who, as he pretended, had a much larger share of the
King's favour and confidence than they,"--the English, I suppose,--"had.
This was a point on which the English, who are too apt to despise all
other nations, and to overvalue themselves, were easily enough inflamed.
So it grew to be the universal subject of discourse, and was the
constant entertainment at Marleburrough's, where there was a constant
randivous of the English officers." About the dismission of Marlborough,
Burnet wrote at the same time: "The King said to myself upon it that
he had very good reason to believe that he had made his peace with King
James and was engaged in a correspondence with France. It is certain he
was doing all he could to set on a faction in the army and the nation
against the Dutch."
It is curious to compare this plain tale, told while the facts were
recent, with the shuffling narrative which Burnet prepared for the
public eye many years later, when Marlborough was closely united to the
Whigs, and was rendering great and splendid services to the country.
Burnet, ii. 90.
The Duchess of Marlborough, in her Vindication, had the effrontery to
declare that she "could never learn what cause the King assigned for his
displeasure." She suggests that Young's forgery may have been the cause.
Now she must have known that Young's forgery was not committed till some
months after her husband's disgrace. She was indeed lamentably deficient
in memory, a faculty which is proverbially said to be necessary to
persons of the class to which she belonged. Her own volume convicts her
of falsehood. She gives us a letter from Mary to Anne, in which Mary
says, "I need not repeat the cause my Lord Marlborough has given the
King to do what he has done." These words plainly imply that Anne had
been apprised of the cause. If she had not been apprised of the cause
would she not have said so in her answer? But we have her answer; and it
contains not a word on the subject. She was then apprised of the cause;
and is it possible to believe that she kept it a secret from her adored
Mrs. Freeman?]
[Footnote 189: My account of these transactions I have been forced to
take from the narrative of the Duchess of Marlborough, a narrative which
is to be read with constant suspicion, except when, as is often the
case, she relates some instance of her own malignity and insolence.]
[Footnote 190: The Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication; Dartmouth's
Note on Burnet, ii. 92.; Verses of the Night Bellman of Piccadilly and
my Lord Nottingham's Order thereupon, 1691. There is a bitter lampoon on
Lady Marlborough of the same date, entitled The Universal Health, a true
Union to the Queen and Princess.]
[Footnote 191: It must not be supposed that Anne was a reader of
Shakspeare. She had no doubt, often seen the Enchanted Island. That
miserable rifacimento of the Tempest was then a favourite with the town,
on account of the machinery and the decorations.]
[Footnote 192: Burnet MS. Harl. 6584.]
[Footnote 193: The history of an abortive attempt to legislate on this
subject may be studied in the Commons' Journals of 1692/3.]
[Footnote 194: North's Examen,]
[Footnote 195: North's Examen; Ward's London Spy; Crosby's English
Baptists, vol. iii. chap. 2.]
[Footnote 196: The history of this part of Fuller's life I have taken
from his own narrative.]
[Footnote 197: Commons' Journals, Dec. 2. and 9. 1691; Grey's Debates.]
[Footnote 198: Commons' Journals, Jan. 4. 1691/2 Grey's Debates.]
[Footnote 199: Commons' Journals, Feb. 22, 23, and 24. 1691/2.]
[Footnote 200: Fuller's Original Letters of the late King James and
others to his greatest Friends in England.]
[Footnote 201: Burnet, ii. 86. Burnet had evidently forgotten what the
bill contained. Ralph knew nothing about it but what he had learned from
Burnet. I have scarcely seen any allusion to the subject in any of
the numerous Jacobite lampoons of that day. But there is a remarkable
passage in a pamphlet which appeared towards the close of William's
reign, and which is entitled The Art of Governing by Parties. The writer
says, "We still want an Act to ascertain some fund for the salaries of
the judges; and there was a bill, since the Revolution, past both Houses
of Parliament to this purpose; but whether it was for being any way
defective or otherwise that His Majesty refused to assent to it, I
cannot remember. But I know the reason satisfied me at that time. And I
make no doubt but he'll consent to any good bill of this nature whenever
'tis offered." These words convinced me that the bill was open to
some grave objection which did not appear in the title, and which no
historian had noticed. I found among the archives of the House of Lords
the original parchment, endorsed with the words "Le Roy et La Royne
s'aviseront." And it was clear at the first glance what the objection
was.]
There is a hiatus in that part of Narcissus Luttrell's Diary which
relates to this matter. "The King," he wrote, "passed ten public bills
and thirty-four private ones, and rejected that of the--"]
As to the present practice of the House of Commons in such cases, see
Hatsell's valuable work, ii. 356. I quote the edition of 1818. Hatsell
says that many bills which affect the interest of the Crown may be
brought in without any signification of the royal consent, and that it
is enough if the consent be signified on the second reading, or even
later; but that, in a proceeding which affects the hereditary revenue,
the consent must be signified in the earliest stage.]
[Footnote 202: The history of these ministerial arrangements I have
taken chiefly from the London Gazette of March 3. and March 7. 1691/2
and from Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for that month. Two or three slight
touches are from contemporary pamphlets.]
[Footnote 203: William to Melville, May 22. 1690.]
[Footnote 204: See the preface to the Leven and Melville Papers. I have
given what I believe to be a true explanation of Burnet's hostility to
Melville. Melville's descendant who has deserved well of all students
of history by the diligence and fidelity with which he has performed his
editorial duties, thinks that Burnet's judgment was blinded by zeal for
Prelacy and hatred of Presbyterianism. This accusation will surprise and
amuse English High Churchmen.]
[Footnote 205: Life of James, ii. 468, 469.]
[Footnote 206: Burnet, ii. 88.; Master of Stair to Breadalbane, Dee. 2.
1691.]
[Footnote 207: Burnet, i. 418.]
[Footnote 208: Crawford to Melville, July 23. 1689; The Master of
Stair to Melville, Aug. 16. 1689; Cardross to Melville, Sept. 9. 1689;
Balcarras's Memoirs; Annandale's Confession, Aug. i4. 1690.]
[Footnote 209: Breadalbane to Melville, Sept. 17. 1690.]
[Footnote 210: The Master of Stair to Hamilton, Aug. 17/27. 1691; Hill
to Melville, June 26. 1691; The Master of Stair to Breadalbane, Aug. 24.
1691.]
[Footnote 211: "The real truth is, they were a branch of the Macdonalds
(who were a brave courageous people always), seated among the Campbells,
who (I mean the Glencoe men) are all Papists, if they have any religion,
were always counted a people much given to rapine and plunder, or
sorners as we call it, and much of a piece with your highwaymen in
England. Several governments desired to bring them to justice; but their
country was inaccessible to small parties." See An impartial Account of
some of the Transactions in Scotland concerning the Earl of Breadalbane,
Viscount and Master of Stair, Glenco Men, &c., London, 1695.]
[Footnote 212: Report of the Commissioners, signed at Holyrood, June 20.
1695.]
[Footnote 213: Gallienus Redivivus; Burnet, ii. 88.; Report of the
Commission of 1695.]
[Footnote 214: Report of the Glencoe Commission, 1695.]
[Footnote 215: Hill to Melville, May 15. 1691.]
[Footnote 216: Ibid. June 3. 1691.]
[Footnote 217: Burnet, ii. 8, 9.; Report of the Glencoe Commission. The
authorities quoted in this part of the Report were the depositions of
Hill, of Campbell of Ardkinglass, and of Mac Ian's two sons.]
[Footnote 218: Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides.]
[Footnote 219: Proclamation of the Privy Council of Scotland, Feb. q.
1589. I give this reference on the authority of Sir Walter Scott. See
the preface to the Legend of Montrose.]
[Footnote 220: Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides.]
[Footnote 221: Lockhart's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 222: "What under heaven was the Master's byass in this matter?
I can imagine none." Impartial Account, 1695. "Nor can any man of
candour and ingenuity imagine that the Earl of Stair, who had neither
estate, friendship nor enmity in that country, nor so much as knowledge
of these persons, and who was never noted for cruelty in his temper,
should have thirsted after the blood of these wretches." Complete
History of Europe, 1707.]
[Footnote 223: Dalrymple, in his Memoirs, relates this story, without
referring to any authority. His authority probably was family tradition.
That reports were current in 1692 of horrible crimes committed by the
Macdonalds of Glencoe, is certain from the Burnet MS. Marl. 6584. "They
had indeed been guilty of many black murthers," were Burnet's words,
written in 1693. He afterwards softened down this expression.]
[Footnote 224: That the plan originally framed by the Master of Stair
was such as I have represented it, is clear from parts of his letters
which are quoted in the Report of 1695; and from his letters to
Breadalbane of October 27., December 2., and December 3. 1691. Of these
letters to Breadalbane the last two are in Dalrymple's Appendix. The
first is in the Appendix to the first volume of Mr. Burtons valuable
History of Scotland. "It appeared," says Burnet (ii. 157.), "that a
black design was laid, not only to cut off the men of Glencoe, but
a great many more clans, reckoned to be in all above six thousand
persons."]
[Footnote 225: This letter is in the Report of 1695.]
[Footnote 226: London Gazette, January 14and 18. 1691.]
[Footnote 227: "I could have wished the Macdonalds had not divided; and
I am sorry that Keppoch and Mackian of Glenco are safe."--Letter of the
Master of Stair to Levingstone, Jan. 9. 1691/2 quoted in the Report of
1695.]
[Footnote 228: Letter of the Master of Stair to Levingstone, Jan. 11
1692, quoted in the Report of 1695.]
[Footnote 229: Burnet, in 1693, wrote thus about William:--"He suffers
matters to run till there is a great heap of papers; and then he signs
them as much too fast as he was before too slow in despatching them."
Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. There is no sign either of procrastination or
of undue haste in William's correspondence with Heinsius. The truth is,
that the King understood Continental politics thoroughly, and gave his
whole mind to them. To English business he attended less, and to Scotch
business least of all.]
[Footnote 230: Impartial Account, 1695.]
[Footnote 231: See his letters quoted in the Report of 1695, and in the
Memoirs of the Massacre of Glencoe.]
[Footnote 232: Report of 1695.]
[Footnote 233: Deposition of Ronald Macdonald in the Report of 1695;
Letters from the Mountains, May 17. 1773. I quote Mrs. Grant's authority
only for what she herself heard and saw. Her account of the massacre
was written apparently without the assistance of books, and is grossly
incorrect. Indeed she makes a mistake of two years as to the date.]
[Footnote 234: I have taken the account of the Massacre of Glencoe
chiefly from the Report of 1695, and from the Gallienus Redivivus. An
unlearned, and indeed a learned, reader may be at a loss to guess why
the Jacobites should have selected so strange a title for a pamphlet on
the massacre of Glencoe. The explanation will be found in a letter of
the Emperor Gallienus, preserved by Trebellius Pollio in the Life of
Ingenuus. Ingenuus had raised a rebellion in Moesia. He was defeated and
killed. Gallienus ordered the whole province to be laid waste, and wrote
to one of his lieutenants in language to which that of the Master of
Stair bore but too much resemblance. "Non mihi satisfacies si tantum
armatos occideris, quos et fors belli interimere potuisset. Perimendus
est omnis sexus virilis. Occidendus est quicunque maledixit. Occidendus
est quicunque male voluit. Lacera. Occide. Concide."]
[Footnote 235: What I have called the Whig version of the story is
given, as well as the Jacobite version, in the Paris Gazette of April 7.
1692.]
[Footnote 236: I believe that the circumstances which give so peculiar a
character of atrocity to the Massacre of Glencoe were first published in
print by Charles Leslie in the Appendix to his answer to King. The date
of Leslie's answer is 1692. But it must be remembered that the date of
1692 was then used down to what we should call the 25th of March 1693.
Leslie's book contains some remarks on a sermon by Tillotson which
was not printed till November 1692. The Gallienus Redivivus speedily
followed.]
[Footnote 237: Gallienus Redivivus.]
[Footnote 238: Hickes on Burnet and Tillotson, 1695.]
[Footnote 239: Report of 1695.]
[Footnote 240: Gallienus Redivivus.]
[Footnote 241: Report of 1695.]
[Footnote 242: London Gazette, Mar. 7. 1691/2]
[Footnote 243: Burnet (ii. 93.) says that the King was not at this time
informed of the intentions of the French Government. Ralph contradicts
Burnet with great asperity. But that Burnet was in the right is proved
beyond dispute, by William's correspondence with Heinsius. So late as
April 24/May 4 William wrote thus: "Je ne puis vous dissimuler que je
commence a apprehender une descente en Angleterre, quoique je n'aye pu
le croire d'abord: mais les avis sont si multiplies de tous les cotes,
et accompagnes de tant de particularites, qu'il n'est plus guere
possible d'en douter." I quote from the French translation among the
Mackintosh MSS.]
[Footnote 244: Burnet, ii. 95. and Onslow's note; Memoires de Saint
Simon; Memoires de Dangeau.]
[Footnote 245: Life of James ii. 411, 412.]
[Footnote 246: Memoires de Dangeau; Memoires de Saint Simon. Saint Simon
was on the terrace and, young as he was, observed this singular scene
with an eye which nothing escaped.]
[Footnote 247: Memoires de Saint Simon; Burnet, ii. 95.; Guardian No.
48. See the excellent letter of Lewis to the Archbishop of Rheims, which
is quoted by Voltaire in the Siecle de Louis XIV.]
[Footnote 248: In the Nairne papers printed by Macpherson are two
memorials from James urging Lewis to invade England. Both were written
in January 1692.]
[Footnote 249: London Gazette, Feb. 15. 1691/2]
[Footnote 250: Memoires de Berwick; Burnet, ii. 92.; Life of James, ii.
478. 491.]
[Footnote 251: History of the late Conspiracy, 1693.]
[Footnote 252: Life of James, ii. 479. 524. Memorials furnished by
Ferguson to Holmes in the Nairne Papers.]
[Footnote 253: Life of James, ii. 474.]
[Footnote 254: See the Monthly Mercuries of the spring of 1692.]
[Footnote 255: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for April and May 1692; London
Gazette, May 9. and 12.]
[Footnote 256: Sheridan MS.; Life of James, ii. 492.]
[Footnote 257: Life of James, ii. 488.]
[Footnote 258: James told Sheridan that the Declaration was written by
Melfort. Sheridan MS.]
[Footnote 259: A Letter to a Friend concerning a French Invasion to
restore the late King James to his Throne, and what may be expected from
him should he be successful in it, 1692; A second Letter to a Friend
concerning a French Invasion, in which the Declaration lately dispersed
under the Title of His Majesty's most gracious Declaration to all his
loving Subjects, commanding their Assistance against the P. of O.
and his Adherents, is entirely and exactly published according to
the dispersed Copies, with some short Observations upon it, 1692; The
Pretences of the French Invasion examined, 1692; Reflections on the late
King James's Declaration, 1692. The two Letters were written, I believe,
by Lloyd Bishop of Saint Asaph. Sheridan says, "The King's Declaration
pleas'd none, and was turn'd into ridicule burlesque lines in England."
I do not believe that a defence of this unfortunate Declaration is to be
found in any Jacobite tract. A virulent Jacobite writer, in a reply to
Dr. Welwood, printed in 1693, says, "As for the Declaration that was
printed last year... I assure you that it was as much misliked by
many, almost all, of the King's friends, as it can be exposed by his
enemies."]
[Footnote 260: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, April 1692.]
[Footnote 261: Sheridan MS.; Memoires de Dangeau.]
[Footnote 262: London Gazette, May 12. 16. 1692; Gazette de Paris, May
31. 1692.]
[Footnote 263: London Gazette, April 28. 1692]
[Footnote 264: Ibid. May 2. 5. 12. 16.]
[Footnote 265: London Gazette, May 16. 1692; Burchett.]
[Footnote 266: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; London Gazette, May 19.
1692.]
[Footnote 267: Russell's Letter to Nottingham, May 20. 1692, in the
London Gazette of May 23.; Particulars of Another Letter from the Fleet
published by authority; Burchett; Burnet, ii. 93.; Life of James, ii.
493, 494.; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Memoires de Berwick. See also the
contemporary ballad on the battle one of the best specimens of English
street poetry, and the Advice to a Painter, 1692.]
[Footnote 268: See Delaval's Letter to Nottingham, dated Cherburg, May
22., in the London Gazette of May 26.]
[Footnote 269: London Gaz., May 26. 1692; Burchett's Memoirs of
Transactions at Sea; Baden to the States General, May 24/June 3; Life of
James, ii. 494; Russell's Letters in the Commons' Journals of Nov. 28.
1692; An Account of the Great Victory, 1692; Monthly Mercuries for June
and July 1692; Paris Gazette, May 28/June 7; Van Almonde's despatch
to the States General, dated May 24/June 3. 1692. The French official
account will be found in the Monthly Mercury for July. A report drawn up
by Foucault, Intendant of the province of Normandy, will be found in M.
Capefigue's Louis XIV.]
[Footnote 270: An Account of the late Great Victory, 1692; Monthly
Mercury for June; Baden to the States General, May 24/ June 3; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 271: London Gazette, June 2. 1692; Monthly Mercury; Baden to
the States General, June 14/24. Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 272: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Monthly Mercury.]
[Footnote 273: London Gazette, June 9.; Baden to the States General,
June 7/17]
[Footnote 274: Baden to the States General, June. 3/13]
[Footnote 275: Baden to the States General, May 24/June 3; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 276: An Account of the late Great Victory, 1692; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 277: Baden to the States General, June 7/17. 1692.]
[Footnote 278: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 279: I give one short sentence as a specimen: "O fie that ever
it should be said that a clergyman have committed such durty actions!"]
[Footnote 280: Gutch, Collectanea Curiosa.]
[Footnote 281: My account of this plot is chiefly taken from Sprat's
Relation of the late Wicked Contrivance of Stephen Blackhead and Robert
Young, 1692. There are very few better narratives in the language.]
[Footnote 282: Baden to the States General, Feb. 14/24 1693.]
[Footnote 283: Postman, April 13. and 20. 1700; Postboy, April 18.;
Flying Post, April 20.]
[Footnote 284: London Gazette, March 14. 1692.]
[Footnote 285: The Swedes came, it is true, but not till the campaign
was over. London Gazette, Sept, 10 1691,]
[Footnote 286: William to Heinsius March 14/24. 1692.]
[Footnote 287: William to Heinsius, Feb. 2/12 1692.]
[Footnote 288: Ibid. Jan 12/22 1692.]
[Footnote 289: Ibid. Jan. 19/29. 1692.]
[Footnote 290: Burnet, ii. 82 83.; Correspondence of William and
Heinsius, passim.]
[Footnote 291: Memoires de Torcy.]
[Footnote 292: William to Heinsius, Oct 28/Nov 8 1691.]
[Footnote 293: Ibid. Jan. 19/29. 1692.]
[Footnote 294: His letters to Heinsius are full of this subject.]
[Footnote 295: See the Letters from Rome among the Nairne Papers. Those
in 1692 are from Lytcott; those in 1693 from Cardinal Howard; those in
1694 from Bishop Ellis; those in 1695 from Lord Perth. They all tell the
same story.]
[Footnote 296: William's correspondence with Heinsius; London Gazette,
Feb. 4. 1691. In a pasquinade published in 1693, and entitled "La Foire
d'Ausbourg, Ballet Allegorique," the Elector of Saxony is introduced
saying,
"Moy, je diray naivement,
Qu'une jartiere d'Angleterre
Feroit tout Mon empressement;
Et je ne vois rien sur la terre
Ou je trouve plus d'agrement."]
[Footnote 297: William's correspondence with Heinsius. There is a
curious account of Schoening in the Memoirs of Count Dohna.]
[Footnote 298: Burnet, ii. 84.]
[Footnote 299: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 300: Monthly Mercuries of January and April 1693; Burnet, ii.
84. In the Burnet MS. Hail. 6584, is a warm eulogy on the Elector of
Bavaria. When the MS. was written he was allied with England against
France. In the History, which was prepared for publication when he was
allied with France against England, the eulogy is omitted.]
[Footnote 301: "Nec pluribus impar."]
[Footnote 302: Memoires de Saint Simon; Dangeau; Racine's Letters, and
Narrative entitled Relation de ce qui s'est passe au Siege de Namur;
Monthly Mercury, May 1692.]
[Footnote 303: Memoires de Saint Simon; Racine to Boileau, May 21.
1692.]
[Footnote 304: Monthly Mercury for June; William to Heinsius May 26/
June 5 1692.]
[Footnote 305: William to Heinsius, May 26/June 5 1692.]
[Footnote 306: Monthly Mercuries of June and July 1692; London Gazettes
of June; Gazette de Paris; Memoires de Saint Simon; Journal de Dangeau;
William to Heinsius, May 30/June 9 June 2/12 June 11/21; Vernon's
Letters to Colt, printed in Tindal's History; Racine's Narrative, and
Letters to Boileau of June 15. and 24.]
[Footnote 307: Memoires de Saint Simon.]
[Footnote 308: London Gazette, May 30. 1692; Memoires de Saint Simon;
Journal de Dangeau; Boyer's History of William III.]
[Footnote 309: Memoires de Saint Simon; Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV.
Voltaire speaks with a contempt which is probably just of the account
of this affair in the Causes Celebres. See also the Letters of Madame
de Sevigne during the months of January and February 1680. In several
English lampoons Luxemburg is nicknamed Aesop, from his deformity, and
called a wizard, in allusion to his dealings with La Voisin. In one
Jacobite allegory he is the necromancer Grandorsio. In Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary for June 1692 he is called a conjuror. I have seen two
or three English caricatures of Luxemburg's figure.]
[Footnote 310: Memoires de Saint Simon; Memoires de Villars; Racine to
Boileau, May 21. 1692.]
[Footnote 311: Narcissus Luttrell, April 28. 1692.]
[Footnote 312: London Gazette Aug. 4. 8. 11. 1692; Gazette de Paris,
Aug. 9. 16.; Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV.; Burnet, ii. 97; Memoires
de Berwick; Dykvelt's Letter to the States General dated August 4. 1692.
See also the very interesting debate which took place in the House of
Commons on Nov. 21. 1692. An English translation of Luxemburg's very
elaborate and artful despatch will be found in the Monthly Mercury
for September 1692. The original has recently been printed in the new
edition of Dangeau. Lewis pronounced it the best despatch that he had
ever seen. The editor of the Monthly Mercury maintains that it was
manufactured at Paris. "To think otherwise," he says, "is mere folly;
as if Luxemburg could be at so much leisure to write such a long letter,
more like a pedant than a general, or rather the monitor of a school,
giving an account to his master how the rest of the boys behaved
themselves." In the Monthly Mercury will be found also the French
official list of killed and wounded. Of all the accounts of the battle
that which seems to me the best is in the Memoirs of Feuquieres. It
is illustrated by a map. Feuquieres divides his praise and blame very
fairly between the generals. The traditions of the English mess tables
have been preserved by Sterne, who was brought up at the knees of
old soldiers of William. "'There was Cutts's' continued the Corporal,
clapping the forefinger of his right hand upon the thumb of his left,
and counting round his hand; 'there was Cutts's, Mackay's Angus's,
Graham's and Leven's, all cut to pieces; and so had the English
Lifeguards too, had it not been for some regiments on the right, who
marched up boldly to their relief, and received the enemy's fire in
their faces before any one of their own platoons discharged a musket.
They'll go to heaven for it,' added Trim."]
[Footnote 313: Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV.]
[Footnote 314: Langhorne, the chief lay agent of the Jesuits in England,
always, as he owned to Tillotson, selected tools on this principle.
Burnet, i. 230.]
[Footnote 315: I have taken the history of Grandval's plot chiefly from
Grandval's own confession. I have not mentioned Madame de Maintenon,
because Grandval, in his confession, did not mention her. The accusation
brought against her rests solely on the authority of Dumont. See also
a True Account of the horrid Conspiracy against the Life of His most
Sacred Majesty William III. 1692; Reflections upon the late horrid
Conspiracy contrived by some of the French Court to murder His Majesty
in Flanders 1692: Burnet, ii. 92.; Vernon's letters from the camp
to Colt, published by Tindal; the London Gazette, Aug, 11. The Paris
Gazette contains not one word on the subject,--a most significant
silence.]
[Footnote 316: London Gazette, Oct. 20. 24. 1692.]
[Footnote 317: See his report in Burchett.]
[Footnote 318: London Gazette, July 28. 1692. See the resolutions of the
Council of War in Burchett. In a letter to Nottingham, dated July 10,
Russell says, "Six weeks will near conclude what we call summer." Lords
Journals, Dec. 19. 1692.]
[Footnote 319: Monthly Mercury, Aug. and Sept. 1692.]
[Footnote 320: Evelyn's Diary, July 25. 1692; Burnet, ii. 94, 95., and
Lord Dartmouth's Note. The history of the quarrel between Russell and
Nottingham will be best learned from the Parliamentary Journals and
Debates of the Session of 1692/3.]
[Footnote 321: Commons' Journals, Nov. 19. 1692; Burnet, ii. 95.;
Grey's Debates, Nov. 21. 1692; Paris Gazettes of August and September;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Sept.]
[Footnote 322: See Bart's Letters of Nobility, and the Paris Gazettes of
the autumn of 1692.]
[Footnote 323: Memoires de Du Guay Trouin.]
[Footnote 324: London Gazette, Aug. 11. 1692; Evelyn's Diary, Aug.
10.; Monthly Mercury for September; A Full Account of the late dreadful
Earthquake at Port Royal in Jamaica, licensed Sept. 9. 1692.]
[Footnote 325: Evelyn's Diary, June 25. Oct. 1. 1690; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary, June 1692, May 1693; Monthly Mercury, April, May, and
June 1693; Tom Brown's Description of a Country Life, 1692.]
[Footnote 326: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 1692.]
[Footnote 327: See, for example, the London Gazette of Jan. 12. 1692]
[Footnote 328: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dec. 1692.]
[Footnote 329: Ibid. Jan. 1693.]
[Footnote 330: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, July 1692.]
[Footnote 331: Evelyn's Diary, Nov. 20. 1692: Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary; London Gazette, Nov. 24.; Hop to the Greffier of the States
General, Nov. 18/28]
[Footnote 332: London Gazette, Dec. 19. 1692.]
[Footnote 333: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dec. 1692.]
[Footnote 334: Ibid. Nov. 1692.]
[Footnote 335: Ibid. August 1692.]
[Footnote 336: Hop to the Greffier of the States General, Dec 23/Jan
2 1693. The Dutch despatches of this year are filled with stories of
robberies.]
[Footnote 337: Hop to the Greffier of the States General, Dec 23/Jan 2
1693; Historical Records of the Queen's Bays, published by authority;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 15.]
[Footnote 338: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dee. 22.]
[Footnote 339: Ibid. Dec. 1692; Hop, Jan. 3/13 Hop calls Whitney, "den
befaamsten roover in Engelandt."]
[Footnote 340: London Gazette January 2. 1692/3.]
[Footnote 341: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Jan. 1692/3.]
[Footnote 342: Ibid. Dec. 1692.]
[Footnote 343: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, January and February; Hop Jan
31/Feb 10 and Feb 3/13 1693; Letter to Secretary Trenchard, 1694; New
Court Contrivances or more Sham Plots still, 1693.]
[Footnote 344: Lords' and Commons' Journals, Nov. 4., Jan. 1692.]
[Footnote 345: Commons' Journals, Nov. 10 1692.]
[Footnote 346: See the Lords' Journals from Nov. 7. to Nov. 18. 1692;
Burnet, ii. 102. Tindall's account of these proceedings was taken from
letters addressed by Warre, Under Secretary of State, to Colt, envoy at
Hanover. Letter to Mr. Secretary Trenchard, 1694.]
[Footnote 347: Lords' Journals, Dec. 7.; Tindal, from the Colt Papers;
Burnet, ii. 105.]
[Footnote 348: Grey's Debates, Nov. 21. and 23. 1692.]
[Footnote 349: Grey's Debates, Nov. 21. 1692; Colt Papers in Tindal.]
[Footnote 350: Tindal, Colt Papers; Commons' Journals, Jan. 11. 1693.]
[Footnote 351: Colt Papers in Tindal; Lords' Journals from Dec. 6. to
Dec. 19. 1692; inclusive,]
[Footnote 352: As to the proceedings of this day in the House of
Commons, see the Journals, Dec. 20, and the letter of Robert Wilmot,
M.P. for Derby, to his colleague Anchitel Grey, in Grey's Debates.]
[Footnote 353: Commons' Journals, Jan. 4. 1692/3.]
[Footnote 354: Colt Papers in Tindal; Commons' Journals, Dec. 16. 1692,
Jan. 11 1692; Burnet ii. 104.]
[Footnote 355: The peculiar antipathy of the English nobles to the Dutch
favourites is mentioned in a highly interesting note written by Renaudot
in 1698, and preserved among the Archives of the French Foreign Office.]
[Footnote 356: Colt Papers in Tindal; Lords' Journals, Nov. 28. and 29.
1692, Feb. 18. and 24. 1692/3.]
[Footnote 357: Grey's Debates, Nov 18. 1692; Commons' Journals, Nov.
18., Dec. 1. 1692.]
[Footnote 358: See Cibber's Apology, and Mountford's Greenwich Park.]
[Footnote 359: See Cibber's Apology, Tom Brown's Works, and indeed the
works of every man of wit and pleasure about town.]
[Footnote 360: The chief source of information about this case is the
report of the trial, which will be found in Howell's Collection. See
Evelyn's Diary, February 4. 1692/3. I have taken some circumstances from
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, from a letter to Sancroft which is among the
Tanner MSS in the Bodleian Library, and from two letters addressed by
Brewer to Wharton, which are also in the Bodleian Library.]
[Footnote 361: Commons' Journals, Nov. 14. 1692.]
[Footnote 362: Commons' Journals of the Session, particularly of Nov.
17., Dec. 10., Feb. 25., March 3.; Colt Papers in Tindal.]
[Footnote 363: Commons' Journals, Dec. 10.; Tindal, Colt Papers.]
[Footnote 364: See Coke's Institutes, part iv. chapter 1. In 1566 a
subsidy was 120,000L.; in 1598, 78,000L.; when Coke wrote his
Institutes, about the end of the reign of James I. 70,000L. Clarendon
tells us that, in 1640, twelve subsidies were estimated at about
600,000L.]
[Footnote 365: See the old Land Tax Acts, and the debates on the Land
Tax Redemption Bill of 1798.]
[Footnote 366: Lords' Journals Jan. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20.; Commons'
Journals, Jan. 17, 18. 20. 1692; Tindal, from the Colt Papers; Burnet,
ii. 104, 105. Burnet has used an incorrect expression, which Tindal,
Ralph and others have copied. He says that the question was whether the
Lords should tax themselves. The Lords did not claim any right to alter
the amount of taxation laid on them by the bill as it came up to them.
They only demanded that their estates should be valued, not by the
ordinary commissioners, but by special commissioners of higher rank.]
[Footnote 367: Commons' Journals, Dec. 2/12. 1692,]
[Footnote 368: For this account of the origin of stockjobbing in the
City of London I am chiefly indebted to a most curious periodical paper,
entitled, "Collection for the Improvement of Husbandry and Trade, by
J. Houghton, F.R.S." It is in fact a weekly history of the commercial
speculations of that time. I have looked through the files of several
years. In No. 33., March 17. 1693, Houghton says: "The buying and
selling of Actions is one of the great trades now on foot. I find a
great many do not understand the affair." On June 13. and June 22. 1694,
he traces the whole progress of stockjobbing. On July 13. of the same
year he makes the first mention of time bargains. Whoever is desirous
to know more about the companies mentioned in the text may consult
Houghton's Collection and a pamphlet entitled Anglia Tutamen, published
in 1695.]
[Footnote 369: Commons' Journals; Stat. 4 W. & M. c. 3.]
[Footnote 370: See a very remarkable note in Hume's History of England,
Appendix III.]
[Footnote 371: Wealth of Nations, book v. chap. iii.]
[Footnote 372: Wesley was struck with this anomaly in 1745. See his
Journal.]
[Footnote 373: Pepys, June 10. 1668.]
[Footnote 374: See the Politics, iv. 13.]
[Footnote 375: The bill will be found among the archives of the House of
Lords.]
[Footnote 376: Lords' Journals, Jan. 3. 1692/3.]
[Footnote 377: Introduction to the Copies and Extracts of some Letters
written to and from the Earl of Danby, now Duke of Leeds, published by
His Grace's Direction, 1710.]
[Footnote 378: Commons' Journals; Grey's Debates. The bill itself is
among the archives of the House of Lords.]
[Footnote 379: Dunton's Life and Errors; Autobiography of Edmund Bohun,
privately printed in 1853. This autobiography is, in the highest degree,
curious and interesting.]
[Footnote 380: Vox Cleri, 1689.]
[Footnote 381: Bohun was the author of the History of the Desertion,
published immediately after the Revolution. In that work he propounded
his favourite theory. "For my part," he says, "I am amazed to see men
scruple the submitting to the present King; for, if ever man had a just
cause of war, he had; and that creates a right to the thing gained by
it. The King by withdrawing and disbanding his army yielded him the
throne; and if he had, without any more ceremony, ascended it, he had
done no more than all other princes do on the like occasions."]
[Footnote 382: Character of Edmund Bohun, 1692.]
[Footnote 383: Dryden, in his Life of Lucian, speaks in too high terms
of Blount's abilities. But Dryden's judgment was biassed; for Blount's
first work was a pamphlet in defence of the Conquest of Granada.]
[Footnote 384: See his Appeal from the Country to the City for the
Preservation of His Majesty's Person, Liberty, Property, and the
Protestant Religion.]
[Footnote 385: See the article on Apollonius in Bayle's Dictionary.
I say that Blount made his translation from the Latin; for his works
contain abundant proofs that he was not competent to translate from the
Greek.]
[Footnote 386: See Gildon's edition of Blount's Works, 1695.]
[Footnote 387: Wood's Athenae Oxonienses under the name Henry Blount
(Charles Blount's father); Lestrange's Observator, No. 290.]
[Footnote 388: This piece was reprinted by Gildon in 1695 among Blount's
Works.]
[Footnote 389: That the plagiarism of Blount should have been detected
by few of his contemporaries is not wonderful. But it is wonderful
that in the Biographia Britannica his just Vindication should be warmly
extolled, without the slightest hint that every thing good in it is
stolen. The Areopagitica is not the only work which he pillaged on this
occasion. He took a noble passage from Bacon without acknowledgment.]
[Footnote 390: I unhesitatingly attribute this pamphlet to Blount,
though it was not reprinted among his works by Gildon. If Blount did not
actually write it he must certainly have superintended the writing. That
two men of letters, acting without concert, should bring out within
a very short time two treatises, one made out of one half of the
Areopagitica and the other made out of the other half, is incredible.
Why Gildon did not choose to reprint the second pamphlet will appear
hereafter.]
[Footnote 391: Bohun's Autobiography.]
[Footnote 392: Bohun's Autobiography; Commons' Journals, Jan. 20.
1692/3.]
[Footnote 393: Ibid. Jan. 20, 21. 1692/3]
[Footnote 394: Oldmixon; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. and Dec. 1692;
Burnet, ii. 334; Bohun's Autobiography.]
[Footnote 395: Grey's Debates; Commons' Journals Jan. 21. 23. 1692/3.;
Bohun's Autobiography; Kennet's Life and Reign of King William and Queen
Mary.]
[Footnote 396: "Most men pitying the Bishop."--Bohun's Autobiography.]
[Footnote 397: The vote of the Commons is mentioned, with much feeling
in the memoirs which Burnet wrote at the time. "It look'd," he says,
"somewhat extraordinary that I, who perhaps was the greatest assertor
of publick liberty, from my first setting out, of any writer of the age,
should be so severely treated as an enemy to it. But the truth was the
Toryes never liked me, and the Whiggs hated me because I went not into
their notions and passions. But even this, and worse things that may
happen to me shall not, I hope, be able to make me depart from moderate
principles and the just asserting the liberty of mankind."--Burnet MS.
Harl. 6584.]
[Footnote 398: Commons' Journals, Feb. 27. 1692/3; Lords' Journals, Mar.
4.]
[Footnote 399: Lords' Journals, March 8. 1692/3.]
[Footnote 400: In the article on Blount in the Biographia Britannica he
is extolled as having borne a principal share in the emancipation of the
press. But the writer was very imperfectly informed as to the facts.
It is strange that the circumstances of Blount's death should be so
uncertain. That he died of a wound inflicted by his own hand, and that
he languished long, are undisputed facts. The common story was that he
shot himself; and Narcissus Luttrell at the time, made an entry to this
effect in his Diary. On the other hand, Pope, who had the very best
opportunities of obtaining accurate information, asserts that Blount,
"being in love with a near kinswoman of his, and rejected, gave himself
a stab in the arm, as pretending to kill himself, of the consequence of
which he really died."--Note on the Epilogue to the Satires, Dialogue I.
Warburton, who had lived first with the heroes of the Dunciad, and then
with the most eminent men of letters of his time ought to have known
the truth; and Warburton, by his silence, confirms Pope's assertion.
Gildon's rhapsody about the death of his friend will suit either story
equally.]
[Footnote 401: The charges brought against Coningsby will be found in
the journals of the two Houses of the English Parliament. Those charges
were, after the lapse of a quarter of a century, versified by Prior,
whom Coningsby had treated with great insolence and harshness. I will
quote a few stanzas.
It will be seen that the poet condescended to imitate the style of the
street ballads.
"Of Nero tyrant, petty king,
Who heretofore did reign
In famed Hibernia, I will sing,
And in a ditty plain.
"The articles recorded stand
Against this peerless peer;
Search but the archives of the land,
You'll find them written there."
The story of Gaffney is then related. Coningsby's speculations are
described thus:
"Vast quantities of stores did he
Embezzle and purloin
Of the King's stores he kept a key,
Converting them to coin.
"The forfeited estates also,
Both real and personal,
Did with the stores together go.
Fierce Cerberas swallow'd all."
The last charge is the favour shown the Roman Catholics:
"Nero, without the least disguise,
The Papists at all times
Still favour'd, and their robberies
Look'd on as trivial crimes.
"The Protestants whom they did rob
During his government,
Were forced with patience, like good Job,
To rest themselves content.
"For he did basely them refuse
All legal remedy;
The Romans still he well did use,
Still screen'd their roguery."]
[Footnote 402: An Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland,
1692, London, 1693.]
[Footnote 403: The Poynings Act is 10 H. 7. c. 4. It was explained by
another Act, 3&4P.and M.c. [4].]
[Footnote 404: The history of this session I have taken from the
journals of the Irish Lords and Commons, from the narratives laid
in writing before the English Lords and Commons by members of the
Parliament of Ireland and from a pamphlet entitled a Short Account of
the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland, 1692, London, 1693. Burnet seems
to me to have taken a correct view of the dispute, ii. 118. "The English
in Ireland thought the government favoured the Irish too much; some said
this was the effect of bribery, whereas others thought it was necessary
to keep them safe from the prosecutions of the English, who hated
them, and were much sharpened against them.... There were also great
complaints of an ill administration, chiefly in the revenue, in the pay
of the army, and in the embezzling of stores."]
[Footnote 405: As to Swift's extraction and early life, see the
Anecdotes written by himself.]
[Footnote 406: Journal to Stella, Letter liii.]
[Footnote 407: See Swift's Letter to Temple of Oct. 6. 1694.]
[Footnote 408: Journal to Stella, Letter xix.;]
[Footnote 409: Swift's Anecdotes.]
[Footnote 410: London Gazette, March 27. 1693.]
[Footnote 411: Burnet, ii. 108, and Speaker Onslow's Note; Sprat's True
Account of the Horrid Conspiracy; Letter to Trenchard, 1694.]
[Footnote 412: Burnett, ii. 107.]
[Footnote 413: These rumours are more than once mentioned in Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary.]
[Footnote 414: London Gazette, March 27. 1693; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary:]
[Footnote 415: Burnett, ii, 123.; Carstairs Papers.]
[Footnote 416: Register of the Actings or Proceedings of the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland held at Edinburgh, Jan. 15. 1692,
collected and extracted from the Records by the Clerk thereof. This
interesting record was printed for the first time in 1852.]
[Footnote 417: Act. Parl. Scot., June 12. 1693.]
[Footnote 418: Ibid. June 15. 1693.]
[Footnote 419: The editor of the Carstairs Papers was evidently very
desirous, from whatever motive, to disguise this most certain and
obvious truth. He has therefore prefixed to some of Johnstone's letters
descriptions which may possibly impose on careless readers. For example
Johnstone wrote to Carstairs on the 18th of April, before it was known
that the session would be a quiet one, "All arts have been used and will
be used to embroil matters." The editor's account of the contents of
this letter is as follows:
"Arts used to embroil matters with reference to the affair of Glencoe."
Again, Johnstone, in a letter written some weeks later, complained
that the liberality and obsequiousness of the Estates had not been
duly appreciated. "Nothing," he says, "is to be done to gratify the
Parliament, I mean that they would have reckoned a gratification."
The editor's account of the contents of this letter is as follows:
"Complains that the Parliament is not to be gratified by an inquiry into
the massacre of Glencoe."]
[Footnote 420: Life of James, ii. 479.]
[Footnote 421: Hamilton's Zeneyde.]
[Footnote 422: A View of the Court of St. Germains from the Year 1690
to 1695, 1696; Ratio Ultima, 1697. In the Nairne Papers is a letter in
which the nonjuring bishops are ordered to send a Protestant divine
to Saint Germains. This letter was speedily followed by another
letter revoking the order. Both letters will be found in Macpherson's
collection. They both bear date Oct. 16. 1693. I suppose that the first
letter was dated according to the New Style and the letter of revocation
according to the Old Style.]
[Footnote 423: Ratio Ultima, 1697; History of the late Parliament,
1699.]
[Footnote 424: View of the Court of Saint Germains from 1690 to 1695.
That Dunfermline was grossly ill used is plain even from the Memoirs of
Dundee, 1714.]
[Footnote 425: So early as the year 1690, that conclave of the
leading Jacobites which gave Preston his instructions made a strong
representation to James on this subject. "He must overrule the bigotry
of Saint Germains; and dispose their minds to think of those methods
that are more likely to gain the nation. For there is one silly thing or
another daily done there, that comes to our notice here which prolongs
what they so passionately desire." See also A Short and True Relation
of Intrigues transacted both at Home and Abroad to restore the late King
James, 1694.]
[Footnote 426: View of the Court of Saint Germains. The account given in
this View is confirmed by a remarkable paper, which is among the
Nairne MSS. Some of the heads of the Jacobite party in England made a
representation to James, one article of which is as follows: "They beg
that Your Majesty would be pleased to admit of the Chancellor of England
into your Council; your enemies take advantage of his not being in it."
James's answer is evasive. "The King will be, on all occasions, ready to
express the just value and esteem he has for his Lord Chancellor."]
[Footnote 427: A short and true Relation of Intrigues, 1694.]
[Footnote 428: See the paper headed "For my Son the Prince of Wales,
1692." It is printed at the end of the Life of James.]
[Footnote 429: Burnet, i. 683.]
[Footnote 430: As to this change of ministry at Saint Germains see
the very curious but very confused narrative in the Life of James, ii.
498-575.; Burnet, ii. 219.; Memoires de Saint Simon; A French Conquest
neither desirable nor practicable, 1693; and the Letters from the Nairne
MSS. printed by Macpherson.]
[Footnote 431: Life of James, ii. 509. Bossuet's opinion will be found
in the Appendix to M. Mazure's history. The Bishop sums up his arguments
thus "Je dirai done volontiers aux Catholiques, s'il y en a qui
n'approuvent point la declaration dont il s'agit; Noli esse justus
multum; neque plus sapias quam necesse est, ne obstupescas." In the Life
of James it is asserted that the French Doctors changed their opinion,
and that Bossuet, though he held out longer than the rest, saw at last
that he had been in error, but did not choose formally to retract. I
think much too highly of Bossuet's understanding to believe this.]
[Footnote 432: Life of James, ii. 505.]
[Footnote 433: "En fin celle cy--j'entends la declaration--n'est que
pour rentrer: et l'on peut beaucoup mieux disputer des affaires des
Catholiques a Whythall qu'a Saint Germain."--Mazure, Appendix.]
[Footnote 434: Baden to the States General, June 2/12 1693. Four
thousand copies, wet from the press, were found in this house.]
[Footnote 435: Baden's Letters to the States General of May and June
1693; An Answer to the Late King James's Declaration published at Saint
Germains, 1693.]