CHAPTER VI.

1700-1710.

THE OLD RÉGIME IN ACADIA.

The Fishery Question.--Privateers and Pirates.--Port Royal.--Official

Gossip.--Abuse of Brouillan.--Complaints of De Goutin.--Subercase and

his Officers.--Church and State.--Paternal Government.

The French province of Acadia, answering to the present Nova Scotia and

New Brunswick, was a government separate from Canada and subordinate to

it. Jacques François de Brouillan, appointed to command it, landed at

Chibucto, the site of Halifax, in 1702, and crossed by hills and forests

to the Basin of Mines, where he found a small but prosperous settlement.

"It seems to me," he wrote to the minister, "that these people live like

true republicans, acknowledging neither royal authority nor courts of

law."[93] It was merely that their remoteness and isolation made them

independent, of necessity, so far as concerned temporal government. When

Brouillan reached Port Royal he found a different state of things. The

fort and garrison were in bad condition; but the adjacent settlement,

primitive as it was, appeared on the whole duly submissive.

Possibly it would have been less so if it had been more prosperous; but

the inhabitants had lately been deprived of fishing, their best

resource, by a New England privateer which had driven their craft from

the neighboring seas; and when the governor sent Lieutenant Neuvillette

in an armed vessel to seize the interloping stranger, a fight ensued, in

which the lieutenant was killed, and his vessel captured. New England is

said to have had no less than three hundred vessels every year in these

waters.[94] Before the war a French officer proposed that New England

sailors should be hired to teach the Acadians how to fish, and the King

seems to have approved the plan.[95] Whether it was adopted or not, New

England in peace or war had a lion's share of the Acadian fisheries. "It

grieves me to the heart," writes Subercase, Brouillan's successor, "to

see Messieurs les Bastonnais enrich themselves in our domain; for the

base of their commerce is the fish which they catch off our coasts, and

send to all parts of the world."

When the war broke out, Brouillan's fighting resources were so small

that he was forced to depend largely for help on sea-rovers of more than

doubtful character. They came chiefly from the West Indies,--the old

haunt of buccaneers,--and were sometimes mere pirates, and sometimes

semi-piratical privateers commissioned by French West Indian governors.

Brouillan's successor writes that their opportunities are good, since at

least a thousand vessels enter Boston every year.[96] Besides these

irregular allies, the governor usually had at his disposal two French

frigates of thirty and sixty guns, to which was opposed the

Massachusetts navy, consisting of a ship of fifty-six guns, and the

"province galley," of twenty-two. In 1710 one of these Massachusetts

vessels appeared off the coast escorting a fishing-fleet of no less than

two hundred and fifty sail, some of which were afterwards captured by

French corsairs. A good number of these last, however, were taken from

time to time by Boston sea-rovers, who, like their enemies, sometimes

bore a close likeness to pirates. They seized French fishing and trading

vessels, attacked French corsairs, sometimes traded with the Acadians,

and sometimes plundered them. What with West India rum brought by the

French freebooters, and New England rum brought by the English, it is

reported that one could get drunk in Acadia for two sous.

Port Royal, now Annapolis, was the seat of government, and the only

place of any strength in the colony. The fort, a sodded earthwork,

lately put into tolerable repair by the joint labor of the soldiers and

inhabitants, stood on the point of land between the mouth of the river

Annapolis and that of the small stream now called Allen's River, whence

it looked down the long basin, or land-locked bay, which, framed in

hills and forests, had so won the heart of the Baron de Poutrincourt a

century before.[97] The garrison was small, counting in 1704 only a

hundred and eighty-five soldiers and eight commissioned officers. At the

right of the fort, between it and the mouth of the Annapolis, was the

Acadian village, consisting of seventy or eighty small houses of one

story and an attic, built of planks, boards, or logs, simple and rude,

but tolerably comfortable. It had also a small, new wooden church, to

the building of which the inhabitants had contributed eight hundred

francs, while the King paid the rest. The inhabitants had no voice

whatever in public affairs, though the colonial minister had granted

them the privilege of travelling in time of peace without passports. The

ruling class, civil and military, formed a group apart, living in or

near the fort, in complete independence of public opinion, supposing

such to have existed. They looked only to their masters at Versailles;

and hence a state of things as curious as it was lamentable. The little

settlement was a hot-bed of gossip, backbiting, and slander. Officials

of every degree were continually trying to undermine and supplant one

another, besieging the minister with mutual charges. Brouillan, the

governor, was a frequent object of attack. He seems to have been of an

irritable temper, aggravated perhaps by an old unhealed wound in the

cheek, which gave him constant annoyance. One writer declares that

Acadia languishes under selfish greed and petty tyranny; that everything

was hoped from Brouillan when he first came, but that hope has changed

to despair; that he abuses the King's authority to make money, sells

wine and brandy at retail, quarrels with officers who are not

punctilious enough in saluting him, forces the inhabitants to catch seal

and cod for the King, and then cheats them of their pay, and

countenances an obnoxious churchwarden whose daughter is his mistress.

"The country groans, but dares not utter a word," concludes the accuser,

as he closes his indictment.[98]

Brouillan died in the autumn of 1705, on which M. de Goutin, a

magistrate who acted as intendant, and was therefore at once the

colleague of the late governor and a spy upon him, writes to the

minister that "the divine justice has at last taken pity on the good

people of this country," but that as it is base to accuse a dead man, he

will not say that the public could not help showing their joy at the

late governor's departure; and he adds that the deceased was charged

with a scandalous connection with the Widow de Freneuse. Nor will he

reply, he says, to the governor's complaint to the court about a

pretended cabal, of which he, De Goutin, was the head, and which was in

reality only three or four honest men, incapable of any kind of

deviation, who used to meet in a friendly way, and had given offence by

not bowing down before the beast.[99]

Then he changes the subject, and goes on to say that on a certain festal

occasion he was invited by Bonaventure, who acted as governor after the

death of Brouillan, to share with him the honor of touching off a

bonfire before the fort gate; and that this excited such envy, jealousy,

and discord that he begs the minister, once for all, to settle the

question whether a first magistrate has not the right to the honor of

touching off a bonfire jointly with a governor.

De Goutin sometimes discourses of more serious matters. He tells the

minister that the inhabitants have plenty of cattle, and more hemp than

they can use, but neither pots, scythes, sickles, knives, hatchets,

kettles for the Indians, nor salt for themselves. "We should be

fortunate if our enemies would continue to supply our necessities and

take the beaver-skins with which the colony is gorged;" adding, however,

that the Acadians hate the English, and will not trade with them if they

can help it.[100]

In the next year the "Bastonnais" were again bringing supplies, and the

Acadians again receiving them. The new governor, Subercase, far from

being pleased at this, was much annoyed, or professed to be so, and

wrote to Ponchartrain, "Nobody could suffer more than I do at seeing the

English so coolly carry on their trade under our very noses." Then he

proceeds to the inevitable personalities. "You wish me to write without

reserve of the officers here; I have little good to tell you;" and he

names two who to the best of his belief have lost their wits, a third

who is incorrigibly lazy, and a fourth who is eccentric; adding that he

is tolerably well satisfied with the rest, except M. de la Ronde. "You

see, Monseigneur, that I am as much in need of a madhouse as of

barracks; and what is worse, I am afraid that the _mauvais esprit_ of

this country will drive me crazy too."[101] "You write to me," he

continues, "that you are informed that M. Labat has killed some cattle

belonging to the inhabitants. If so, he has expiated his fault by

blowing off his thumb by the bursting of his gun while he was firing at

a sheep. I am sure that the moon has a good deal to do with his

behavior; he always acts very strangely when she is on the wane."

The charge brought against Brouillan in regard to Madame de Freneuse was

brought also against Bonaventure in connection with the same lady. "The

story," says Subercase, "was pushed as far as hell could desire;"[102]

and he partially defends the accused, declaring that at least his

fidelity to the King is beyond question.

De Goutin had a quarrel with Subercase, and writes: "I do all that is

possible to live on good terms with him, and to that end I walk as if in

the chamber of a sick prince whose sleep is of the lightest." As

Subercase defends Bonaventure, De Goutin attacks him, and gives

particulars concerning him and Madame de Freneuse which need not be

recounted here. Then comes a story about a quarrel caused by some cows

belonging to Madame de Freneuse which got into the garden of Madame de

Saint-Vincent, and were driven out by a soldier who presumed to strike

one of them with a long stick. "The facts," gravely adds De Goutin,

"have been certified to me as I have the honor to relate them to your

Grandeur."[103] Then the minister is treated to a story of one Allein.

"He insulted Madame de Belleisle at the church door after high mass, and

when her son, a boy of fourteen, interposed, Allein gave him such a box

on the ear that it drew blood; and I am assured that M. Petit, the

priest, ran to the rescue in his sacerdotal robes." Subercase, on his

side, after complaining that the price of a certain canoe had been

unjustly deducted from his pay, though he never had the said canoe at

all, protests to Ponchartrain, "there is no country on earth where I

would not rather live than in this, by reason of the ill-disposed

persons who inhabit it."[104]

There was the usual friction between the temporal and the spiritual

powers. "The Church," writes Subercase, "has long claimed the right of

commanding here, or at least of sharing authority with the civil

rulers."[105] The Church had formerly been represented by the Capuchin

friars, and afterwards by the Récollets. Every complaint was of course

carried to the minister. In 1700 we find M. de Villieu, who then held a

provisional command in the colony, accusing the ecclesiastics of illicit

trade with the English.[106] Bonaventure reports to Ponchartrain that

Père Félix, chaplain of the fort, asked that the gate might be opened,

in order that he might carry the sacraments to a sick man, his real

object being to marry Captain Duvivier to a young woman named Marie Muis

de Poubomcoup,--contrary, as the governor thought, to the good of the

service. He therefore forbade the match; on which the priests told him

that when they had made up their minds to do anything, nobody had power

to turn them from it; and the chaplain presently added that he cared no

more for the governor than for the mud on his shoes.[107] He carried his

point, and married Duvivier in spite of the commander.

Every king's ship from Acadia brought to Ponchartrain letters full of

matters like these. In one year, 1703, he got at least fourteen such.

If half of what Saint-Simon tells us of him is true, it is not to be

supposed that he gave himself much trouble concerning them. This does

not make it the less astonishing that in the midst of a great and

disastrous war a minister of State should be expected to waste time on

matters worthy of a knot of old gossips babbling round a tea-table. That

pompous spectre which calls itself the Dignity of History would scorn to

take note of them; yet they are highly instructive, for the morbid

anatomy of this little colony has a scientific value as exhibiting, all

the more vividly for the narrowness of the field, the workings of an

unmitigated paternalism acting from across the Atlantic. The King's

servants in Acadia pestered his minister at Versailles with their

pettiest squabbles, while Marlborough and Eugene were threatening his

throne with destruction.[108] The same system prevailed in Canada; but

as there the field was broader and the men often larger, the effects are

less whimsically vivid than they appear under the Acadian microscope.

The two provinces, however, were ruled alike; and about this time the

Canadian Intendant Raudot was writing to Ponchartrain in a strain worthy

of De Goutin, Subercase, or Bonaventure.[109]

FOOTNOTES:

[93] _Brouillan au Ministre, 6 Octobre, 1702._

[94] _Mémoire de Subercase._

[95] _Mémoire du Roy au Sieur de Brouillan, 23 Mars, 1700_; _Le Ministre

à Villebon, 9 Avril, 1700_.

[96] _Subercase au Ministre, 3 Janvier, 1710._

[97] Pioneers of France in the New World, 253.

[98] La Touche, _Mémoire sur l'Acadie_, 1702 (adressé à Ponchartrain).

[99] "Que trois ou quatre amis, honnêtes gens, incapables de gauchir en

quoique ce soit, pour n'avoir pas fléché devant la bête, aient été

qualifiés de cabalistes."--_De Goutin au Ministre, 4 Décembre, 1705._

[100] _De Goutin au Ministre, 22 Décembre, 1707._ In 1705 Bonaventure,

in a time of scarcity, sent a vessel to Boston to buy provisions, on

pretence of exchanging prisoners. _Bonaventure au Ministre, 30 Novembre,

1705._

[101] "Ne me fasse à mon tour tourner la cervelle."--_Subercase au

Ministre, 20 Décembre, 1708._

[102] "On a poussé la chose aussi loin que l'enfer le pouvait

désirer."--_Subercase au Ministre, 20 Décembre, 1708._

[103] _De Goutin au Ministre, 29 Décembre, 1708._

[104] _Subercase au Ministre, 20 Décembre, 1708._

[105] _Ibid._

[106] _Villieu au Ministre, 20 Octobre, 1700._

[107] "Il répondit qu'il se soucioit de moi comme de la boue de ses

souliers."--_Bonaventure au Ministre, 30 Novembre, 1705._

[108] These letters of Acadian officials are in the Archives du

Ministère de la Marine et des Colonies at Paris. Copies of some of them

will be found in the 3d series of the _Correspondance Officielle_ at

Ottawa.

[109] _Raudot au Ministre, 20 Septembre, 1709._ The copy before me

covers 108 folio pages, filled with gossiping personalities.

France and England in North America, Part VII, Vol 1: A Half-Century of Conflict · 第 6 / 15 章