To lose no time in the improvement of his victory, General Sherman, on

the 4th of September, issued an order to the effect that the city of

Atlanta being exclusively required for warlike purposes, all citizens

must remove from it; and to expedite such removal, he entered into a

truce with General Hood, and made arrangements with him for forwarding

the citizens and their effects beyond the Federal lines. In connection

with this event the following correspondence took place between the

authorities of Atlanta and General Sherman.

“ATLANTA, GA., Sept. 11, 1864.

“Major-General WILLIAM T. SHERMAN:

“SIR: The undersigned, Mayor and two members of Council for the city

of Atlanta, for the time being the only legal organ of the people of

the said city to express their wants and wishes, ask leave most

earnestly but respectfully to petition you to reconsider the order

requiring them to leave Atlanta. At first view it struck us that the

measure would involve extraordinary hardship and loss, but since we

have seen the practical execution of it, so far as it has progressed,

and the individual condition of many of the people, and heard the

statements as to the inconvenience, loss and suffering attending it,

we are satisfied that the amount of it will involve in the aggregate

consequences appalling and heart-rending.

“Many poor women are in an advanced state of pregnancy; others have

young children, whose husbands, for the greater part, are either in

the army, prisoners, or dead. Some say: ‘I have such a one sick at my

house; who will wait on them when I am gone?’ Others say: ‘What are we

to do? we have no houses to go to, and no means to buy, build, or rent

any; no parents, relatives, or friends to go to.’ Another says: ‘I

will try and take this or that article of property; but such and such

things I must leave behind, though I need them much.’ We reply to

them: ‘General Sherman will carry your property to Rough and Ready,

and then General Hood will take it thence on:’ and they will reply to

that: ‘But I want to leave the railroad at such a place, and cannot

get conveyance from thence on.’

“We only refer to a few facts to illustrate, in part, how this measure

will operate in practice. As you advanced, the people north of us fell

back, and before your arrival here a large portion of the people here

had retired south; so that the country south of this is already

crowded, and without sufficient houses to accommodate the people, and

we are informed that many are now staying in churches and other

outbuildings. This being so, how is it possible for the people still

here (mostly women and children) to find shelter, and how can they

live through the winter in the woods? no shelter or subsistence; in

the midst of strangers who know them not, and without the power to

assist them much if they were willing to do so.

“This is but a feeble picture of the consequences of this measure. You

know the woe, the horror, and the suffering cannot be described by

words. Imagination can only conceive of it, and we ask you to take

these things into consideration. We know your mind and time are

continually occupied with the duties of your command, which almost

deters us from asking your attention to the matter, but we thought it

might be that you had not considered the subject in all of its awful

consequences, and that, on reflection, you, we hope, would not make

this people an exception to mankind, for we know of no such instance

ever having occurred—surely not in the United States. And what has

this helpless people done, that they should be driven from their

homes, to wander as strangers, outcasts, and exiles, and to subsist on

charity?

“We do not know as yet the number of people still here. Of those who

are here, a respectable number, if allowed to remain at home, could

subsist for several months without assistance; and a respectable

number for a much longer time, and who might not need assistance at

any time.

“In conclusion, we most earnestly and solemnly petition you to

reconsider this order, or modify it, and suffer this unfortunate

people to remain at home and enjoy what little means they have.

“Respectfully submitted, JAMES M. CALHOUN, Mayor.

“E. E. RAWSON, }

S. C. WELLS, } Councilmen.”

GENERAL SHERMAN’S REPLY.

“HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, }

ATLANTA, GA., September 12, 1864. }

“JAMES M. CALHOUN, Mayor, E. E. RAWSON, and S. C. WELLS, representing

City Council of Atlanta:

“GENTLEMEN: I have your letter of the 11th, in the nature of a

petition, to revoke my orders removing all the inhabitants from

Atlanta. I have read it carefully, and give full credit to your

statements of the distress that will be occasioned by it, and yet

shall not revoke my order, simply because my orders are not designed

to meet the humanities of the case, but to prepare for the future

struggles in which millions, yea, hundreds of millions of good people

outside of Atlanta have a deep interest. We must have Peace, not only

at Atlanta, but in all America. To secure this we must stop the war

that now desolates our once happy and favored country. To stop war we

must defeat the rebel armies that are arrayed against the laws and

Constitution, which all must respect and obey. To defeat these armies

we must prepare the way to reach them in their recesses provided with

the arms and instruments which enable us to accomplish our purpose.

“Now, I know the vindictive nature of our enemy, and that we may have

many years of military operations from this quarter, and therefore

deem it wise and prudent to prepare in time. The use of Atlanta for

warlike purposes is inconsistent with its character as a home for

families. There will be no manufactures, commerce, or agriculture here

for the maintenance of families, and sooner or later want will compel

the inhabitants to go. Why not go now, when all the arrangements are

completed for the transfer, instead of waiting till the plunging shot

of contending armies will renew the scene of the past month? Of

course, I do not apprehend any such thing at this moment, but you do

not suppose that this army will be here till the war is over. I cannot

discuss this subject with you fairly, because I cannot impart to you

what I propose to do, but I assert that my military plans make it

necessary for the inhabitants to go away, and I can only renew my

offer of services to make their exodus in any direction as easy and

comfortable as possible. You cannot qualify war in harsher terms than

I will.

“War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it; and those who brought war

on our country deserve all the curses and maledictions a people can

pour out. I know I had no hand in making this war, and I know I will

make more sacrifices to-day than any of you to secure peace. But you

cannot have peace and a division of our country. If the United States

submits to a division now, it will not stop, but go on till we reap

the fate of Mexico, which is eternal war. The United States does and

must assert its authority wherever it has the power; if it relaxes one

bit to pressure it is gone, and I know that such is not the national

feeling. This feeling assumes various shapes, but always comes back to

that of Union. Once admit the Union, once more acknowledge the

authority of the National Government, and instead of devoting your

houses, and streets, and roads, to the dread uses of war, I, and this

army become at once your protectors and supporters, shielding you from

danger, let it come from what quarter it may. I know that a few

individuals cannot resist a torrent of error and passion such as has

swept the South into rebellion; but you can point out, so that we may

know those who desire a Government and those who insist on war and its

desolation.

“You might as well appeal against the thunderstorm as against these

terrible hardships of war. They are inevitable, and the only way the

people of Atlanta can hope once more to live in peace and quiet at

home is to stop this war, which can alone be done by admitting that it

began in error, and is perpetuated in pride. We don’t want your

negroes, or your horses, or your land, or anything you have, but we do

want and will have a just obedience to the laws of the United States.

That we will have, and if it involves the destruction of your

improvements, we cannot help it. You have heretofore read public

sentiment in your newspapers, that live by falsehood and excitement,

and the quicker you seek for truth in other quarters, the better for

you.

“I repeat, then, that, by the original compact of government, the

United States had certain rights in Georgia which have never been

relinquished and never will be; that the South began war by seizing

forts, arsenals, mints, custom-houses, &c., &c., long before Mr.

Lincoln was installed, and before the South had one jot or tittle of

provocation. I myself have seen in Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and

Mississippi hundreds and thousands of women and children fleeing from

your armies and desperadoes, hungry and with bleeding feet. In

Memphis, Vicksburg, and Mississippi, we fed thousands upon thousands

of the families of rebel soldiers left on our hands, and whom we could

not see starve. Now that war comes home to you, you feel very

different; you deprecate its horrors, but did not feel them when you

sent car-loads of soldiers and ammunition, and molded shell and shot,

to carry war into Kentucky and Tennessee, and desolate the homes of

hundreds and thousands of good people, who only asked to live in peace

at their old homes, and under the Government of their inheritance.

“But these comparisons are idle. I want peace, and believe it can only

be reached through Union and war; and I will ever conduct war purely

with a view to perfect and early success.

“But, my dear sirs, when that peace does come, you may call on me for

anything. Then I will share with you the last cracker, and watch with

you to shield your homes and families against danger from every

quarter. Now you must go, and take with you the old and feeble, feed

and nurse them, and build for them in more quiet places proper

habitations to shield them against the weather until the mad passions

of men cool down, and allow the Union and peace once more to settle on

your old homes at Atlanta.

Yours in haste,

“W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General.”

HOOD’S CAMPAIGN IN ALABAMA AND TENNESSEE.

The capture of Atlanta occasioned, as well it might, a panic among the

rebel chieftains at Richmond. They saw, and saw clearly, that unless

Sherman could be defeated, their confederacy would be shorn of half its

territory and more than half its strength. In this emergency, Mr.

Jefferson Davis left the rebel capital, on a tour of inspection in

Georgia. In the course of this tour Mr. Davis exerted his well-known

talents as an orator, to fire once more the Southern heart and to

strengthen the Southern cause. His most important speech was delivered

at Macon, on the twenty-third of September. But the only effect of his

eloquence was to disclose the increasing weakness of the Confederacy.

Yet it must be admitted that the expedient, undoubtedly suggested by Mr.

Davis’s military experience and ability, which the rebels now adopted to

recover their lost ground, was extremely ingenious. They determined that

Hood’s army should move rapidly to the rear of Atlanta, cut off all

communications between that city and Chattanooga, subsequently isolate

the latter city from Nashville, and thus leave Sherman’s army, destitute

of supplies, in an enemy’s country, from which it would, necessarily, be

compelled to retire with all expedient haste.

The prosecution of this scheme was not long delayed. On the second of

October General Hood was across the Chattahoochee, leading his forces

toward Dallas. This was to be the point of rebel concentration. On the

fourth the rebels captured Ackworth and Big Shanty, and destroyed the

railroad between the two places. Then they advanced on Allatoona Pass,

which is five miles north of Big Shanty, and about thirty miles from

Atlanta. That position was one of great strength, and its possession was

most important to Sherman. Moreover, it was a storehouse of Federal

supplies. The rebels were aware of its value, and confident of its

capture. But in this instance they were not dealing with a blind foe.

General Sherman had already divined the entire plan of the rebel

campaign, and had taken measures, not only to frustrate the designs of

the foe, but to turn their temerity to his own advantage. The work of

interrupting National communication between Chattanooga and Nashville

had been committed to the rebel General Forrest. It was arranged that

General Thomas, operating before Nashville, should oppose this movement.

General Corse, who was at Rome, was directed to reinforce the garrison

of Allatoona Pass, and to hold it until the arrival of the main body of

the Union army. In obedience to this command General Corse immediately

threw in a force of nine hundred men, increasing the garrison to

seventeen hundred.

[Illustration: GENERAL HOSPITAL AT SAVANNAH, GA.]

BATTLE OF ALLATOONA, GA.

On the morning of October 5th, the rebels, seven thousand strong, and

led by General French, attacked Allatoona. A stubborn fight ensued,

lasting about six hours. General Sherman, pushing on from Atlanta,

reached Kenesaw Mountain while the battle was in progress. The National

troops holding Allatoona, though largely outnumbered, fought with the

greatest desperation, and successfully maintained their position, until,

on the approach of reinforcements, the rebels fell back, entirely

discomfited. Their loss in this spirited engagement was upwards of one

thousand men, killed, wounded and prisoners. The Union loss was about

five hundred.

THE GREAT REBEL BLUNDER.

General Sherman occupied the Pass, after the battle, and from that point

kept watch upon Hood, secretly hoping—while pretending anxious

pursuit—that the rebel general would be lured away into Northern Alabama

and Tennessee. The sequel satisfied the hopes of the Union commander.

Passing by Rome and Kingston, the rebels moved north, and next

threatened Resaca, which was held by Colonel Weaver, with a garrison of

six hundred men. Colonel Weaver’s reply, on being summoned to surrender,

is memorable: “In my opinion,” he said, “I can hold the fort. If you

want it, come and take it.” But Hood was burning with bolder designs,

and the determined little garrison of Resaca was passed by unmolested.

On the fourteenth of October, General Sherman’s forces arrived there,

slowly pursuing Hood. On the same day Hood captured Dalton, continuing

there the work of destruction which had marked his entire advance.

Thence, closely pushed by Sherman, he passed, by way of Lafayette, into

Alabama, halting at last at Gadsdens, on the Coosa river, seventy-five

miles from the latter city. But the halt lasted only for a few days.

Early in November, having received reinforcements from Beauregard—then

at Charleston—Hood resumed his march, and entered Tennessee. The

pursuing army of Sherman was now at Gaylesville; and here the pursuit

ceased. The enemy had fallen into the snare, and it only now remained

for the invincible General Thomas to deal him his deathblow. That blow

was struck, within a very brief period of time, at Nashville. It will be

proper, however, before describing those memorable battles, to recount

the more immediate movements of General Sherman, and the destruction of

Atlanta.

PREPARATIONS FOR SHERMAN’S GRAND MARCH.

General Thomas, at the head of a considerable body of Union troops, was

at this time in readiness to confront the advancing rebels south of

Nashville. On hearing that Hood had started to invade Tennessee, General

Sherman immediately withdrew his army to Rome, and sent forward two

corps, the Fourth and the Twenty-third, one commanded by General

Stanley, the other by General Schofield, to reinforce Thomas. These

troops went by way of Chattanooga, and safely reached their destination.

General Sherman’s remaining force consisted of five corps—the

Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth and Twentieth—the latter

constituting the garrison of Atlanta. With this force, subsequently

condensed into four corps, and amply sufficient for the purpose, he was

prepared for his great march across the rebel territory, from Atlanta to

the sea. Full details of the plan had been given to General Thomas, who,

on his part, felt confident of being able to dispose of Hood.

To cut off all communication between Atlanta and Chattanooga, to destroy

every possible facility of transportation in that vicinity, which an

enemy might chance to find serviceable, and lastly, to render Atlanta

itself entirely useless, were now imperative incidents of Sherman’s

campaign. This work was accomplished within the first twelve days of the

month of November. In the course of that time, all the wounded and the

sick, together with all prisoners, stores and machinery, and surplus

artillery that had accumulated at Rome, Atlanta, and other neighboring

places were conveyed by railroad to Chattanooga. The road was then

destroyed. The hand of destruction was also laid, though lightly, upon

Rome, everything being demolished in that city which might chance to

become useful to the rebels in future. A contemporary correspondent

gives the following account of

THE BURNING OF ROME, GA.

NOVEMBER 11, 1864.

“Rome was evacuated at ten o’clock this forenoon by our (U. S.) forces;

but not until the Etowah House, a respectable three-story brick hotel

was consumed by fire. Stragglers managed to ignite a lot of straw in the

building, and, there being no engines in the town, it was impossible to

subdue the flames. A block of fine brick stores was also wantonly

destroyed by skulking stragglers. All the barracks were laid in ashes,

and a black veil of dark smoke hung over the war-desolated city all day,

arising from the smouldering ruins. Owing to the great lack of railroad

transportation, General Corse was obliged to destroy nearly a million of

dollars’ worth of property, among which was a few thousand dollars’

worth of condemned and unserviceable government stores. Nine rebel guns,

captured at Rome by our troops, were burst, it being deemed unsafe to

use them. One thousand bales of fine cotton, two flour mills, two

rolling mills, two tanneries, one salt mill, an extensive foundry,

several machine shops, together with the railroad depots and

storehouses, four pontoon bridges, built by General Corse’s pioneer

corps, for use on the Coosa and Etowah rivers, and a substantial trestle

bridge nearly completed for use, were completely destroyed. This

trestle, constructed by the engineer corps, I am told, would have cost

fifty thousand dollars north. Recollecting the outrages perpetrated upon

Colonel Streight by the ‘Romans,’ our troops, as soon as they learned

that the town was to be abandoned, and a portion of it burned, resolved

to lay Rome in ashes in revenge. The roaring of the flames, as they

leaped from window to window, their savage tongues of fire darting high

up into the heavens, and then licking the sides of the buildings,

presented an awful but grand spectacle, while then mounted patrol and

the infantry men glided along through the brilliant light, like the

ghostly spectres of horrid war.”

THE DESTRUCTION OF ATLANTA.

NOVEMBER, 1864.

Atlanta, popularly called the Gate City, is situated seven miles

southeast of the Chattahoochie river, and on the line of railroads

leading from Savannah to Chattanooga and Nashville, and to Macon,

Augusta, Milledgeville, Savannah, and Charleston, in the southeast

direction. It is one hundred and one miles from Macon, one hundred and

seventy-one miles from Augusta, three hundred and seven miles from

Charleston, and two hundred and ninety-two miles from Savannah. Four of

the principal railroads of the State terminate at this point. The

Georgia railroad extends from Atlanta to Augusta; the Western railroad

to Macon; the Atlantic and Western railroad to Chattanooga; and the

Lagrange railroad to West Point, seventy-two miles distant. Atlanta was

laid out in 1845, and has grown with great rapidity, its population

being, in 1850, two thousand five hundred and seventy; in 1853, four

thousand two hundred and eighty; and in 1860, nine thousand eight

hundred and seventy.

Its destruction by General Sherman has sometimes been condemned as an

act of vandalism, whereas it was—as subsequent events sufficiently

demonstrated—a timely and unavoidable military act, dictated by the most

imperative prudential reasons.

The following narrative of the burning of Atlanta is furnished by an

eye-witness:

“Atlanta was of strategic value only so long as it remained a great

railroad centre; it had now no longer any value to our troops, as every

railroad leading to it was destroyed—the railways gutted, torn up, and

the very iron of which they were composed, put beyond use. For miles the

country round about it had been made a complete waste, so that there was

no possibility of the rebels again occupying it. But had we remained

there all winter, Hood and the rebel cavalry would also have remained

hanging about the place, and whenever opportunity offered, harassing our

men, though they would have, at any time, fled before our army. The

ever-active mind of General Sherman scorned such petty warfare; he

therefore determined to render the city itself as unfit for rebel

habitation as he had already rendered the country around it unfit for

the movements of an army.

“In the month of November, the once proud Atlanta—the beautiful Gate

City, was laid in ashes. A harrowing scene of confusion and fright was

presented when the city was first set in flames. Those of the citizens

who had not left with the first exodus, were now afraid of being

abandoned to the tender mercy of the rebels. The depot presented a scene

of confusion and suffering impossible to describe. Women and children

were huddled together, with the sole remaining wealth they possessed in

the world clutched closely to their bosoms. The cry of young infants

rose upon the air, and mingled dismally with the roar and crackle of the

flames not a hundred yards distant—flames which licked up it their

devouring fury the last remaining property of hundreds, and gave in

return only a thick, but sickening smoke, and a blood-red glare

streaming up against the clear sky. From house to house the destroying

element sped, thrusting out forked tongues of fire in a thousand

different directions—from street to street the dread demon of flame

trailed his hideous and scorching length along, leaving in his wake

desolate, grimy, smoking ruin. Men who were millionaires but a few

months before, fled from their homes and the scene of their wealth,

roofless in the wide world, and without a dollar in their pockets. On,

on, on, always onward, till nothing more remained, spread the

fire-fiend, with still increasing appetite for plunder, till every

factory, railroad depot, hotel, mill, government buildings of all

descriptions—everything, in short, save a few churches and some private

dwellings, were reduced to blackened, ghastly, horrible ruin.

“The Tyre of southern trade was laid level with the dust; her grace,

splendor, wealth and beauty, were things of the past, and the mere

charred skeleton of Atlanta alone remained, to prove that ever she had

been—to prove, also, one more dreadful monument of the waste and

desolation that must ever follow in the footsteps of rebellion.”

THE BATTLE OF FRANKLIN, TENN.

NOVEMBER 30, 1864.

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