CHAPTER IV

THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT COULD HAVE PREVENTED THIS EFFORT AT

EXTERMINATING THE ARMENIAN RACE, BUT HAS CHOSEN NOT TO DO SO. THERE

IS GRAVE REASON TO BELIEVE THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT HAS WELCOMED, IF

NOT ENCOURAGED, THE DISAPPEARANCE OF THE ARMENIANS FROM ASIA MINOR,

FOR THE FURTHERANCE OF GERMAN POLITICAL AND COMMERCIAL DESIGNS ON

THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE.

A patriotic German woman wrote from Marash on June 4, 1915, to the

_Sonnenaufgang_, organ of the _Deutscher Hülfsbund für christliches

Liebeswerk im Orient_: “Oh, if we could write all that we are seeing!”

German missionaries in Asia Minor have been fully as horror-stricken,

fully as sympathetic, and fully as indignant as the missionaries of

other nations. And I have no doubt that there are millions of Germans

to-day, who, _if they were allowed to know the truth_, would protest

bitterly to their Government against the extermination of the Armenian

nation, and petition their Government, in the name of God, to do

something to prevent Germany from being stigmatized in history as

partner in the awful crimes that are being committed in the Ottoman

Empire.

It has been shown that there never has been, and that there is not

now, reason for Moslem fanaticism against the Armenian race. Of their

own initiative, without the direct command and incitement of the

authorities and without the help of the soldiery and gendarmery,

Turks have never massacred Armenians. Since, then, this effort to

exterminate the Armenian race, made everywhere in Asiatic Turkey at

the same moment, has been due to a systematic scheme, organized and

directed from Constantinople, we must seek the responsibility among the

officials of the Turkish Government at Constantinople. The deliberate,

minutely-planned Armenian massacres and deportations, carried on

without interruption from April to November, 1915, must have been

conceived by someone, ordered by someone, and perpetrated for some

purpose.

Conceived by whom? Ordered by whom? Perpetrated for what purpose?

_The conception is not new._ It has been explained above that the

Armenians drew upon themselves the distrust and the hatred of the Young

Turks because they took the Young Turks seriously, and believed that

the Constitution was to be a real constitution. The Adana massacre was

the first effort on the part of those who usurped Abdul Hamid’s policy

and methods when they usurped his authority, to destroy the Armenians.

Back in those days I heard more than one prominent Young Turk give

hearty assent to the _bon mot_ that was then going the rounds, “The

only way to get rid of the Armenian question is to get rid of the

Armenians!” To finish the work begun at Adana has been a political

ideal for six years. The opportunity for realization came. It was

seized immediately.

_When the attack of the Allies against the Dardanelles was begun,

it was common knowledge at Constantinople that the death-warrant of

the Armenian race, long ago signed and put aside in the pigeon-holes

of the Sublime Porte and the Seraskerat, would be brought out and

put into execution._ Is it possible to believe that the German

Embassy was ignorant of this, and that Talaat bey gave the orders

without having informed Baron von Wangenheim? Is it possible that the

German Government at Berlin did not know of the plan, even if their

representative at Constantinople failed to inform them? Here are the

facts.

The extermination of a million and a half innocent, loyal to a fault,

Christian subjects of the Sultan of Turkey was planned at, and ordered

from, Constantinople.

At Constantinople, the one man whose word, supported by his Government,

would have prevented the orders from going out, was the German

Ambassador.

Although he _may_ not have known during the first week or two, the

German Ambassador was pled with, _long before it was too late_, to

use the influence of Germany to put a stop to what was to prove the

blackest page of modern history.

Since Germany refused to intervene before the extermination of the

Armenians started, is she not accessory before the fact to the murder

by sword, by starvation and thirst, by exposure, by beating, by rape,

of nearly a million human beings, whose fault was that they were “in

the way,” and whose vulnerability and defencelessness lay in the sole

fact that they were Christians?

Since Germany has persisted in refusing to intervene during the process

of extermination, is she not _particeps criminis_?

Ambassador von Wangenheim declared to Ambassador Morgenthau at

Constantinople that Germany could not, upon request of the United

States, intervene in the internal affairs of Turkey. Ambassador von

Bernstorff at Washington, when he saw what a painful impression the

newspaper accounts of the Armenian atrocities were producing on the

American public, at first denied that there had been massacres, and,

later, when it was impossible to maintain his denial in face of

established facts, declared that what had happened in Turkey was a

perfectly justifiable suppression of Armenian rebellions.

In one large city of Asiatic Turkey, an American missionary, a man

whom I know personally and whose word can be trusted implicitly, saw

a German officer directing the artillery fire of the Turks upon the

Armenian civilian population. In two other places, at least, German

consuls defended the Ottoman policy both of massacre and of deportation.

On the broader and more general moral ground of responsibility as

brother’s keeper, the German, _who alone of all European nations

have had, and still have the power to stop these massacres_, stand

condemned. It is going to be difficult for their writers, who have

been foremost in extolling the Armenian race, its virtues, and its

contributions to civilization, to defend to the satisfaction of

posterity the inertia of the German Government in the face of the

extermination of the Armenian nation.

That they kept quiet, and refused to act, when they alone could have

saved the Armenians from destruction, is the first count in the case

against the Germans. It is serious. The second count is sinister.

When we try to find the purpose behind the Armenian massacres, we

are confronted with what is, under the circumstances, an eloquent

accusation against the German Government and the German people. _The

Germans, and the Germans alone, will benefit by the extermination

of the Armenians._ I have pointed out above how the Armenians are

the essential factor, the guarantee indeed, of Turkish economic and

political independence in Asia Minor. By the same token, they appear

to be a stumbling-block to German domination. The Armenians, largely

educated in French and American schools, speak French and English.

Through their commercial relations with western Europe and America,

with England most of all, they have naturally been “in the way” of the

German commercial travellers. As the one commercial and agricultural

element in the interior of Asia Minor, capable of holding its own

against a penetration of European colonists, the Armenians are “in the

way” of the schemes for the Germanization of Anatolia. It was not for

the Bagdad Railway alone, but also for all that the Bagdad Railway

implied, that Kaiser Wilhelm II. fraternized with Abdul Hamid, after

the massacres of Armenians in 1895 and 1896.

I have not the slightest desire to be unfair to Germans as

individuals, or to insinuate what cannot reasonably be proved to

be in the German mind. Enlightened nations, however, are certainly

responsible for the acts of their Governments. The Germans have assumed

the responsibility for many terrible things in this war. They may

hope, when passions have died down and both sides are known, to clear

themselves of some charges. But there is no hope in regard to the

charge of allowing the extermination of the Armenians--a crime by which

they alone could hope to benefit.

CONCLUSION

And now, in conclusion, let me pose frankly this question: _Have

neutral nations any responsibility in regard to the Armenians?_

For neutral nations in general, the answer depends upon whether the

influence and action of a nation ought to be confined wholly to

internal affairs. Those who give to their own conscience and to God

the answer of Cain, say frankly: “No, we are not our brother’s keeper.

We have all that we can do to look after ourselves.” If this type

of mentality had controlled the councils of the nations throughout

the past twenty centuries, would there be a Christian civilization?

Would history be able to record a single altruistic deed to a nation’s

credit? Would slavery ever have been abolished? The other type is

composed of those who believe that man does not live by bread alone,

or for himself alone, and that nations, as well as individuals, have

responsibilities towards others--especially if those others are weak

and oppressed.

Let us leave wholly to one side the argument of higher morality, this

abstract, intangible argument, which, when urged, causes many to

shrug their shoulders and smile. Let us come to the concrete reason

for the direct responsibility of two nations to intervene on behalf

of the Armenians. Among neutral and passive onlookers, who have been

silent while the darkest page of modern history is being written, the

Americans and Swiss should not forget that their money and their

representatives have been working for two generations in Turkey to

elevate the Armenians. Together with French, British, Germans, and

Italians, the Americans and Swiss have helped to reawaken the national

spirit of the Armenian nation. They have infused new life into the

Armenian Church. They have made researches into Armenian history and

have given to the world the results of those researches. They have

taught the Armenians European languages, and have imparted to a race

that had become ignorant and backward, because separated from Europe,

the spirit of Occidental civilization. _Were they seeking out victims

to deck with garlands for the sacrifice? Were they fatting the calf

for the slaughter?_ Do not say no! For the practical result of their

efforts to elevate the Armenian race is that long journey from home to

the Valley of the Euphrates--now become the Valley of Death.

Let us think hard. And then, for God’s sake, let us act!

SOURCES

1. Report of American Committee on Armenian Atrocities. New York,

October, 1915.

The report contains thirty-five extracts from the testimony of

eye-witnesses, covering the period April 27 to August 3, 1915,

from all parts of Asia Minor. Twenty-five representative Americans

(including Hon. Oscar S. Strauss, twice American Ambassador to

Turkey, Cardinal James Gibbons, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, and former

President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard University), signed this

report, which states that each bit of testimony has been subjected

to careful and extensive investigation, and that “the sources are

unquestioned as to the veracity, integrity, and authority of the

writers.”

2. Official report of the Parliamentary Debate in the House of Lords,

on Wednesday, October 6, 1915. London, Parliamentary Debates, H. of L.,

volume xix., 67.

Interpellation of the Earl of Cromer, speech of Viscount Bryce, and

comments of the Marquess of Crewe.

3. Lord Bryce’s revision and enlargement of the official report of his

speech, as given in “Armenian Atrocities: The Murder of a Nation,” by

Arnold J. Toynbee. London, November, 1915.

4. German missionaries’ letters to the _Sonnenaufgang_, published by

Deutscher Hülfsbund für christliches Liebeswerk im Orient.

5. Narrative of Dikran Andreasian, translated by Rev. Stephen

Trowbridge, and published in _The Star of the East_. London, November,

1915.

6. Testimony of eye-witnesses, published in the Boulogne-sur-Mer

_Telegramme_, September 17; Paris _Temps_, September 15; Limoges

_Courrier du Centre_, September 15; _Tribune de Genève_, September 4

and 24, October 14; _Journal de Genève_, October 13 and 24; _Gazette

de Lausanne_, October 24; New York _Evening Post_, October 18. Résumés

and editorial comments in Manchester _Guardian_, August 16 and October

26; London _Times_, October 8; _Frankfurter Zeitung_, October 9;

_Paris-Midi_, October 17. All these dates, of course, are in 1915.

7. Circular letters of various dates from July 6 to October 22, 1915,

sent out by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,

Boston, Mass., which are signed by James L. Barton.

8. A number of as yet unpublished personal letters. For obvious

reasons, I cannot give the names of the writers, and the places from

which they were written.

9. Personal conversations with persons of unimpeachable integrity and

unquestioned authority, who have returned between September 15 and

November 20 from Constantinople and Asia Minor. Their names must of

necessity be withheld at this moment.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] I do not mean by this statement to deny that the educated

Armenians, just as every other people under the yoke of another race,

have not longed, in their most intimate sentiments, for the day when

national aspirations would be realized. But, the Armenians are above

all a practical people, and they did not look for what they knew was

impossible of realization. In the correspondence concerning Armenian

people in the Chancelleries of the Great Powers and in the archives

of the Sublime Porte, _the question has always been to obtain reforms

that would secure for the Armenians only those privileges and only

that measure of security and freedom, to which they had the right as

Ottoman subjects to aspire_. In 1913, the Powers, _among whom was

Germany_, proposed to the Turkish Government a plan for reforms in Asia

Minor, which was accepted and decreed by Turkey, but which was not

put into execution. Up to the time of this terrible crime of the past

few months, the Armenians demanded, and were glad to have obtained in

Turkey, only those reforms that Turkey had agreed herself to put into

effect.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:

Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.

Underlined text is surrounded by equals signs: =underline=.

Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

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