_EXPEDITION AGAINST COLABA_
Measures taken in England against pirates--Woodes Rogers at the
Bahamas--Edward Teach--Challoner Ogle--Bartholomew Roberts
killed--Matthews sent to the East Indies--Naval officers'
duels--Portuguese alliance--Expedition against Colaba--Assault--Defeat--A
split in the alliance--Plot against Boone--His departure--Matthews'
schemes--His insulting behaviour--He quarrels with everybody--Goes to
Madagascar--The King of Ranter Bay--Matthews goes to Bengal.
As long as their forces had been occupied with the French war and the
Highland rising, the English ministry had been powerless to check the
depredations of the pirates, which had become intolerable both in the East
and West Indies. Now Europe was at peace, and measures could be concerted
to put a stop to the evil. As usual, the Peace of Utrecht was followed by
an increase of piracy, through the privateersmen being thrown out of
employment.
On the 5th September, 1717, a royal proclamation was published, offering a
free pardon, to all pirates on the American coast surrendering within one
year, for all piracies committed before the 5th January. As rewards for
the capture of pirate ships, to every captain £100, to other officers £40,
to petty officers £30, and to ordinary seamen £20 were to be paid on
conviction of the offenders. To pirates, a reward of £200 was offered for
the surrender of a pirate captain or commander before the 6th September,
1718. The effect of the proclamation, in conjunction with the measures
taken in the Bahamas, was very great. By the 1st July, 1719, to which date
the time of grace was extended, all but three or four of the most
desperate rovers had retired from business. But against the most audacious
of them more vigorous measures were necessary.
It was of little use to hunt down pirates at sea, so long as their haunts
in the Bahamas and Madagascar were allowed to flourish, and, as the West
Indian rovers were the most mischievous to European trade, the Bahamas
were first taken in hand.
During the war, the Bahamas had been twice taken and plundered by the
French and Spanish; all semblance of authority had disappeared, and it was
estimated that there were upwards of two thousand pirates in and about
Providence. In 1718, Captain Woodes Rogers leased the islands for
twenty-one years, from the proprietors, and received a commission as
Governor; he sailed, for Providence, with a naval force and powers to
offer an amnesty to all who submitted. Five or six well-known pirate
captains made their peace with the Government, and a number of their crews,
though some of them went back to their old trade before long. England, La
Buze, and others slipped away and made for Madagascar. A council was then
formed, consisting of six of the adventurers and six of the inhabitants
who had never been pirates themselves. This was followed by the submission
of others; some were hung, and order of a sort was re-established in the
Bahamas.
The coasts of Virginia and North Carolina were at this time beset by a
number of pirates, the most notorious of whom was Edward Teach, _alias_
Blackbeard, a Bristol man, who had begun his piratical career in the
spring of 1717; the most sinister figure in the annals of piracy. Pirate
captains were, as a rule, chosen by their crews, and if their conduct was
unsatisfactory to the rovers, they were deposed and sometimes put to death
or marooned; but Teach, as fearless as he was merciless, ruled his crew by
terror. As an instance of his savage humour, it is related that on one
occasion, in a drinking bout, he blew out the light and fired two pistols
among his companions, wounding Israel Hands, his sailing master, severely.
On being asked why he did it, he damned them, and said if he did not kill
one of them now and then, they would forget who he was. So impressed were
his crew with his wickedness, that they believed they carried the devil on
board, who appeared at intervals among them as one of the crew, but could
not be identified as belonging to the ship's company. Once he fought the
_Scarborough_, a man-of-war of thirty guns, and beat her off. He boldly
went ashore when he pleased, forcing the Governor of North Carolina to
marry him, and to supply him with medicines for his crew. With his face
covered with black hair, and a beard of extravagant length, fantastically
tied up in ribbons, he presented a wild and truculent figure that was the
terror of the coast.
An extract of a journal he kept, found after his death, is given by
Johnson--
"Such a day, Rum all out:--Our company somewhat sober: A damn'd
confusion amongst us!--Rogues a plotting;--great talk of
separation.--So I look'd sharp for a Prize;--such a day took one,
with a great deal of Liquor on board, so kept the Company hot, damned
hot, then all things went well again."
Eden, the Governor of North Carolina, was suspected of sharing in Teach's
plunder, and his conduct was so suspicious that it could only be set down
to dishonesty or to extreme pusillanimity; so, in their distress, the
North Carolina planters sought the assistance of the Governor of Virginia.
There were at this time two men-of-war, the _Pearl_ and the _Lime_, lying
in the James river, but their size was too great to permit of their
searching the creeks and inlets frequented by Teach; therefore, two small
sloops, without guns, were fitted out and placed under command of Maynard,
first lieutenant of the _Pearl_. At the same time a proclamation was
published in Virginia offering rewards for the apprehension of pirates,
with a special reward of £100 for Teach. Though the whole had been planned
with great secrecy. Teach received warnings from friends on shore, but
paid no attention to them, and Maynard surprised him at anchor in a small
inlet.
Teach cut his cable and tried to stand out to sea, but ran aground.
Maynard anchored within half gunshot and set to work to lighten his sloops,
while Teach roared out curses and threats, to which Maynard replied that
he expected no quarter and would give none. Just as Maynard was ready to
attack, Teach got afloat and bore down on the sloops, giving them a
broadside that partially disabled one sloop, and killed or wounded twenty
men in Maynard's. Nothing discouraged, Maynard kept his men under cover
and ran the pirate aboard, and was at once attacked by Teach with fourteen
men. Teach and Maynard met hand to hand, and there was a desperate
encounter, Teach fighting like a ferocious animal at bay. Maynard's sword
broke, but he was saved by one of his men coming to his assistance, and
Teach at last fell dead on the deck of the sloop with twenty-five wounds.
The second sloop, meanwhile, had boarded and captured the pirate ship, and
Maynard sailed back to the James river with Teach's head at his bowsprit.
Fifteen of the pirates were taken alive, of whom thirteen were hung.
A year after Teach's death there appeared on the American coast
Bartholomew Roberts, a Welshman from Haverfordwest, who, for over two
years, was the scourge of the American and African traders. It was said of
him that he was a sober man who drank tea constantly, which made him an
object of suspicion to his crew. His temperance did not prevent him from
being the most wantonly wicked pirate who sailed the seas. In a
Newfoundland harbour, on one occasion, he burned and sank twenty-one
vessels, destroyed the fisheries and stages, and wrought all the havoc he
could, out of pure wantonness. On another occasion, he captured a slaver
with eighty slaves on board, and burned it, slaves and all, because it
would cost too much time and trouble to unshackle the unfortunate wretches.
At the same time, he was a man of order and method. He drew up a set of
rules, to which his crew subscribed, in which, among other things, it was
laid down that no women should be allowed on board; dice and gambling were
prohibited; lights were put out at 8 o'clock; and musicians were exempt
from playing on Sundays. The chaplain of Cape Coast Castle having been
captured, he was pressed to join the pirates, being promised that nothing
would be required of him except to make punch and say prayers. On his
declining the office, all church property was restored to him "except
three prayer books and a bottle-screw."
In pursuit of Roberts, the British Government despatched Captain Challoner
Ogle, with the _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_. Failing to find him in American
waters. Ogle steered for the African shore, and, on the 5th February, 1722,
when separated from the _Weymouth_, he came on the pirates at anchor off
Cape Lopez. Putting the _Swallow_ about, and handling his sails as if in
confusion and alarm, Ogle stood out to sea, pursued by the _Ranger_. When
well out of sight of land, the _Ranger_ was allowed to draw up, and the
pirate crew suddenly found themselves under the fire of a sixty-gun ship,
for which their own thirty-two guns were no match, and after a short
engagement the black flag was hauled down. On the 10th, Ogle stood in
again to engage the _Royal Fortune_, disposing his flags to make the
pirates believe his ship had been captured by the _Ranger_. Roberts fought
with desperation when he discovered the ruse. Dressed in rich crimson
damask, a scarlet feather in his hat, a gold chain with large diamond
cross round his neck, he made a resistance worthy of his reputation,
determined to blow up his ship rather than yield. At the main he hoisted a
black flag, on which were displayed a skeleton and a man with a flaming
sword; the jack was black, showing a man standing on two skulls, and St.
George's ensign was at the ensign staff. After a desperate encounter,
Roberts was slain by a grape-shot, and the _Royal Fortune_ carried by
boarding, the pirates resisting to the last. Out of two hundred and
seventy-six men captured in the two ships, fifty-two were executed, all of
them Englishmen. Ogle was knighted for his able and gallant conduct.
The re-establishment of authority at the Bahamas had led to an increase in
the numbers of the Madagascar pirates; so Commodore Thomas Matthews was
despatched to the East Indies with a strong squadron, consisting of the
_Lyon_, 50 guns; _Salisbury_, 40 guns; _Exeter_, 50 guns; and _Shoreham_,
20 guns. The Company's ship _Grantham_ was also placed under his orders,
to act as a store-ship. In Byng's successful action with the Spanish, off
Cape Passaro (August, 1718), Matthews had commanded the _Kent_ with credit;
but with the exception of courage, he apparently failed to possess a
single quality for independent command. Irascible, domineering to his
subordinates, and insolent to all others he was brought in contact with,
he was entirely devoid of judgment or discretion. Twenty years later, when
he became better known, Walpole wrote of his 'brutal manners,' and Horace
Mann nicknamed him 'Il Furibondo.' There could not have been a worse
selection for the work in hand.
The desire of the Directors was that the squadron should, before going to
Bombay, proceed to St. Augustine's Bay and St. Mary's. Thence, that a ship
should be detached to Bourbon, where it was supposed a new pirate
settlement was being formed; after which, they wished the squadron to
proceed to the mouth of the Red Sea, where pirates would in all
probability be found waiting for the Indian ships in July and August. But
Matthews had views of his own, and was not much concerned with the wishes
of the Directors, who had designs of opening up trade with Madagascar, and,
as a preliminary step, desired to see the pirate settlements rooted out.
In February, 1721, the squadron sailed from Spithead, with orders to
rendezvous at St. Augustine's Bay. Soon after leaving the Channel, the
_Salisbury_ and _Exeter_ were dismasted in a storm, and were obliged to
put into Lisbon to repair damages. Matthews continued his voyage with the
_Lyon_ and the _Shoreham_ to St. Augustine's Bay. He found no pirate ships
there at the time, and good policy demanded that he should await the
_Salisbury_ and the _Exeter_. Instead of doing so, he continued his voyage
to Bombay, where he arrived on the 27th September. Before leaving, he
entrusted to the natives of St. Augustine's Bay a letter for Captain
Cockburn, of the _Salisbury_, in which a number of particulars were given
of the squadron. The proceeding was so ill-advised and so well calculated
to defeat the object of the squadron's coming into Indian waters, that it
was believed in the squadron that Matthews had done it purposely to put
the pirates on their guard. Whether this was his intention or not, it
serves to show the opinion held of him by those under his command. Soon
after Matthews' departure, Taylor and La Buze reached St. Augustine's Bay,
read the letter, and sailed at once for Fort Dauphin, in the south-eastern
end of Madagascar. The _Salisbury_ and _Exeter_ arrived soon afterwards,
and getting no news either of Matthews or the pirates, sailed for Bombay.
These proceedings were not of happy augury for the success of the
expedition. The pirates had information of the squadron being in the
Indian seas, and were doubtless kept henceforth informed, from time to
time, of its movements through their various sources of intelligence.
Taylor, satisfied with his gains, sailed for the West Indies and
surrendered to the Spaniards, who gave him a commission.
Matthews' first act on dropping anchor, was to force the native vessels in
harbour, belonging to Bombay traders, to strike the English colours they
were in the habit of displaying, and he next embarked in a squabble with
the Governor as to who was to fire the first salute, a matter that was not
settled without many messages to and fro. The officers of the squadron,
taking their cue from Matthews, 'looked as much superior to us,' Downing
tells us, 'as the greatness of their ambition could possibly lead them.
There were daily duels fought by one or other of them, and challenges
perpetually sent round the island by the gentlemen of the navy.' The duels
seem mostly to have taken place among the naval officers, who must have
been a quarrelsome lot. On the voyage from England, Mr. Mitchell and Mr.
Sutherland, 'son of My Lord Sutherland,' had quarrelled, and Mitchell,
considering himself aggrieved, demanded his discharge on arrival at Bombay,
which was granted. He then sent a challenge to Sutherland, who wounded and
disabled him. But all duels were not so harmless. A few days afterwards,
Sutherland and Dalrymple, 'grandson of Sir David Dalrymple, His Majesty's
Advocate for Scotland,' both midshipmen, quarrelled over dice, and fought
a duel, without seconds, the following morning; when Dalrymple was run
through the body and killed on the spot--a fate that was apparently not
altogether undeserved. Sutherland was tried by court-martial, found guilty
of murder, and sentenced to death; but as it was necessary for the
death-warrant to be signed by the King, it was arranged to carry him a
prisoner to England. Touching at Barbadoes, he made his escape, and
remained there till a free pardon was granted him. Not long afterwards a
duel, arising out of a quarrel about a lady's health, was fought between
Stepney, the second lieutenant, and Berkeley, the third lieutenant of the
_Salisbury_, in which both were badly wounded. Stepney died a fortnight
after the duel, but, as the surgeon certified that he had not died of his
wound, Berkeley was not brought to a court-martial.
Meanwhile, great preparations were being made for a fresh campaign against
Angria, and while these bickerings went on among the subordinates, the
Governor and Matthews were engaged in planning the attack. Long before
Matthews' arrival, negotiations had been opened between the Portuguese
Viceroy, Francisco José de Sampaio e Castro, and the Bombay Council, for a
joint attack on Colaba. Through the management of Mr. Robert Cowan, who
had been deputed, in March, to Goa, for the purpose, a treaty of mutual
co-operation had been drawn up, by which the Bombay Council undertook to
furnish two thousand men and five ships. The Portuguese authorities
undertook to furnish an equal force. The negotiation was not completed
till the beginning of September, and Cowan, in recognition of the ability
he had displayed, was given a seat in the Council. The combined forces
were to assemble at Chaul, then a Portuguese possession, and march
overland to attack Colaba. Forgetting the old adage about selling the skin
of the bear while the animal was still alive, it was further agreed that
Colaba, after capture, was to be the property of Portugal, while Gheriah
was to be handed over to the English. The arrival of Matthews' squadron
therefore brought a welcome addition to the Bombay armaments.
A camp was formed for the expeditionary force; drilling was the order of
the day; Cowan was named general, and various commissions as colonels,
majors, and captains were granted to officers of the navy who volunteered
for land service. On the 30th October, a seven days' fast was ordered, to
secure the Divine blessing on the undertaking, and the chaplain was
directed to preach an appropriate sermon.
On the 29th November, the expedition left Bombay, and anchored off Chaul,
where the Portuguese force had already assembled. The English force
consisted of 655 Europeans and topasses, a troop of 40 horsemen, and 1514
sepoys. Matthews also contributed 200 seamen, of whom 50 were to serve the
guns. The artillery consisted of two 24-pounders, two 18-pounders, four
9-pounders, six small field guns, two mortars, and eight coehorns. The
Portuguese force consisted of 1000 Europeans, 160 horsemen, 350 volunteers,
and 2400 sepoys, with six 24-pounders, six 18-pounders, ten field pieces,
and eight mortars, commanded by the General of the North. The Viceroy was
also present. Such a force, combined with the men-of-war, was sufficient,
under proper direction, to have destroyed all Angria's strongholds along
the coast.
Some delay was caused by the necessity of building a bridge over the
Ragocim river, and then the army advanced, to be quickly brought to a
standstill again till sufficient transport could be brought from Bombay.
On the 12th December, after marching round the head of the Alibagh river,
the army encamped close to Alibagh fort; while the men-of-war anchored in
the roads. During the march, a few of Angria's horsemen had been seen from
time to time. On one occasion, while the Viceroy, accompanied by Matthews,
Cowan, and other commanders, was riding to view the country, a horseman
approached them under cover of a cactus hedge, and threw his lance,
wounding Matthews in the thigh. Matthews vainly pursued him, beside
himself with rage at his wound and at his pistols missing fire.
On the 13th, an assault was made on the fort, though the heavy guns had
not been landed. Outside the fort there were fifteen hundred horse and a
thousand foot sent by Sahoojee to Angria's assistance. The Portuguese were
to face them, while five hundred English soldiers and marines, led by
naval officers, were to force the gateway and scale the rampart. Common
sense demanded that Sahoojee's force outside the fort should be disposed
of, and the heavy guns that had been brought with so much labour from
Chaul should be mounted and used, before any attempt at an assault was
projected; but there was a woeful absence of ordinary capacity among the
commanders. At four in the afternoon, the little force under Brathwaite,
first lieutenant of the _Lyon_, who held the rank of colonel for the
occasion, advanced to the assault. The gateway was blocked, and could not
be forced; many of the scaling ladders were too short, and the affair
resolved itself into a struggle, by a small number who had gained the
rampart, to maintain themselves, while the rest remained exposed to the
fire from the walls. In the midst of it, Sahoojee's force advanced on the
Portuguese, who broke and fled in wild confusion, leaving the English,
force to their fate. The assaulting party, seeing their danger, drew off,
leaving many of their wounded behind them, the whole force gave ground,
and soon there was a wild rush for the camp, luckily not followed by the
Mahratta horsemen. Thirty-three had been killed and twenty-seven wounded;
among the latter, Lieutenant Bellamy of the navy, who had behaved with
great dash and bravery. Matthews' marines suffered heavily. Though wanting
in discipline, they displayed much courage. All the field guns and a great
deal of ammunition fell into the hands of the Mahrattas. The whole blame
was laid on the Portuguese, to whom treachery was imputed. Matthews,
always violent, flew at the General of the North and assaulted him,[1] and
treated the Viceroy not much better. A little more enterprise on the part
of the Mahrattas would have destroyed the whole force. The following day
some heavy guns were landed, and a four-gun battery was constructed. But
the Portuguese had had enough of it, and were determined to withdraw.
From the beginning, there had been little cordiality between the
ill-matched allies. In the English camp, Cowan was devoid of military
experience or instinct, and commanded little confidence among men
habituated to defeat in their attacks on Angrian strongholds; while
Matthews, violent and overbearing, claimed a right to direct operations
that he knew nothing about. The Portuguese, on their side, proud in the
recollection of the great position they had once held on the Malabar coast,
and which, though now fast falling into decay, was still immeasurably
superior to that of the English merchants, were disgusted at the constant
drunkenness, quarrelling, and want of discipline among the English, and
incensed at the charge of treachery, for which there was no justification.
Feigning illness, the Viceroy betook himself to his ship. Angria saw his
opportunity of breaking up the alliance, and opened negotiations with him.
On the 17th, the Viceroy wrote to the English, proposing a suspension of
arms. With a bad grace they were obliged to consent, seeing in the
negotiation, which was against the compact that neither should treat
separately, farther confirmation of their suspicion of treachery. Angria
granted the Portuguese full reparation for injuries, and formed an
offensive and defensive alliance with them. The English were left to shift
for themselves. Full of wrath, they embarked at once, and sailed for
Bombay on the 28th.
While the force was engaged at Colaba, the Malwans[2] strove to make a
diversion in Angria's favour by attacking English ships, under pretence
that they were Portuguese vessels; they being at war with Goa at the time.
The Sunda Rajah also attacked a private English ship, but was beaten off.
In the Gulf, the Bombay sloop _Prince_ took a Muscat ship of fourteen guns,
but after some days was obliged to relinquish its prize to a Muscat
squadron.
It is impossible not to sympathize with Boone's disappointment at the
failure of this long-planned expedition, which he had looked forward to as
the crowning achievement of his presidentship. The time had come for him
to return to England. His successor, Mr. William. Phipps, had arrived from
Mocha, in August, and had taken the second seat in Council, while awaiting
Boone's departure. Boone's last year in Bombay was embittered by a
dangerous intrigue against him, headed by Parker and Braddyll, two of the
Council. Investigation showed that they had plotted to seize his person,
and had even uttered threats against his life. Being arrested and ordered
to leave Bombay, they fled to Goa. After a time, Braddyll made his way in
a small boat to Bombay, and sought protection on board the _Lyon_, which
was readily extended to him by Matthews. As Braddyll's name appears among
those present in Council in Bombay, in 1723, he must have succeeded in
making his peace with the Company. Under the Company's rule, in those days,
all but the worst offences were condoned, so long as they were not
directly aimed at the Company's trade. A plot against the Governor's
freedom might be pardoned, but, for assistance given to the Ostenders
there was no _locus poenitentiae_.
On the 9th January, Boone embarked on board the _London_, after making
over the governorship to Mr. Phipps, followed by the good wishes of the
community. During his six years of office he had proved himself a faithful
and zealous servant of the Company: 'a gentleman of as much honour and
good sense as any that ever sat in that chair,' according to Hamilton. He
had found Bombay with a languishing trade and open to attack. Under his
fostering care, trade had improved, so that merchants from Bengal and
Madras had found it profitable to settle there. A good wall had been built
to guard the town against sudden raids, and a respectable naval force had
been created to keep piracy in check. He deserves remembrance as the first
Bombay Governor who tried to put down the coast pirates by active measures.
Though his expeditions against them had been uniformly unsuccessful, he
had taught Angria that the Company's trade could not be attacked with
impunity, and his ill-success was entirely due to the worthlessness of his
instruments. At his departure, salutes were fired from every gun ashore
and afloat, except from Matthews' squadron, which did not fire a gun. As
he sailed down the coast, accompanied by the _Victoria_ and _Revenge_,
loaded with stores for Carwar and Anjengo, he was attacked by Angria's
squadron, but beat them off. Off Anjediva he came on the Kempsant's grabs
plundering a ship, which he rescued. One of the grabs was taken and
another driven ashore; and so he was gratified with a small success over
his inveterate enemies, as he bid farewell to the Indian coast.
As soon as Matthews had returned to Bombay, after the Alibagh fiasco, he
applied himself to what, to him, was the principal reason for his coming
to India, viz. private trade. For the Company's interests he did not care
a button; in fact, anything that injured the Company found an advocate in
him. As for the pirates, if they did not come in his way, he was not going
to trouble himself much about them. To enrich himself by starting a
private trade of his own, was his one object, and, with this end in view,
he sailed for Surat. With him he took Mrs. Braddyll and Mrs. Wyche, with
sundry chests of treasure, in spite of Phipps' remonstrances: the estates
of both having been attached by the Council. In Surat he tried to raise a
large sum for a venture in the China trade; but the arbitrary conduct of
the King's officers had raised so much distrust among the native merchants,
that he was unsuccessful. Within three weeks he was back again in Bombay,
and was at once involved in an angry correspondence with the Council. Not
confining himself to an acrimonious exchange of letters, he affixed at the
sea gate an insulting proclamation. Phipps ordered it to be removed, on
which Matthews wrote that, if it were not at once replaced, he would
publish it by beat of drum through Bombay, and, should any resistance be
offered, he would not leave a house standing in the place. In this dilemma
the Council consented to replace it, but, to save their dignity, added a
notice that it was licensed by the Secretary. It is difficult to see how
this improved the matter. However, Matthews sailed the next day for
Madagascar, so no doubt the proclamation did not long remain after his
departure.
His absence from Bombay, though doubtless felt as a relief by Phipps and
the Council, was probably, before long, a cause of regret in the troubles
that shortly beset them: but for the moment we will follow his movements.
Not contented with his quarrels with the Council, Matthews was soon at
daggers drawn with his own captains. First he proposed to them to employ
their ships in trading, on condition that two-thirds of the profits were
to be his. The captains refused to have anything to do with the proposal.
He had already had a quarrel with Cockburn, his second in command, the
first of many that were to follow. Before leaving Bombay, a quarrel arose
between him and Sir Robert Johnson, of the _Exeter_. Johnson threw up his
command, and took passage for England in one of the Company's ships, which
was lost with all hands on the voyage. With Sir Robert Johnson, his son, a
lieutenant in the navy, perished. Brathwaite was appointed to the command
of the _Exeter_. It had already come to be widely known that anybody who
was in trouble with the Company would find countenance and protection from
Matthews. He told the Portuguese officials that the Company's vessels were
only traders, and therefore not entitled to a salute, gun for gun. This
matter of salutes was a very important one in Matthews' eyes. Every
trading ship, however small it might be, carried guns, and there was a
great deal of saluting. In acknowledging such salutes Matthews always
responded with three or four less guns than were given him. On one
occasion there is a record of his replying with one gun only.[3] Wherever
Matthews could find an opportunity for lowering the credit or hurting the
interests of the Company, he seized it.
On reaching Carpenter's Bay in Mauritius, he found an impudent message
from the pirates, 'writ on Captain Carpenter's tomb with a piece of
charcoal,' to the effect that they had been expecting him and had gone to
Port Dauphin. The squadron next proceeded to Bourbon, where they sold some
casks of arrack and madeira to the French for a very good profit, and
thence proceeded to Charnock Point, St. Mary's Island, Madagascar. Here
they found the wrecks of several merchant ships that had been run ashore
by the pirates. Scattered on the beach were lying their cargoes, china
ware, rich drugs and spices, cloth, guns, and other articles, lying where
the pirates had cast them. Men waded knee-deep in pepper, cloves, and
cinnamon, such was the quantity. In shallow water were lying the remains
of a fine Jeddah ship that had been taken, with thirteen lakhs of treasure
on board, by a pirate named Conden, who commanded a ship called the
_Flying Dragon_. Matthews at once began to transfer the guns and such
commodities as were least damaged to his own ships. A flag of truce had
been first sent ashore to communicate with England and the other pirates,
but it was found that they had fled inland. A week later, a white man,
accompanied by a well-armed guard of natives, made his appearance. He told
them that he was a Jamaica man named John Plantain, that he had been a
pirate, but was tired of the trade, and had settled down on the spot. This
John Plantain was a man of some note in the piratical world. Every and
England had sailed with him, and treated him with much consideration and
some fear. He had made himself master of a considerable tract of country,
so that the pirates had given him the name of the King of Ranter Bay.[4]
He gave an invitation to Matthews to visit his castle, where he
entertained some of the officers of the squadron. Matthews' first idea was
to seize him, but finding that John Plantain had a good number of armed
natives with him, besides a Scotchman and a Dane, and that his castle had
plenty of guns mounted, he decided to trade with him instead. The pirates
made no secret of having taken part in the capture of the Goa Viceroy's
ship, and of a rich native vessel with eighteen lakhs of rupees on board.
So hats, shoes, stockings, wine, and arrack were made over to John
Plantain, for which he paid a good price in gold and diamonds. In spite of
his notions as to piracy, John Plantain showed himself an honester man
than Matthews. Having paid liberally for the things he had bought, he left
the hogsheads of wine and arrack on the beach under a small guard. As soon
as his back was turned, Matthews manned his boats, brought off all the
liquor he had been paid for, and some of the native guard as well. After
which notable achievement he sailed away for Bengal, consoling himself
with the thought that he was not like one of "those vile pirates, who,
after committing many evil actions, had settled down among a parcel of
heathens to indulge themselves in all sorts of vice."[5]
After a fortnight at Charnock's Point, the squadron made its way round the
north of Madagascar to Manigaro (Manankara) Bay, whence they steered for
Johanna. As the Directors afterwards remarked, Matthews ought to have
divided his squadron, and searched both coasts of the great island; but
his heart was not in the quest for pirates; he was bent only on trade.
Sending the _Salisbury_ and _Exeter_ to cruise towards Socotra, he took
the _Lyon_ and _Shoreham_ to Bengal, and, in the beginning of August, he
was at anchor in the Hoogly, near Diamond Harbour. There he remained till
the end of October. There were no pirates in the Bay of Bengal, but the
sugar trade was very lucrative, and he wanted to invest in it.
He was not long in Calcutta without coming to loggerheads with the Council
concerning Mrs. Gyfford, who, as Mrs. Chown, has already been mentioned in
these pages,[6] and whose third husband had perished in the Anjengo
massacre eighteen months before. In flying from Anjengo she had carried
off the factory books, together with all the money she could lay her hands
on. As the Company had large claims on Gyfford's estate, the Council was
bent on making her disgorge. Matthews espoused her quarrel, as he did that
of all who were in the Company's bad books, and, in defiance of the
Council, carried her off to Bombay, and eventually to England.
[1] 'Thrust his cane in his mouth.'--_Downing_.
[2] Malwan was a small fortified harbour belonging to Kolapore, about
sixty miles north of Goa. The Malwans were noted pirates.
[3] When Watson came to India, he returned salutes gun for gun.
[4] Perhaps Autongil Bay.
[5] This account of Matthews' visit to Madagascar rests to a great extent
on the narrative of Clement Downing, who held the rating of a
midshipman on board the _Salisbury_ at the time. It is confirmed by
the logs of the _Lyon_ and _Salisbury_. He makes no attempt to conceal
his opinion of Matthews' misdoings. He also gives the history of John
Plantain, who finally made his way to Gheriah, and took service with
Angria.
[6] See p. 80.