This revolutionary outcry about Cantillon concludes the list of legatees.

In the instructions to the executors, the following items are enumerated:

the malachite furniture from Russia; the golden table service (which

was presented to him by the town of Paris); a small farm on the island

of Elba which had been purchased with Pauline’s money; a store of

quicksilver at Venice, reckoned to be worth frs. 5,000,000; gold and

jewels in a hiding-place at Malmaison; and so on, the fantastic inventory

of a monarch and an adventurer.

To his mother, he leaves his silver night-lamp which has lighted many a

sleepless night during his sojourn on St. Helena; each brother and sister

receives a special bequest; Joseph and Lucien, as if no cloud had ever

shadowed his relations with them, are mentioned calmly one after the

other, each receiving “an embroidered mantle, vest, and small-clothes,”

though the living Napoleon had given a crown to one and offered a crown

to the other.

But the principal legatee of Napoleon is his son. First of all, the

boy is to have all his “arms, field-beds, saddles, spurs, snuff-boxes,

orders, books, body linen, which I have been accustomed to wear and

use.... It is my wish that this slight bequest may be dear to him,

as recalling to him the memory of a father of whom the universe will

discourse to him.” Amid the inventories, which mention such items as

two pairs of night-drawers and two pillow-cases, there flash out such

entries as the following: “My sword, the one I wore at Austerlitz; ...

my gold travelling box, the one I made use of on the morning of Ulm, of

Austerlitz, of Jena, of Eylau, of Friedland, of the island of Lobau, of

Borodino, and of Montmirail; ... four boxes found on the table of Louis

XVIII. in the Tuileries on March 20, 1815; ... my alarm-clock, it is the

alarm-clock of Frederick II. which I took at Potsdam (in box No. III);

... a blue cloak (that which I had at Marengo); ... a consular sword; ...

a grand collar of the Legion of Honour.” Each list of items finishes with

a charge to one or other of his confidants to take care of the articles

named, “and to convey them to my son when he shall attain the age of

sixteen years.”

Here is another entry: “Marchand shall preserve my hair, and cause a

bracelet to be made of it, with a gold clasp, to be sent to the empress

Marie Louise, to my mother, and to each of my brothers, sisters, nephews,

nieces, the cardinal, and one of larger size to my son.”

Various persons and places are named in which his son is likely to be

interested. “I wish my executors to make a collection of engravings,

pictures, books, and medals which may give my son sound ideas, and

destroy the erroneous ideas which the policy of a foreign land may have

tried to impress on him. I want him to be able to see things as they

really were.... My memory will be the glory of his life.... I do not

expect my son to benefit by my mother’s will, for he is likely to be

wealthier than her other children, but I hope that she will leave him

some such precious legacy as her own portrait and my father’s, or some

trinkets which he will know have come down to him from his grandparents.”

It may seem as if his life were ending with very simple thoughts, since

he makes this touching reference to his parents; but in the next clause

the abyss yawns. Those who are about his son, Bertrand’s children

perhaps, or Montholon’s, are “to see to it that he resumes the name

of Napoleon as soon as he comes of age, and is able to do so without

inconvenience.”

After this sedulous care for the legitimate heir, there follows, at

the very last, a clause of a few lines, §37, in which Napoleon writes:

“I should not complain if little Léon were to enter the civil service,

should he be so disposed. I should like Alexandre Walewski to serve

France in the army.” The writer could not foresee that, some decades

after the death of his legitimate son, Léon was to end his ne’er-do-well

life in America as the husband of a cook; but that Count Walewski was

to attain high distinction, as a diplomat under Louis Philippe, and as

minister of State and senator during the second empire. By his talent and

good looks, Marie’s son was to show that he had, in very truth, been a

love child.

But there is a second testament for the legitimate heir. Two weeks

before his death, towards three in the morning, the Emperor sends for

Montholon, who has been tending him faithfully for the last few weeks:

“When I entered the room, I found him sitting up, and the fire glancing

in his eyes made me fear a fresh attack of fever. He perceived my

uneasiness, and said kindly: ‘I am not worse, but my mind has been roused

by discussing with Bertrand what my executors ought to say to my son when

they see him ... it is better, therefore, that I should, in a few words,

give you a summary of the counsels which I bequeath to my son. Write:’”

There follow twelve printed pages, containing the Emperor’s political

testament. Not a word about war, but a great many words about peace;

and, as regards Europe, we find almost all the leading thoughts of the

century which opened with his rise to power. We are given a glimpse

of a fancied second reign. He tells us how he would govern, loftily

criticising his own previous work. He looks forward to new political

forms, and, with a seer’s vision, contemplates the twentieth century.

From the rock, he issues an appeal for the union of Europe, a manifesto

on behalf of an understanding among the peoples to promote liberty,

equality, civilisation, talent, and commerce. All these thoughts form

themselves in the mind of the dying Napoleon during one of the last

restless nights of his illness:

“My son should not think of avenging my death; he should profit by it....

The aim of all his efforts should be, to reign by peace: if he should

recommence my wars out of pure love of imitation and without any absolute

necessity, he would be a mere ape. To do my work over again would be to

suppose that I had done nothing; ... the same thing is not done twice

in a century. _I was obliged to daunt Europe by arms; in the present

day, the way is to convince her reason._... I have implanted new ideas

in France and in Europe; they cannot retrograde: let my son bring into

blossom all that I have sown....

“It is possible that the English, in order to efface the remembrance of

their persecutions, will favour my son’s return to France; but in order

to live in a good understanding with England it is necessary, at any

cost, to favour her commercial interests: this necessity leads to one of

these two consequences—war with England, or a sharing of the commerce of

the world with her. This second condition is the only one possible in

the present day; questions of foreign policy will, in France, for a long

time, take precedence of questions of home policy. I bequeath to my son

sufficient strength and sympathy to enable him to continue my work with

the sole aid of a lofty and conciliatory diplomacy....

“Let not my son ever mount the throne by the aid of foreign influence;

his aim should not be to fulfil a desire to reign, but to deserve the

approbation of posterity. Let him cherish an intimacy with my family,

whenever it shall be in his power. My mother resembles the great women

of classical antiquity.... The French nation, when it is not taken the

wrong way, is more easily governed than any other; its prompt and easy

comprehension is unequalled; it immediately discerns who labours for, and

who against it; but then it is necessary always to speak to its senses,

otherwise its uneasy spite gnaws, it ferments and explodes....

“Let him despise all parties; let him only see the mass. Excepting those

who have betrayed their country, he should forget the previous conduct

of all men, and reward talent, merit, and services, wherever he finds

them....

“France is the country where the chiefs of parties have the least

influence: to rest for support on them, is to build on sand. Great things

can only be done in France by having the support of the masses....

“I relied on the whole mass of the people without exception; I set the

example of a government which favoured the interests of all.... To

divide the interests of a nation is ... to engender civil war. A thing

indivisible by nature cannot be divided; it can only be mutilated. I

attach no importance to the constitution; but its fundamental principle

should be universal suffrage.

“The nobility I created will not be a buttress to my son....

“My dictatorship was indispensable, and the proof of this is that I was

always offered more power than I wanted.... It will not be the same with

my son: his power will be disputed; he must anticipate every desire for

liberty.... The aim of a sovereign is not only to reign, but to diffuse

instruction, morality, and wellbeing. Anything false is an untrustworthy

prop....

“The French people is animated by two equally powerful passions, which

seem opposed, but which, nevertheless, are derived from one and the same

feeling, namely, love of liberty and love of distinction. A government

can only satisfy these two wants by the most exact justice.... In order

to govern, it is not necessary to pursue a more or less perfect theory,

but to build with the materials which are under one’s hand; to submit to

necessities, and profit by them....

“The liberty of the press ought to become, in the hands of the

government, a powerful auxiliary in diffusing, through all the most

distant corners of the Empire, sound doctrines and good principles. To

leave it to itself would be to fall asleep beside a danger.... Under pain

of death, nowadays, one must either direct or hinder everything.

“My son ought to be a man of new ideas, and of the cause which I have

made triumphant everywhere: ... to reunite Europe in the bonds of an

indissoluble federation....

“Europe is moving towards an inevitable transformation: to endeavour to

retard this progress, would be to waste strength in a useless struggle;

to favour it, is to strengthen the hopes and wishes of all....

“My son’s position will not be free from immense difficulties. _Let him

do by general consent what circumstances forced me to work for by force

of arms._ If I had remained victorious over Russia in 1812, the problem

of peace would have been solved for a hundred years to come. I cut the

Gordian knot of nations; at the present day it must be untied.... It is

no longer in the north that great questions will be decided, but in the

Mediterranean; on the shores of the Mediterranean, there is enough to

content all the ambitions of the different powers, and the happiness of

civilised nations may be purchased with fragments of barbarous lands.

_Let the kings listen to reason; Europe will no longer provide matter for

maintaining international hatreds._ Prejudices are dispersing; interests

are widening and becoming fused; trading routes are being multiplied. No

longer can any one nation monopolise commerce....

“All that you say to my son, or all that he learns, will be of little use

to him, unless he has in the depths of his heart that sacred fire and

love of good which alone can achieve great things.

“I hope, however, that he will be worthy of his destiny.

“If they refuse you permission to go to Vienna....”

The document suddenly breaks off; Napoleon’s powers have flagged; like

the utterance of an oracle, the soothsaying ends in the middle of a

sentence. But what this man on his deathbed designed for the instruction

of his poor little son, can serve to instruct Europe a century after

it was written. The political problems of our own day, however we may

attempt to solve them, are in truth solved here by the sovereignty of

genius.

XIX

After this brilliant outpouring, the productive spring dries up.

Agreeable visions float before his mind. It seems as if fate intends him

to enjoy the euthanasia. The day after writing his political testament,

he lies free from pain and care, surrounded by the mist-wreaths of hope:

“When I am dead, each of you will have the sweet consolation of returning

to Europe. You will see again, the one his relatives, the other his

friends; but for my part, I shall meet my brave warriors in the Elysian

Fields. Yes,” he continued, raising his voice, “Kléber, Desaix,

Bessières, Duroc, Ney, Murat, Masséna, Berthier; all will come to meet

me: they will talk to me of the deeds we did together. I shall recount to

them the later events of my life. When they see me, they will be inspired

with their old enthusiasm, their old passion for glory. We shall talk of

our battles to the Scipios, to Hannibal, Cæsar, and Frederick. What a

delight that will be. If only people here on earth are not terrified at

seeing so many soldiers put their heads together!”

Such is the dying man’s flight of fancy. In all the thousands of his

recorded utterances, there is none that shows the naïveté of his mind

more plainly than this reverie. He looks into a world peopled by the

shades of the heroes, sees his generals there in familiar converse with

those of ancient Rome, enters an idyllic paradise in which they talk

of big guns. While Napoleon is speaking, the English doctor (whose

ministrations the Emperor has at length consented to accept) enters the

room.

At this moment, the music of flutes, to which he has, in fancy, been

listening, breaks off; once more he hears the rattle of the drums. The

statesman recurs to the present. Without transition, he passes into a new

register, after his manner, and makes a formal oration which embodies

what he wishes to be the official view of his death:

“Come nearer, Bertrand, and translate what I say word for word to this

gentleman. My death is the results of injuries worthy of the hands that

have inflicted them. I surrendered to the British people, that I might

settle down at a British fireside. In defiance of international law, I

was loaded with chains.... England overpersuaded the princes, and the

world saw an unprecedented sight. Four great powers hurled themselves

upon one solitary man. How shamefully you have treated me on this rock!

There is no possible mortification to which you have not subjected

me!... With cold calculation, you have slowly done me to death! The vile

governor has been the executioner appointed by your ministers! I end like

the proud republic of Venice! I bequeath the shame of my death to the

royal family of England!”

After this outburst, he sinks back upon his pillows. The doctor stands

there dumbfounded, and Napoleon’s companions are in little better case.

What was it? An epilogue; a protest; a commination? Pure politics! In the

evening, he has an account of Hannibal’s campaigns read aloud to him.

Next day, April 21st, a fortnight before the end, he sends for the

Corsican abbate. Since this man’s coming, Napoleon has had Mass read

every Sunday, but otherwise has had nothing to do with the priest. Now he

says:

“Do you know what a ‘chapelle ardente’ is? Have you ever officiated at

one before? Never? Well, now you will officiate at mine.” Details follow.

“After my death, you will set up your altar at my bedside, and will say

Mass with the usual ceremonies until I am under ground.”

In the evening, the priest spends nearly an hour with him. Since, we

are told, Vignali was not dressed for the occasion, he can only have

conversed with Napoleon, and cannot have confessed him. Napoleon has not

communicated for forty years, and does not do so now.

The sick man is much wasted; for several weeks he has not been shaved;

his face is sunken and dusky. Now he has his bed carried into the

drawing-room, for he finds the bedroom too confined. He is racked by

terrible attacks of gastric spasm. In the intervals of calm, he continues

to speak of persons to whom he wishes to leave legacies. Sometimes he

dozes and dreams. In these dreams, women appear to him; Marie Louise is

not one of them: “I saw my good Josephine, but she would not put her arms

round me.... She was unchanged, loving as always. She said we should soon

meet to part no more. She assured me—— Did you see her too?” Just like

the dream about his generals; from the paradise of children, from the

land of faëry.

When he feels better, he has the latest newspapers read aloud. An attack

on him in one of them excites him, and he has his will brought to him.

Breaking the seals he has laboriously affixed, without saying a word he

writes with tremulous hand:

“I had the duke of Enghien arrested and brought to trial because this

trial was necessary for the safety, the interest, and the honour of the

French people, at a time when the count of Artois, according to his own

admission, was maintaining sixty assassins in Paris.”

Like two ghosts, they face one another; the dead Bourbon and the dying

Bonaparte.

On the 27th., he asks for the will once more, and laboriously reseals

it. He has inventories made of the contents of his boxes and cupboards;

valuable documents are put into envelopes, on which he writes the

inscriptions. All this is done in the intervals between attacks of

vomiting. His companions have to affix their seals, and every one of them

must verify a written record of the packets. So great is his mistrust of

England.

Is there anything still to do? Various articles which have not yet been

dealt with are lying on the counterpane. “I am very weak; there is not

much time left; we must finish things off.” What is that? Hortense’s

diamond necklace, which used to gleam from her neck on festal occasions

in the Tuileries, and was sewn into his waistband the day he left

Malmaison. This he gives to Marchand. There is a plain golden snuff-box.

Toilsomely, with the point of a penknife, he scratches his initial N on

the lid, and gives the box to the doctor, saying:

“I expressly demand that a post-mortem shall be made, and, in especial,

that the stomach shall be examined. I believe that I am dying of the same

illness as my father. Ask Louis to send you the report about that, and

compare it with what you find at the autopsy. Then you may at least be

able to spare my son this horrible illness. Tell him how he can guard

against it, and how he can be saved from the dread of it which has so

afflicted me.”

For six years he has been blaming the climate of the rock for his liver

trouble; only a few days ago he had charged England with killing him in

the unwholesome prison-house. By ordering a post-mortem examination, he

is risking the collapse of this theory; indeed, that is what he expects.

All is done for his son’s safety. He hopes that the lad can be saved from

the family disorder.

Is everything ready? Can we start? Wait a moment! There is still lacking

an official address to the authorities. He dictates the following letter:

“Monsieur le Gouverneur! Emperor Napoleon died on the ——, after a long

and painful illness. I have the honour to inform you of the fact....

Please let me know what arrangements your government has made for the

conveyance of his body to Europe, and also in respect of the members of

his suite.”

“Count Montholon, you will sign that.”

Napoleon had dictated sixty thousand political letters. Perhaps this

one, the formal report of his own death with the date left open, is

the most remarkable of them all; for who would have expected that

destiny would leave so much time and so much tranquillity of mind in

face of approaching death to a man who had faced sudden death on sixty

battle-fields? The lines above quoted seem rather a grotesque close to

his domineering career, and we feel a hope that this gruesome epistle

will not be his last.

It is not the last. On the 29th., after a feverish night, he dictates

the drafts of two communications. One deals with the utilisation of

Versailles; the other with a reorganisation of the National Guard. But

these are not addressed, as they would have been before his abdication,

to the Minister for Public Works and to the Minister for War. He dictates

the superscriptions: “First Dream”; and “Second Dream.” Then he says: “I

feel so wonderfully well now; I could go for a thirty-mile ride.” Next

day, he becomes icy cold and sinks into a delirium, which lasts five days

till the end.

But Napoleon Bonaparte’s vital energies do not subside so easily. During

these five days, there is a lucid interval, and he seizes the opportunity

for issuing orders and making declarations:

“When I lose consciousness, you must on no account admit an English

doctor.... You will remain true to my memory, and will not do anything

that might harm it. All my laws and all my actions were based upon the

strictest principles. Unfortunately, the circumstances were so grave

that I could not be lenient, and had to postpone many good things. Then

came the disasters. I could not string the bow more tightly; ... that

was why France never secured the liberal institutions I had intended to

introduce. But the country credits me with my good intentions; it loves

my name and my victories. You will do the same! Be true to our principles

and to our fame!”

His thoughts are still circling round his work. With the mournful glance

of a dying sculptor, he sees before him nothing but a fragment; and with

his last breath he tells those around him what he had designed to fashion.

Next day, his mind is wandering once more amid memories of youth and

of Corsica. But still, from time to time, there revives the wish to be

useful to his son. His fantasy creates possessions on the island, and the

faithful Marchand takes down from dictation these mind-wanderings that

are so precise in their details:

“I leave to my son my house in Ajaccio with its outbuildings; two houses

adjacent to the saltpits with their gardens; and all my estates in the

Ajaccio district. These will bring him an income of frs. 50,000. I

bequeath....”

This is Napoleon’s last command. He has won and lost half the world; but

in his dying visions he sees the Corsican home of his ancestors, together

with the son to whom he had intended to leave half the world as heirloom.

The strains mingle; to keep his son from want, he bequeaths the lad a

house which he does not own. Then his mind turns back from his kin. He is

once more the soldier, on his first campaign, in Italy. Around him flit

the wraiths of his earliest comrades. He shouts:

“Desaix! Masséna! Victory is ours! Quick! Forward! We have them....”

Next day the abbate goes to him unsummoned. Beneath a layman’s dress, the

priest carries something he seeks to hide. He demands to be left alone

with the dying man. After a while he comes out, saying: “I have given

him extreme unction. Owing to the condition of the stomach, no other

sacrament was possible.”

A terrible last night. Towards morning, when he is murmuring in delirium,

Montholon hears the words:

“France!... Armée!... Tête d’armée.... Josephine!”

This is Napoleon’s last utterance.

Next moment, with amazing energy, he springs out of bed, overpowering

Montholon, who is alone with him. The two fall to the floor, and he

grips Montholon so fiercely that the count cannot even cry for help.

Archambaud, who is in the next room, hears the noise, comes in, and

releases Montholon. No one knows what enemy the Emperor was trying to

strangle in this last fight.

The rest of the day he lies breathing quietly. By signs he seems to ask

for water, but since he can no longer swallow they must be content with

holding a sponge moistened with vinegar to his lips. Mist and rain drive

fiercely round the house. A count of the old noblesse and a man of the

people watch by the camp-bed of Austerlitz.

At five o’clock, the rage of the south-east trade wind is redoubled, and

two trees of the latest planting are uprooted.

At this moment, the man on the bed is in the throes of a prolonged rigor.

There is no sign of pain; his eyes are widely opened, staring into

vacancy; the death-rattle is in his throat. As the tropical sun sinks

into the sea the Emperor’s heart stops beating.

XX

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