Lucien undertakes to manage affairs in the Council of Five Hundred.

He is president for the month, having been elected in honour of his

brother’s return. The president of the Council of Ancients is also a

party to the conspiracy. The bedells will be told to overlook certain

names when notices of the sitting are sent out. As soon as Bonaparte

has been appointed commander of the Paris garrison, he will hand over

the Tuileries to Lannes and the Palais Bourbon to Murat. Gohier and his

wife will be invited to breakfast by Josephine—eight o’clock. Bonaparte

will offer himself to Barras for luncheon, in order to put Barras off

his guard. Joseph will persuade his brother-in-law Bernadotte to keep

quiet, if Bernadotte will not actively participate. Roederer writes the

proclamation. His son knows a friendly printer who will set it up and

machine it—on the quiet.

“Was Brutus’ mood so paltry?” thinks Bonaparte. “But, in truth, we too

wish to slay some one—Anarchy! A new era, a new century, to be ushered in

by such petty and distasteful means! Camp life is cleaner!”

XIX

November 9th, a foggy autumn morning; the Eighteenth Brumaire is dawning.

A bustle in the street opposite Bonaparte’s house; officers arriving on

horseback and in carriages. Is the blow to be struck at last? Most of

those present were with him in Italy. The house is too small for such

a concourse. They stroll up and down in the garden, discussing their

chances; lively and cheerful as if they were on the Rhine. Appearances

must be kept up. No one must be able to say that uniformed officers were

about so early. All goes well. Messengers come to confirm the carrying

out of the programme; both Councils were summoned at seven o’clock, but

undesirable members have not received notice. The initiates were the

first comers, and, as soon as there was a quorum, Lucien in the Council

of Five Hundred and his colleague in the Council of Ancients had proposed

Bonaparte’s appointment to the command of the Paris garrison.

Here is the messenger with the commission, duly sealed! The formalities

are being strictly observed. The general joins his faithful followers.

Everything goes on as if they were in camp. With a great suite, he rides

through the town, to the amazement of a huge crowd, which does not,

however, show any political interest. A dragoon regiment which had been

through the Italian campaign with Napoleon turns up on the Boulevard

Madeleine without awaiting the orders of its colonel. Other officers

follow with Ducos and Marmont. The latter summoned them at an early hour.

When they said they could not come for lack of horses, he borrowed some

from a riding-school.

The Tuileries garden is crowded. Many remain on horseback; but Bonaparte

dismounts and enters the Council of Ancients. Is he going to make a

speech to people whom he despises, in this dark and unfamiliar hall?

Why does he not take the oath to the constitution, the constitution he

is about to destroy? The law directs that a general appointed to a new

command should take this oath. Evading the formality, he speaks from the

rostrum:

“The republic is in danger.... Recognising this, you have passed a law

that will save it. Do not search history for examples that may give

reason for restraining your activities. No epoch in history is like the

end of the eighteenth century, and in that end there is nothing like this

moment.... We want a republic based on liberty and equality. We shall

have it. With the aid of all the friends of liberty, I shall save the

republic. In my own name and in that of my companions-in-arms, I swear it

to you!”

“We swear it!” comes like an echo through the open doors of the hall.

The Ancients move uneasily in their seats. “Companions-in-arms?”

But Bonaparte has left the hall, drawing a breath of relief. These

lawyers’-eyes; bespectacled eyes! Effete pygmies! Has he noticed that he

spoke to them as if he were on the parade ground, and that they did not

like his tone?

His words and his voice have a very different ring outside, when, having

remounted his charger, he summons his troops to save the republic. Then

comes a report from Lucien, who has meanwhile adjourned to the following

day the sitting of the Council of Five Hundred. What is that you say? The

Directors’ guard is on the way hither? Do they come as friends or foes?

“Is Sieyès sending them?” Their colonel says no. The two men laugh.

In fact, Sieyès, pale of countenance, is still at the gate of the

Luxembourg. For the last fortnight, our clever abbé has been taking

riding lessons. It had been his design to ride at the head of his guard

to join his new comrades. Before all the world, he would show his

equality with these comrades by leaning from his saddle and embracing

them. But the guard has started without his orders; their colonel has

brought them to the Tuileries, riding hell-for-leather, too hot a pace

for the abbé. Almost unnoticed, and much crestfallen, Sieyès drives

after them in a carriage, with Ducos, who is pliable, by his side. Every

one in the know is aware by this time what will happen to the other three

Directors.

Moulin looks at the matter from a soldier’s standpoint. He estimates the

opposing force at the Tuileries to be eight thousand strong, and his

adjutants report to him that all the important points of the town are in

Bonaparte’s hands. He writes, therefore, saying: “At your service.”

Honest Gohier is at home, blustering ineffectually. He had not thought

it advisable to accept the strange invitation to an eight o’clock

breakfast, and had been content to send his wife. Now, a sort of hostage,

she is drinking tea with Josephine, while Bonaparte is betraying her

husband—not, indeed, stealing his mistress, but stealing France. When the

first news comes, Gohier sends to his colleagues, summoning them to a

meeting of the Directory. No one turns up. Moulin has joined Sieyès and

Ducos. Barras says he is in his bath.

When Talleyrand, the messenger of fate, visits Barras, the Director is

shaving; he seems to be devoting the day to the arts of the toilet! But,

at a glance or two from the other augur, he throws up the game, being

content to ask for a safe-conduct. When his secretary brings this demand

to Bonaparte, the general harangues the man publicly in the Tuileries

garden: “What have you done with France, that I should let you off so

easily? I gave you peace, and I find war.... What have you done with the

hundred thousand Frenchmen who were the companions of my glory? They

are dead! We can go no farther along that road, for in three years it

leads to despotism! We want a republic based on equality and liberty,

toleration and morality!”

Thus berated, the little secretary shakes in his shoes. In reality,

Bonaparte is perfectly calm, but it suits him to simulate wrath in the

presence of so many witnesses. In a couple of hours, all Paris will hear

of it.

Here comes Gohier. He does not lack courage, anyhow. Bearding the man

of power surrounded by his troops, Gohier reminds him of his duty to the

Directory.

“The Directory no longer exists!” storms Bonaparte. “The republic is

in danger, and I intend to save it. Sieyès, Ducos, and Barras have

resigned.” As he speaks, a letter from Moulin is brought to him. “Are not

you in league with Moulin? No? Well, here is his resignation too. You are

the last. Do you intend to hold out all by yourself?”

Gohier is a stickler for the law, and refuses to give way. He goes back

to the Luxembourg, and there he and his friends are kept under guard by

five hundred men until all is over. Barras is waiting at home, uneasy

till he has the answer to his message. What if Bonaparte were now to

take vengeance? Who can depend on Josephine’s moods? Here is Talleyrand

back again, with the safe-conduct and a bag of gold. As to this last,

no one knows whether Barras had the fingering of the money, or whether

Talleyrand kept it as messenger’s fee.

Thus the five heads of the republic were rendered powerless by General

Bonaparte. But this was only the first day. To-morrow, at Saint-Cloud,

greater difficulties may have to be faced. Lucien, who has been all over

the place, and is fully informed, exclaims with well-grounded anger: “The

whole job ought to have been finished in one day! You have left them too

much time! The Five Hundred are already crying out that they have been

tricked! To-morrow all will be in the melting-pot once more! The only

thing to do is to send soldiers to clear out the Chambers, and to put the

most dangerous members of the Councils under arrest.”

Certainly there may be complications to-morrow. Bernadotte had wanted

the Jacobin Club to appoint him general of the opposing forces. “But the

fellows were in too great a funk!” The generals unsympathetic to the coup

d’état must be put under lock and key. Bonaparte’s associates urge this

again and again, but in vain. He is resolute to maintain the semblance of

legality.

“People would say I was afraid of the generals. No one shall have a right

to accuse us of illegality. No parties; no force! The whole people must

be associated with the decision through the votes of its deputies! No

civil war! What begins with the shedding of civilian blood, will come to

a shameful end!”

But at night, prepared for all eventualities, he has loaded pistols handy

to his bedside.

XX

Next morning, an endless string of carriages and carts, an endless

succession of riders and pedestrians, makes its way to Saint-Cloud, as

if to see a great military review. Bonaparte, too, drives instead of

going on horseback attended by a bevy of mounted officers. That might

be provocative. He has made up his mind to observe constitutional

formalities to the very last moment. Could any one say that there had

been a breach of law the day before? Are not the Councils entitled to

remove their sittings to a spot beyond the precincts of the town, if

they think that this would be safer? Is it not within their competence

to appoint a new commander for the Paris garrison? Had not the Directors

the right to resign? Will any one pretend that the Jacobin peril, which

is the occasion for these happenings, is imaginary? To-day, at public

sittings, the Councils will alter the constitution. Three rulers will be

provisionally appointed. Borrowing a title from ancient Rome, they can be

called Triumvirs, or, perhaps better, Consuls. Then the Councils will be

prorogued, everything being done in due form of law.

But the deputies hold other views. Like cloud-drifts hanging low,

they flit through the valleys of this forsaken palace, discussing the

situation, and giving vent to their protests. Since the hall that is

being furbished up for the sitting will not be ready before one o’clock,

they have plenty of time to foment their wrath.

In a small room fronting on the park, sit the three men who will be

Consuls to-morrow. At least Sieyès and Ducos remain seated most of the

time, but the third walks up and down impatiently, as his adherents come

and go to report. He thinks: “How infernally slow civilians are! They

have needed a whole morning to arrange a few benches. Then they must take

an oath one by one, a thing which our recruits do in chorus, and get

through it all in a couple of minutes! Why should I have to wait in a

back room while these lawyers are deliberating in the council chamber?”

The Ancients meet upstairs in the Salle Apollo; the Five Hundred,

downstairs in the Orangerie. Spectators, safe people, throng the hall of

the Five Hundred. When, after the swearing-in, the discussions at length

begin (Lucien is in the chair), the protests of the opposition gain

weight from the circumstances. Speakers point to the threatening force

of soldiery outside. When some of the orators exclaim: “No dictatorship!

This Cromwell wants to bind us in chains!” almost all the delegates

applaud. The reports that come to the back room are more and more

unfavourable. The officers grow restive: “Chase the beggars out! What

else have we got our men here for?”

Bonaparte’s only answer is a cold glance. Buckling on his sword, he

silently mounts the stairs to the hall of the Ancients. Two or three

of the stalwarts follow him, shaking their heads. Is he going to talk

once more, as he did yesterday, instead of shooting? Amazed but curious,

the president allows him to speak. Will he put up a better case than

yesterday, speaking to the point, and not simply haranguing them about

himself?

“Yesterday, I was sitting quietly at home when you summoned me....

To-day, I am overwhelmed with calumnies.... Since my return, all parties

have been busied with my name.... The Council of Ancients must decide

quickly. I am no intriguer. You know me. Have I not given proof and to

spare of my devotion to the country?... Am I, a man whom even the great

coalition could not conquer, to tremble before a few rioters? If I am a

crafty schemer, you may well be all Brutuses!”

Uneasy stirrings; smiles. Why does he speak, instead of acting? He is

not sure of his ground, for he goes on to say: “All France shall know

what we have lived through.—Every one of the parties wishes to turn this

crisis to its own account, and every one of them would like me to side

with it. But I have come to the Councils. If you hesitate, and if liberty

is overthrown, you will be answerable to the world and to posterity!”

His periods grow ever more confused. The Ancients surround the rostrum,

interrupting him, demanding names. Suddenly he turns, and waves his

hand towards the doors, as if pointing to the soldiers, who are out of

sight. He seems to be looking for an exit. He apostrophises the invisible

soldiers:

“You, comrades, whom I see united in this circle, raise your bayonets

with which we fought our way to victory together, raise them against my

breast! But if an orator in foreign pay dares to call your general an

outlaw, smite the wretch with the thunderbolts of battle! The god of

battles and the goddess of good fortune are on my side....”

Will not a burst of laughter sweep the speaker away, and his coup d’état

along with him? At length Bourrienne comes up to him from behind, takes

him by the arm, and whispers in his ear: “Do stop, General. You really

don’t know what you’re saying!” He turns, and follows Bourrienne from the

hall. A deputy devoted to his interest takes the floor promptly, and does

his best to put a good face upon the matter.

[Illustration: General Bonaparte in 1798, during the voyage to Egypt.

Sketch by André Dutertre.]

Outside, he draws a breath of relief. What could have been the matter

with him? Why had his brain been clouded? Amid all the turmoil of battle,

he is calm, fully master of himself; his decisions are well-rounded,

brilliant, and cool, like polished marble spheres. Why is he unequal to

the occasion on this day of days, when his whole future is at stake?

Because he is a man who knows how to command, but does not know how to

beg. He can cajole, threaten, feign hesitation, lie; outdoing in these

arts all the diplomatists with whom he negotiates treaties. He meets them

as equals, but is always sustained by the feeling that, if he does not

get his way by diplomacy, he can enforce his wishes by artillery fire. He

can endure everything, except having to ask favours, and except having

to submit to a law which is not of his own making. He wants order and

legality, but not such as existed before he established them!

With titanic energy, as he already foresees, he will lead this country

towards order, will found an orderly State after a decade of chaos. No

one will be the worse for humble birth or for poverty, since all will

have equal opportunities. But in these halls to-day sit lawyers, ridden

by the spirit of faction, corrupt, outworn, besoiled by the grime of

party politics. He is to implore them to be good enough to give him (and

others) a power which has long been his, and which stands outside there,

impatient to get to work!

He, who in the Institute could sit quietly among the savants, learning

and questioning, is so little able to understand the mood of these

legislative assemblies that he actually fancies the day already won. He

sends a message to Josephine to tell her that all is going well; says a

few encouraging words to his followers, and goes quickly downstairs to

play a similar part before the Council of Five Hundred. It is just as

well that his friends take the precaution to send into the hall with him

four stalwart grenadiers, whose strength and loyalty can be thoroughly

depended on.

No matter that this escort is quite out of keeping with his determination

to be strict in the observance of parliamentary forms! Followed by his

grenadiers, carrying hat and riding whip in his hand, he enters the

hall of the Five Hundred. “Bonaparte!” All turn towards the door. The

Jacobins shout: “Down with the tyrant! Down with the dictator! Outlaw

him!” A few of the more hefty among the Five Hundred hurl themselves

upon him; the grenadiers rally to his protection, encircling him, and

sheltering him with their big bodies from the angry Jacobins’ blows. The

combat sways to and fro for a while, a knot of struggling and shouting

people. Then, step by step, the five force their way backwards towards

the door. Outside, surrounded by his own supporters, he is for a moment

too much discomposed to speak; but, rallying quickly, he makes for the

back room.

During the Italian campaign, Bonaparte was under fire in the front

ranks on several occasions. At Lodi, and again at Arcola, he had been

in imminent peril. But here, he was for the first time involved in a

rough-and-tumble affray where fire-arms and cold steel are against

the rules. Towards the close of his career, he was to have a similar

experience. In such a chance medley, he could not draw his sword. He

must assume his antagonists to be unarmed, though some of them were in

truth armed. To use his sword seemed to be in hopeless conflict with the

fundamental principles of the coup d’état—as he envisaged it.

But at length he has to abandon these principles of his. In person, he

has been rescued from the blows of his adversaries, but their fists have

shattered his doctrine. Force has been used against him. He strides

furiously up and down the room; his pride is touched to the quick; in his

anger, he scratches his cheek till his finger-nails are bloody. Blood?

In an instant he has recovered his composure. This blood will be most

useful! Attempted assassination in the council chamber! He will show his

soldiers how these villains have manhandled the commander of Paris! The

pretence that the other side had been the first to break the law, frees

him from the tyranny of his principles.

In the assembly hall, meanwhile, Lucien is fighting for him. “Hors la

loi! Outlaw him!” cry most of the deputies. Lucien tries to still the

clamour with voice and bell. The attempt is vain. A formal demand is

made for a vote on Bonaparte’s outlawry, and every one knows what that

means in revolutionary Paris. Since there is no other way out of the

difficulty, Lucien, whose pose to-day is that of the defender of law and

order, with an imposing gesture throws off his toga and storms out of the

hall. None too soon!

He finds his brother with the troops. Napoleon had turned pale when

the news had been brought of the vote of outlawry. Then, running to

the window, he called to the troops: “To arms!” Going out, he mounted,

and was quick to notice that the soldiers were not sufficiently moved,

were not yet ripe for action. Night was falling, and all were waiting

on events. Lucien came out, leapt into the saddle, and the two brothers

rode up and down the front. Outside the railings were Sieyès and Ducos in

a carriage, ready for flight to-day, or to become rulers to-morrow, as

events might decide. The movement seemed to be without a head.

Then Lucien grasped the opportunity. He could make a better job of

speaking to the soldiers than Napoleon had made of speaking to the

deputies:

“Soldiers, as president of the Five Hundred I tell you that in the hall

there the majority is being terrorised by a handful of armed Jacobins.

These rascals are in English pay. They have dared to outlaw your general,

who was appointed by the Councils. They actually tried to assassinate

him. Look at the wounds! Use your bayonets to guard him against their

daggers, so that the deliberations concerning the welfare of the country

can be conducted in peace! Recognise as deputies none but those who come

with me into the midst of your ranks. Drive out the rest, all who would

stay in the hall!”

Napoleon listens with pinched lips. When Lucien has finished, he speaks

in his turn, shouting: “Kill any one who resists. Follow me! I am the god

of battles!” Lucien, who is afraid of another speech, hisses: “For God’s

sake, hold your tongue!”

“Long live Bonaparte!” shout the soldiers, who regard the brothers as

military and civil authority conjoined. But not a man moves. All is lost,

if they will not march now. Lucien grasps at the last expedient. With

a theatrical flourish, he snatches an officer’s sword and points it at

Napoleon’s breast: “I swear that I will run my brother through, should he

ever dare to threaten the liberties of France!”

The phrase has the desired effect. Murat orders the sounding of a general

advance, summons a troop of soldiers to follow him, and shouts: “Lads,

chuck the whole rabble of them out of the hall!” At length he has raised

a laugh. With bayonets at the charge, but good-humouredly and without

hurting any one, they thrust from the hall any of the deputies that

are valiant enough to offer resistance. In the failing light, there

is a confused scene in which red togas, birettas, and the caps of the

guardsmen are intermingled. The last of the fleeing deputies escape

through the windows.

The priceless Lucien now hastened upstairs to the Council of Ancients.

Grossly exaggerating the injuries sustained by his brother at the hands

of the Jacobin deputies, he induced the Ancients, in a panic, to appoint

the three Consuls, and to adjourn their sitting until a late hour that

night. Then the leaders foregathered in a small café for a meal, being

all much in need of food.

That night, the most trustworthy among the deputies reassembled in the

deserted hall at Saint-Cloud. By the light of a pair of candles, the

thirty who were left to represent the people of France voted whatever

they were told. While a hundred or so people of fashion, pretty women and

their gallants, mockingly watched the midnight ceremony—while all went

smoothly, society-at-large being quite undisturbed and the proletariat

unruffled—the indefatigable Lucien insisted that the political mass

should be worthily celebrated. At two in the morning, to the sound of

drums, the three Consuls took the oath. “Long live the republic!” called

a few weary voices.

At three o’clock, Consul Bonaparte drives back to Paris with Bourrienne.

He looks straight in front of them, saying never a word. Not until he is

at home, and Josephine is present, does he open his mouth:

“I say, Bourrienne, did I talk a frightful lot of nonsense to-day?”

“A fair amount, General.”

“Those idiots drove me crazy. I’m no good at speaking in public

assemblies.”

Then, instead of going on to talk about the coup d’état, or to

congratulate himself upon its amazing success (for from to-morrow onwards

he will rule France) he alludes to personal enmities. Bernadotte’s

conduct is what rankles!

“That fellow Bernadotte! He wanted to betray me! His wife—his wife has a

great deal of influence over him. I should have thought I had done enough

to placate him! You were there, and you know. I regret having gone so far

to please him. He will have to clear out of Paris. There is no other way

in which I can pay my score.... Good-night, Bourrienne. To-morrow night

we shall sleep in the Luxembourg.”

BOOK THREE

THE RIVER

One who thoughtfully ponders the centuries,

Surveys the whole in the clear light of the spirit;

All that is petty has vanished from sight;

Oceans and continents alone are of account.—GOETHE.

I

About twenty men are seated round a large oval table. Some are quite

young, some middle-aged, some elderly. They are plainly dressed, in

accordance with the fashion of 1800, when wigs were no longer worn,

and lace was out of date; those of them that are in uniform are not

resplendent with gold braid, and they wear no orders. Some have the

bold, self-confident look of the man of action; others, the thoughtful

mien of the savant. From town and from countryside, from office and from

laboratory, they come, but are unified by a common experience and a

common aim. For ten years, they have been living through a revolutionary

epoch; they meet to bring that epoch to a close. Around them is the chill

splendour of the Tuileries, the palace of the last Bourbon kings. The

golds and the reds of the rich carpets and the silken hangings are out

of keeping with their bourgeois circumstantiality; the silvery sheen of

the candles, reflected in rainbow tints from the myriad facets of the

candelabras, recalls an era that scintillated with light and glowed with

colour.

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