CHAPTER LXVII

GUIDO BONATTI AND BARTHOLOMEW OF PARMA: AN ASTROLOGER AND A GEOMANCER

Guido Bonatti and Dante--The _Liber astronomicus_ of

Guido Bonatti--Career of Bonatti--Arrangement of the

_Liber astronomicus_--Astronomy and astrology--Truth of

astrology--Theological opposition--Bonatti’s defiant

rejoinder--Astrological predictions for Christians and the

clergy--Instances of Bonatti’s detailed treatment--The

planet Jupiter--An astrological image--The _Geomancy_ of

Bartholomew of Parma--How to proceed in geomancy--Questions

answered by geomancy--Appendix I. Some Manuscripts of the

_Liber Astronomicus_ of Guido Bonatti.

“_Vedi Guido Bonatti...._”

--_Inferno, XX, 118._

[Sidenote: Guido Bonatti and Dante.]

With these words Vergil calls the attention of Dante and ourselves to

the presence of that astrologer in the fourth division of the eighth

circle of the Inferno among those spirits who in life had tried to pry

too far into the future and were condemned henceforth to look backwards

with turned heads. This is all that Dante says of Bonatti, although

Benvenuto of Imola, the fourteenth century commentator upon the _Divine

Comedy_, adds a number of tales concerning him, some of which may be

true but most of which are stock stories like that of the speaking

brazen head, told of many other medieval men of learning. But we may

perhaps associate Bonatti and Dante in our minds a little further.

Forlì, Bonatti’s native city, lies almost in a direct line between

Florence, where Dante lived his early life, and Ravenna, where he ended

his exile. Indeed, Filippo Villani[2631] and Fossi[2632] would persuade

us that Guido Bonatti, too, was born a Florentine but, like Dante,

became an exile from the town of his birth and called himself a native

of Forlì because he came to hate the place of his birth which he had

left on account of the strife of political factions. Finally, Bonatti

and Dante had a common interest in astronomy.[2633]

[Sidenote: The _Liber astronomicus_ of Guido Bonatti.]

The most important astrological work produced in Latin in the

thirteenth century seems to have been the _Liber astronomicus_ of

this Guido Bonatti,[2634] which is a voluminous work divided into

some ten or a dozen treatises.[2635] In the preface, after some of

the usual devout opening phrases of medieval authors, Guido states

that he writes the book particularly for the use of his nephew, that

the work will be “long and prolix” and that on this account he will

not include “disputations nor many proofs.” He proposes to compile a

work from past authors which can be understood by those who do not yet

know much of other sciences “and especially for your use, Bonatus, my

nephew.” Indeed, the annalist of Forlì states that Bonatti expounded

the doctrine of astrology so clearly in this book that “it seemed

as if he wished to teach women astrology.”[2636] Guido employs such

classical authorities as Ptolemy, Hermes, and Dorotheus, but still

more such Arabian astrologers as Alcabitius, Albumasar, Messahala,

and Thebit ben Corat.[2637] He also states that he has made additions

of his own,[2638] and many passages demonstrate that he has made

detailed practical application to the present problems of medieval

life of the principles of his art established in the past. The

popularity and influence of Guido’s work is attested by the numerous

manuscripts, including an interesting _de luxe_ manuscript of it and

other astrological treatises made for the use of Henry VII of England,

whose picture is given in the midst of Bonatti’s text.[2639] There are

also several printed editions of the Latin text and translations of the

work into several modern languages. There is an Italian translation

of it in a manuscript in the Laurentian library at Florence; a German

translation was printed at Basel in 1572; and an English translation by

William Lilly appeared in print at London in 1676.[2640] Thus Dante’s

consignment of Bonatti’s soul to hell does not seem to have kept people

from reading his _Liber astronomicus_.

[Sidenote: Career of Bonatti.]

The battle of Valbona, fought in 1277, seems to be the latest event

mentioned by Bonatti. He also speaks of having himself seen many

evidences of the cruelty of Ezzelino, and of that tyrant’s death, which

occurred in 1259. He was alive as early as 1223, when he mentions

having seen a certain man.[2641] Guido seems to have been a professor

at the university of Bologna. He must have died before 1300, when

Dante’s visit to the Inferno is supposed to have occurred. Bonatti’s

death, however, would seem to have been comparatively recent, since

the _Annals of Forlì_[2642] represent him as playing a prominent part

in the defense of that town in 1282 by the famous captain, Guido of

Montefeltro, against a large force sent by Pope Martin IV. Though

Bonatti himself was loyal, it was in a wheat field belonging to him

that conspirators gathered in a vain attempt to betray the town, while

the enemy later encamped outside the city in another field belonging to

him and called, “Of the oak tree.”

Then Guido of Montefeltro, we are told, “captain of the people of

Forlì, together with lord Guido Bonatti, a citizen, philosopher,

and most eminent astrologer, having called the people together in

the public square,” instructed them as to the strategem of a mock

withdrawal from town and subsequent return by which he intended later

to take the superior forces of the enemy unawares after they had

entered the town in triumph and were overcome by feasting and drinking.

The strategem turned out a complete success, and the _Annals_ give much

of the credit to Bonatti, by whose counsel, art, and forecasting the

future it is said to have been planned. He was wounded in the battle,

while carrying medicines, but this too he had foreseen and foretold.

Later, when the pope sent more mercenary troops into Romagna, Forlì

deemed it prudent to submit, and Guido of Montefeltro transferred his

military activities elsewhere and finally, we are told, made his peace

with the pope and spent his declining years in the Franciscan Order.

Some say that Bonatti followed his patron into the convent, but it

seems very improbable in view of the hard things which he had said of

the friars. On the other hand, judging from the number of Franciscans

who have written works on astrology and astrological medicine, he might

not have found such retirement entirely uncongenial, and need scarcely

have surrendered his astrological views in consequence.

[Sidenote: Arrangement of the _Liber astronomicus_.]

But we turn to the contents of the _Liber astronomicus_. Bonatti’s

first treatise is a general introduction in which he defines his

subject, discusses its utility, and meets the objections of its

opponents. The second treatise[2643] deals with the signs of the

zodiac and their characteristics and subdivisions. The third treatise,

in two parts,[2644] deals with the planets, their influences on

things on earth and their effects on one another. The fourth treatise

deals chiefly with conjunctions. The remaining treatises comprise

146 considerations affecting astrological judgments, another brief

introduction of three chapters to the subject of judgments,[2645]

discussions of the four chief departments of astrological prediction,

interrogations, elections, revolutions, and nativities, and a final

treatise upon prognostication of changes in the weather.[2646]

[Sidenote: Astronomy and astrology.]

As the title, _Liber astronomicus_, shows, Bonatti generally uses the

word “astronomy” where we should say “astrology” and _vice versa_. He

states, for instance, that nativities, elections, interrogations, and

revolutions are four varieties of “astronomy,” which he distinguishes

from other forms of divination.[2647] He also says, however, that

the words “astronomy” and “astrology” may be used interchangeably.

He regards both as of great value in the study of first philosophy.

Through these sciences we come to know impassive and unalterable

creatures who cannot be changed into any other essence, and through

these creatures we can attain to as much knowledge of the Creator as

the human mind can reach. Nobler than the profession of the physician

who deals with the four inferior and corruptible elements is that of

the astrologer whose concern is with superior and incorruptible bodies

composed of the fifth essence.[2648]

[Sidenote: Truth of astrology.]

Bonatti asserts confidently and vehemently all the main suppositions

of the astrological art. He affirms that its principles ought not to

be proved but assumed, since they all reduce to one point which he

does not believe that anyone doubts, namely, that the motion of the

heavens surrounding the elements alters fire and air and that these

alter the other elements, earth and water.[2649] “All wise men agree

in this, that inferiors are ruled by superiors.”[2650] The astrologer

understands every motion of each heavenly body; therefore he knows what

impressions they make and what their significations are. “Therefore all

things which are being done now or have existed in the past or will be

done in the future, can be known by the astrologer.”[2651]

[Sidenote: Theological opposition.]

It will hardly be profitable for us to follow Bonatti’s rehearsal of

familiar arguments for and against the influence of the stars and

the practicability of the art of astrology. But we may well note

those passages in which he suggests the existence of a contemporary

ecclesiastical and theological opposition to his art. Bonatti at

least does not appear to have any fear of the clerical detractors of

astrology, of whom he speaks quite disdainfully, hurling back at them

the charges of heresy which they had perhaps directed at him. “I would

have you know,” he affirms in the introduction to his treatise on

Elections, “that fortune rules in everything, although some fools among

those wearing the tunic (that is, the friars) may say that fortune does

not exist, but only what God wills. But the wiser of them dissent from

this in secret, although they may seem to assent in public, rather

from fear that their Orders be thought less of than from a conviction

of its truth. For if fortune did not exist, who would be so stupid as

not to know how to acquire at will an abundance of the necessaries of

life? Yet we daily see quite the contrary. For do you not see wise men

of integrity and intelligence who do not have enough to eat?” Bonatti

consequently contends that those who deny the existence of fortune

“impute madness to their Creator, falsely representing Him as unjust,

and falling into a hateful heresy.” He then continues, “And although at

times many fools and idiots in tunics have arisen against me, declaring

elections to be of absolutely no value, nevertheless elections and the

other parts of astronomy have stood in their strength, nor has their

truth diminished any on this account.”

[Sidenote: Bonatti’s defiant rejoinder.]

As for those self-styled theologians who object that the stars are

so countless in number that their influence cannot be measured and

estimated, Bonatti assures them that astrologers know vastly more about

the stars than the theologians do about God, “Of Whom they none the

less preach daily.”[2652] He further asserts that the holy fathers of

old employed astrology, that Abraham taught it to the Egyptians, and

that Christ implied the truth of the doctrine of elections. For when

the disciples endeavored to dissuade Him from returning to Judea,

where recently He had been nearly stoned to death, He replied, “Are

there not twelve hours in the day?” meaning that He might now select

a more fortunate time than before. “And this makes it plain that

He used elections and did not blaspheme astronomy as some jealous

detractors do today.” Bonatti then mentions “some silly fools, of whom

that hypocrite, John of Vicenza, of the Order of Preaching Friars was

one, who said that astrology was neither an art nor a science.” Guido

scarcely thinks it worth while to notice such men.[2653] This John of

Vicenza mentioned by Bonatti was the well-known friar of that name to

whom manifold miracles were attributed and who in the Alleluia year of

1233 had been made duke of Vicenza, but so abused his power that he was

soon imprisoned and discredited. Bonatti complains that no one had ever

seen a single one of the eighteen men whom John was said to have raised

from the dead, and affirms that he himself long sought in vain for

anyone who had either been cured by John or had himself witnessed one

of John’s miracles.[2654] On the other hand, the friar Salimbene tells

us in his _Chronicle_ that Guido Bonatti, who reviled the preaching of

the friars, “was so confounded by” a “Brother Ugo before the university

and people of Forlì that he not only feared to speak, but even to show

himself during all the time that the Brother was in those parts.”[2655]

But perhaps Brother Hugo was one of those persons whom Guido thought it

scarcely worth while to notice.

[Sidenote: Astrological predictions for Christians and the clergy.]

Against these allusions to an opposition to astrology among the friars,

or at least, among the Dominicans, should be set other passages which

indicate that Bonatti’s book is intended for the use of Christians and

even of the clergy, whose preaching and practice anent astrology seem

divergent. One of the illustrations which he employs against those

who argue that it is better not to know the future, since to learn of

ills beforehand will only make one so much the sadder, is that even

if one learns that his disease is fatal, he is forewarned to make

his will and receive the last sacrament in season.[2656] Among the

interrogations which Bonatti lists are whether a bishopric or abbotship

or cardinalate, or other clerical dignity, rank, or order, even up to

the papacy, will be attained by the inquirer.[2657] In this connection

Guido grants that it may not seem honorable to seek ecclesiastical

offices, but that the fact is that many clergy do it and that it

is necessary for the astrologer to be prepared to answer them, if

they consult him as to their prospects. In the treatise on elections

instructions are given how to choose the favorable hour for building

churches as well as castles and cities. The treatise on revolutions

tells what will be the state during any year of the bishops and other

secular clergy or the religious and regular clergy, as well as of

other social classes such as kings or princes, rich men or magnates,

soldiers, women, merchants, populace, and serfs. Indeed, that even

a Preaching Friar in the middle ages was not necessarily opposed to

astrology, is seen from an Oxford manuscript of the fifteenth century,

where not far from _Rules one should know concerning various matters

relating to the sick, according to Guido Bonatti and others_, is a

treatise in astrological medicine by Nicholas of Aquila of the Order of

Preachers.[2658]

[Sidenote: Instances of Bonatti’s detailed treatment.]

We may not follow Bonatti through his long technical discussions

of houses and exaltations of the planets, of _triplicitates_ and

_termini_, of why the naming of the signs of the zodiac begins at

Aries and not at any other sign, or of what part of the body each

planet signifies in each sign, and a hundred other similar questions.

It must suffice to give a few suggestions of the thoroughness of his

detailed treatment. The treatise on nativities promises to reveal

everything which will “naturally”--a saving word for those who insist

on freedom of the will--befall the child from birth to death, “and

also what will be said of him after death.” Pursuant of his promise,

Guido considers such topics as length of life, physical and mental

qualities, offices and property to be held by the person concerned,

the fate of his brothers, parents, and children, serfs, and domestic

animals, his sickness or health, mental afflictions, marriage, feuds,

death, religion, learning, and journeys. The treatise on interrogations

answers questions on all sorts of matters from winning crowns or

gaining one’s freedom to learning how many courses and what kind of

food there will be at a dinner to which one has been invited and

which one is in a quandary whether to accept or not. The treatise

on elections selects favorable hours for any and every act of life

from weaning and circumcising infants to trimming one’s nails, hair,

and beard. The treatise on revolutions descends from the fate of

monarchs and nations during the year in question to such matters as the

prospects for a good crop of melons or cucumbers.

[Sidenote: The planet Jupiter.]

Some further idea of Bonatti’s method and content may be derived

from the following translation of his account of the properties,

significations, and effects of the planet Jupiter.

“Alchabitius has said that Jupiter is fortunate, masculine,

diurnal; and is by nature significant of property, since

property is the second accident that happens to the child

after birth ... and Jupiter is second in the order of the

planets. Jupiter is likewise the second planet to exert

its influence on the child before birth, giving it spirit

and life. And its nature produces heat and moisture, and

is temperate, aerial, and sanguine. Of man’s age Jupiter

signifies the period called _iuventus_ from youth to the

prime of life, namely, from fourteen or twenty-one to forty

or forty-five years. It governs those offices pertaining to

law and just and honest judgments. And it attends when it

sees any persons engaged in altercation or litigation, and

makes peace between them and bestows harmony upon them, and

ever is engaged in good pursuits. And it signifies abundant

property. And such business occupations as are performed

without deceit.

“It signifies spirit, life, joy, religion, truth, patience,

and every precept that is good, lovely, and precious, and

everything that is honorable. It indicates abundant charm.

Of infirmities it signifies those due to excess of blood....

It is the planet of wisdom, of intellect, of sound practice.

Moreover, if Jupiter be well disposed and in the east and

at a favorable angle, the child will be of good quality,

benign, just; he will honor the aged, and will be a good

counselor, a helper of the needy, and of good repute. He

will cherish his friends; he will be of good intellect.

“But if Jupiter shall be unfavorable, Ptolemy is witness

that the child will be ignorant of well doing, versed

in diabolical practices, that he will intrigue under a

hypocritical exterior, will linger in places of prayer,

will gladly live in crypts and caverns and caves, and there

will predict the future. He will love no one, though he may

have a few friends; he will abhor his children, will shun

human conversation, will seek no honors from anyone, will

be untrustworthy, and no one can depend on him. In fine, he

will be bad, weak, stupid, weary and heavy-laden, of evil

election.”

Having thus considered the properties of Jupiter _per se_, Bonatti next

proceeds to record its tendencies when in conjunction with Saturn and

the other planets.

[Sidenote: An astrological image.]

One of the stories told of Bonatti may be noted in conclusion, since it

concerns an astrological image. Pitying a poor apothecary with whom he

used to play chess, Guido gave him a wax image of a ship, telling him

to keep it hid in a box in a secret place and he would grow rich, but

that if he removed it, he would grow poor again. True enough, the man

became wealthy, but then began to fear lest the image be the work of

witchcraft. So, having made his fortune, he decided to save his soul

and confessed concerning the image to a priest who bade him destroy it.

But then, as Bonatti had predicted, he rapidly lost his entire fortune.

He then begged Guido to make him another image, but Bonatti cursed him

and told him that the image had been no magic one but had derived its

virtue from constellations which would not recur for another fifty

years.[2659]

[Sidenote: The geomancy of Bartholomew of Parma.]

If the _Liber astronomicus_ of Guido Bonatti was the leading Latin work

on astrology in the thirteenth century, probably the most elaborate

treatise in the associated art of geomancy was that by another

Italian, Bartholomew of Parma, who appears to have written a long

_Summa_[2660] on the subject in 1288 in Bologna at the request of

Theodosius de Flisco, bishop-elect of Reggio in northern Italy;[2661]

and then in October, 1294, a briefer treatment for two German friends

and disciples named John and Paul,[2662] and again in November, 1295,

another abbreviated treatment for the beginner.[2663] Titles in

manuscripts at Vienna indicate that Bartholomew also wrote astrological

treatises,[2664] but perhaps they would prove to be merely extracts

from his longer work on geomancy, although Houzeau and Lancaster

give the date of a _Liber de occultis_ by him as 1280.[2665] None of

Bartholomew’s works seems to have been printed. The interest of the

canon of Laon and bishop elect of Reggio in the art of geomancy is

another of numerous indications that we have had that such occult and

superstitious arts were at least not consistently condemned by the

church and clergy.

[Sidenote: How to proceed in geomancy.]

Bartholomew of Parma tells us that the art of geomancy originated from

God and was taught to the sons of Noah by an angel who took on human

form before the time of the flood. Whoever intends to practice that art

should be “a friend of God” and a good man of praiseworthy life. No

one should make use of it without real necessity of knowing the future

and geomancers should beware of persons who try to catch them in error

by asking questions about sure things. On the other hand, in certain

cases one may ask questions for another person, and even without his

knowledge, and questions may be put at any time and place, for the

art of geomancy is simple and easy of operation. The only instrument

needed is something to make a series of points or marks with. These

dots should be set down in four rows like the four fingers of a hand,

but at random without noting how many dots one puts in each row or how

long the row is.[2666] These four rows indicate the elements, points

of the compass, and so on. Next one cancels the points in each line,

cancelling two at a time until only one or two points remain in each

line. When this is done we have one of the following sixteen possible

geomantic figures, which I have indicated numerically rather than

graphically: 2121, 2212, 1211, 1222, 2111, 2222, 2112, 2211, 1212,

2122, 1121, 2221, 1112, 1111, 1221, 1122. Of these the first eight are

favorable, the last eight are unfavorable. They bear such names as

gain, white, childhood, joy, head (_acquisitio_, _albus_, _pueritia_,

_laetitia_, _caput_). The first inventors of the art are supposed to

have worked out these figures “with great ingenuity and subtlety” from

careful observations of the stars and of the virtues of the sky. Hence

these figures have the property of signifying much concerning the

future. Each is associated with some particular sign of the zodiac and

with one of the planets. Also with a day, month, color, odor, taste,

stone, tree, metal, and human type.[2667]

[Sidenote: Questions answered by geomancy.]

Among the questions which geomancy undertakes to answer are how long

one will live, whether one will better one’s present position, whether

one should enter the clergy or remain a layman, whether a journey will

be dangerous, whether a rumor is true or false, whether to buy or not,

whether the year will be a fertile one, and concerning gain and loss,

hidden treasure, the condition of a city or castle, and which side

is stronger in a war. Whether a child will be born or not, of what

sex it will be, and whether it is legitimate or a bastard. Which of

two magistrates is superior in wisdom, whether a scholar can by study

become an honor to the convent or not, whether the soul of some dead

person is in paradise or before the doors of paradise or in purgatory

or in hell. In answering such questions the figure found by chance

from the points is compared with and related to figures appropriate to

the person inquiring and the thing sought, and a decision is rendered

according as enmity or friendship is found to exist between them. In

determining this the figures are reduced to terms of the twelve signs

of the zodiac, and the astrological aspects are thus investigated.

FOOTNOTES:

[2631] Cited by Boncompagni (1851), p. 5.

[2632] Fossi (1793-5), p. 395.

[2633] Orr (1913). p. 4. says: “Where Dante speaks of appearances he is

remarkably accurate, far more so than most modern artists and writers

of fiction.”

[2634] My citations, unless otherwise specified, will be to the

following edition of Augsburg, 1491: _Liber astronomicus Guidonis

Bonati de forlivio explicit feliciter. Magistri Johannis Angeli viri

peritissimi diligenti correctione Erhardique Ratdolt viri solertis

eximia industria et mira imprimendi arte qua nuper Veneciis nunc

Auguste Vindelicorum excellit nominatissimus. Septimo kal. Aprilis,

1491_. Quarto, 422 leaves, no pagination. There is a copy of this

edition at Columbia University in this country and not merely at Brown,

as stated in CFCB.

Other editions of the Latin text were printed at Venice, 1506; and at

Basel in 1530 and 1550.

For a list of MSS of the work see Appendix I to this chapter.

[2635] The titles more often speak of ten treatises, but some of these

sub-divide into two or more lesser treatises. Such sub-division and

combination also varies in different editions and MSS, and the order

of the component treatises also varies. In the edition of 1550, for

instance, the work is divided into six parts, of which the first

contains what are usually listed as the first five or six of the ten or

twelve component treatises. But the order of the edition of 1550 is the

same as in that of 1491, while in Arundel 66 the order of the last six

treatises is different.

[2636] Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_, revised edition, Fasc.

20, 1903, p. 104.

[2637] Some others mentioned are, II, ii, 1, Atezdegoz, Adila,

Al-hayat, Astaphan, Arastellus; these are probably indirect citations.

Elsewhere Aoma (Haomar) and Aboali (Haly) are mentioned.

[2638] _Ibid._, “Et addendo ea quae mihi utilia videbuntur.”

[2639] Arundel 66, membr. folio maximo, fols. 48-249.

[2640] _Will. Lilly_, _Student in Astrology, Anima Astrologiae; or

a Guide for Astrologers: being the Considerations of the famous G.

Bonatus rendered into English: as also the choicest Aphorisms of

Cardan’s VII Segments_, London, 1676.

[2641] For the sources of these events see _Della vita e delle opere di

Guido Bonatti astrologo ed astronomo del secolo decimoterzo, Notizie

raccolte da B. Boncompagni, Roma, 1851. Estratte dal Giornale Arcadico,

Tomo CXXIII-CXXIV_.

[2642] Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_, revised edition, Fasc.

20, 1903, pp. 37-8.

[2643] In the 1491 edition it divides into three parts; in Arundel 66

it is divided into two treatises listed as the second and third of the

work.

[2644] In Arundel 66 these are listed as books 4 and 5, and have a

different division into chapters.

[2645] If we wish to reckon only ten treatises, this must be combined

with the following treatise on interrogations.

[2646] As has been stated in a previous note, the order varies in

different MSS. In Arundel 66 the 146 considerations come later between

nativities and revolutions. In Vienna 2359 the treatise on revolutions

follows that on weather prediction.

[2647] I, 11-12.

[2648] I, 1.

[2649] I, 2.

[2650] I, 5.

[2651] I, 3.

[2652] I, 4.

[2653] I, 13.

[2654] _Liber astronomicus_, 1491, fol. 99.

[2655] MG _Scriptores_, vol. 32, p. 163.

[2656] I, 9.

[2657] In this connection it may be noted that Wolfenbüttel 2637, 15th

century, fols. 132-42v, contains “Prognostications for Pope Paul II’s

forty-eighth year (1466) according to Guido Bonatti,” and also other

astrological predictions which were sent to that pope: fols. 325-34,

Prognostica de rumoribus et motibus currentibus anni 1468 et anni 1469

ad papam (Paulum II) missa.

And as late as 1704 A. D. we find P. Ercole Corazzi arguing “against

the fallacious and superstitious art of a certain astrologer who dares

to predict and promise the promotion of cardinals”:--Bologna University

Library 963, #4.

[2658] Canon. Misc. 46, fols. 68-79, Regulae ad sciendum de diversis

ad aegrotantes spectantibus secundum Guidonem Bonatum aliosque; fols.

51-61, Nicolai de Aquila, ord. Praed., tractatus in Astronomia qui

medicinalis scientiae compendium nuncupatur, praevia ad Jo. de Olegio

de Vicecomitibus de Mediolano praefatione.

[2659] Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum Scriptores_, revised edition, Fasc.

20, 1903. p. 105.

[2660] Digby 134, 15th century, 128 fols, in an Italian hand, “Ars

Geomantie que docet hominem solvere omnes questiones de quibus vult

certificari divina virtute per istam artem ... / ... Compositus quidem

est iste presens liber a magistro Bartholomeo de Parma in Bononia ad

preces domini Tedesii de Flisco, qui erat tunc ellectus in episcopum

civitatis Regii, curentibus annis Domini MCCLXXXVIII.”

See also CLM 436, 16th century, fol. 46-.

Vienna 5523, 15-16th century, 208 fols.

Emmanuel 70, 15th century, fol. 80-, gives the date as 1286 instead of

1288; “Inc. breviloquium mag. bartholomei nacione parmensis bononie

compilatum et confirmatum per prudentes viros de fructis tocius

astronomie ad preces domini Thedesii de fusco anno 1286.”

[2661] Between 1283 and 1290 the bishopric of Reggio was vacant owing

to a disputed election between Franciscus de Fullano, a canon of

Reggio, and this Theodosius, who was a canon of Laon (Eubel, p. 439).

[2662] CLM 489, 16th century, fol. 61, “Incipit breviloquium artis

Geomantiae noviter compilatae a mgro Batholomeo de Parma, quod

breviloquium extraxit de summa eius artis quam compilavit anno 1288 ad

partes (preces) nobilis viri Theoderici de flisco. Et sic complevisse

fatetur utrumque opus fideliter et verius quam scivit utilia scribens

et superflua relinquens in hoc opusculo ad preces duorum suorum

amicorum et discipulorum Johannes et Paulus Theutonicorum sub Anno

Domini 1494 (1294) de mense Octobris in Bononia.”

Magliabech. XX, 13, 15th century, fols. 1-60, “Incomincia il libro

dell’ arte della geomançia nuovamente compilato da maestro Bartholomeo

da Parma a contemplatione de’ suoi scholari da Bologna anno Domini

MCCLXXXXIIII.”

See also CLM 196, 15-16th century, fols. 1-10.

CLM 240, 15th century.

CLM 398, fol. 1-.

CLM 192, 1544 A. D., fol. 3.

[2663] CLM 489, fol. 1r-, “Incipit Prologus Libri Geomantiae editi

a mro Bartholomeo Parmensi Astrologo. Erba collecta de libro magno

Geomantiae quae introducunt novum discipulum ut sciat sufficienter

principia eiusdem artis per quae poterit cognoscere tot et tanta de

arte Geomantia quod per se sciat universales regulas artis doctrinae

ac questiones quaerentium generales iudicare absque errore si Deus

voluerit. Hoc quidem opus est Bartholomaei astrologi Natione Parmensis

Compilatum Anno Domini MCCLXXXXV Mense Novembris Sole existente in

primo gradu Sagittarii.”

Also contained in CLM 192, 240, and 398.

[2664] Vienna 3124, 15th century, fol. 198, “Liber de occultis. Secreta

scientia philosophorum est ... / ... et pauce utilitatis”; fol. 199,

“e libro de iudiciis astrologiae loci”; fol. 202, “Significationes

planetarum de libro consiliorum. Saturnus dicitur de antiquis deus ...

/ ... Item significat Lavatrices panni petisequas ruffianas monachas,”

etc.

Vienna 5438, 15th century, fols. 116v-128r, Judicium particulare de

mutationibus aeris. “In coniunctione solis et lune considera ... / ...

sibi perhibet per naturam.”

[2665] Houzeau et Lancaster, _Bibliographie générale de l’astronomie_,

Brussels, 1887. They ascribe other astrological works to him.

[2666] “ad fortunam Dei sine certo numero et sine certa mensura

longitudinis linearum.”

[2667] Thus in the _Geomancy_ ascribed to Michael Scot, from which I

happen to have notes on this point rather than from Bartholomew’s work,

_Acquisitio_ signifies a man of medium size, of handsome form, somewhat

tall, with pleasing eyes, delicate nostrils, a graceful forehead, a

subtle mind, a long neck, abundant hair, with his two front teeth

larger than the others; a man of luxurious tastes and fond of money and

ambitious for honor and power, kindly and loyal and giving many good

things to others.

APPENDIX I

SOME MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LIBER ASTRONOMICUS OF GUIDO BONATTI

Boncompagni states that there are several MSS in the Bibliothèque

Nationale at Paris and the following are noted in the old catalogue: of

the 14th century, BN 7326 and 7327: of the 15th century BN 7328, 7329

(a fragment), 7441 (defective), 7442 (containing only the treatises

on elections and revolutions), 7443 (only the treatise _De imbribus

et aeris mutationibus_). Perhaps the following also has reference to

Bonatti: BN 7316, 15th century, #20 (and last item), _Guidonis Bonafors

liber abbreviatus per Fratrem Hugolinum de Faventia ordinis sancti

Augustini qui ea tantum excerpsit quae ad astrologiam judiciariam

pertinebant_.

Some MSS in English libraries are:

Arundel 66, 15th century, fols. 48-249, membr. folio maximo,

a _de luxe_ MS made for the use of Henry VII, whose

portrait occurs at fol. 201.

Additional 26768, 15th century.

Savile 15 (Bernard 6561), a large MS in which it is the last

treatise.

Peterhouse 86, 15th century. Here we have the _Liber

introductorius_ in two parts, then come Nativities,

Revolutions, Conjunctions, the 146 considerations,

weather prediction, _De partibus_, and finally _tractatus

principalis de electionibus_.

CU Trinity 1418, 15th century, contains portions of

Bonatti’s work (James III, 445).

Other MSS are:

Vienna 2359, 14th century, fols. 1-38, _Guido Bonactus de

Foro Livii, Liber introductorius ad iudicia stellarum_:

fols. 39-50, _Considerationes super iudiciis ..._;

fols. 51-52, _Introductorium sub breviloquio ad

iudicia stellarum_; fols. 53-92, _Explicit tractatus

interrogationum seu questionum_; fols. 93-119, _Tractatus

de electionibus secundum dicta sapientum_; fol. 120v,

_Tabula magnitudinis et parvitatis diei_; fols. 121-61,

_Tractatus super nativitatibus_; fols. 162-6, _De imbribus

et de aeris mutationibus_; fols. 167-200, _De revolutione

annorum et mundi_; fols. 201-210, _Tractatus proiectionum

quarumlibet partium_.

Vienna 3124, 15th century, some scattered parts from it.

Wolfenbüttel 2734, 14-15th century, in several hands, _Liber

introductorias ad iudicia stellarum_ ... _editus a Guidone

Bonacco de Forlivio_....

Amplon. Folio 381.

CLM 59, 15th century, contains some of its treatises.

Arsenal 1129, 15th century, fol. 207, _Liber astronomicus_.

Dukes of Burgundy 1462, 15th century, _Guidonis de Forlino_,

_De judiciis astrorum_, “_Ex hiis autem ad judicia_....”

Magliabech. XX, 14, 15th century, mutilated, ending at VIII,

18, in 129 fols. _Incipit liber introductorius ad iuditia

stellarum. Et est non solum introductorius ad iuditia set

est Iuditiorum astronomie. Editus a Guidone Bonatto de

Forlivio. Et collegit in eo ex dictis philosophorum ea que

visa sunt._

Ravenna 356, 15th century, 6 fols, containing _De imbribus

et de aeris mutationibus et que circa illa versantur_.

Vienna 3276, 14th century, fols. 275-80, _Die kunst

augurium_, in German by _Guido Astronomus_, is perhaps an

extract from Bonatti.

A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume 2 (of 2) During the First Thirteen Centuries of Our Era · 第 20 / 27 章