made use of three manuscript dictionaries of the first importance, which
were obtained by the late Dr. Berendt. They belonged to three Franciscan
convents which formerly existed in Yucatan, and as they are all
anonymous, I shall follow Dr. Berendt's example, and refer to them by
the names of the convents to which they belonged. These were the convent
of San Francisco in Merida, that at the town of Ticul and that at Motul.
The most recent of these is that of the convent of Ticul. It bears the
date 1690, and is in two parts, Spanish-Maya and Maya-Spanish.
The _Diccionario del Convento de San Francisco de Merida_ bears no date,
but in the opinion of the most competent scholars who have examined it,
among them Senor Pio Perez, it is older than that of Ticul, probably by
half a century. It is also in two parts, which have evidently been
prepared, by different hands.
_The Diccionario del Convento de Motul_ is by far the most valuable of
the three, and has not been known to Yucatecan scholars. A copy of it
was picked up on a book stall in the City of Mexico by the Abbe
Brasseur, and sold by him to Mr. John Carter Brown, of Providence, R. I.
In 1864 this was very carefully copied by Dr. Berendt, who also made
extensive additions to it from other sources, indicating such by the use
of inks of different colors. This copy, in three large quarto volumes,
in all counting over 2500 pages, is that which I now have, and have
found of indispensable assistance in solving some of the puzzles
presented by the ancient texts in the present volume.
The particular value of the _Diccionario de Motul_ is not merely the
richness of its vocabulary and its numerous examples of construction,
but that it presents the language as it was when the Spaniards first
arrived. The precise date of its compilation is indeed not given, but
the author speaks of a comet which he saw in 1577, and gives other
evidence that he was writing in the first generation after the Conquest.
FOOTNOTES:
[9-1] "Tambien diz [el Almirante] que supo que ... aquella isla Espanola
o la otra isla Jamaye estaba cerca de tierra firme, diez jornadas de
Canoa que podia ser sesenta a setenta leguas, y que era la gente vestida
alli." Navarrete, _Viages_, Tom. I, pag. 127.
[10-1] "In questo loco pigliorono una Nave loro carica di mercantia et
merce la quale dicevono veniva da una cierta provintia chiamata MAIAM
vel Iuncatam con molte veste di bambasio de le quale ne erono il forcio
di sede di diversi colori." _Informatione di Bartolomeo Colombo._ It is
thus printed in Harisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 473;
but in the original MS. in the Magliabechian library the words "vel
Iuncatam" are superscribed over the word "MAIAM," and do not belong to
the text. (Note of Dr. C. H. Berendt.) They are, doubtless, a later
gloss, as the name "Yucatan" cannot be traced to any such early date.
The mention of _silk_ is, of course, a mistake. Peter Martyr also
mentions the name in his account of the fourth voyage: "Ex Guaassa
insula et Taia Maiaque et cerabazano, regionibus Veraguae occidentalibus
scriptum reliquit Colonus, hujus inventi princeps," etc. _Decad._ III,
Lib. IV.
[10-2] I have collected this evidence, drawing largely from the
manuscript works on the Arawack language left by the Moravian
missionary, the Rev. Theodore Schultz, and published it in a monograph,
entitled: _The Arawack Language of Guiana in its Linguistic and
Ethnological Relations_. (_Transactions of the American Philosophical
Society_, 1871.) There was a province in Cuba named _Maiye_; see Nicolas
Fort y Roldan, _Cuba Indigena_, pp. 112, 167 (Madrid, 1881). According
to Fort, this meant "origin and beginning," in the ancient language of
Cuba; but there is little doubt but that it presents the Arawack
negative prefix _ma_ (which happens to be the same in the Maya) and may
be a form of _majujun_, not wet, dry.
[12-1] Eligio Ancona, _Historia de Yucatan_, Tom. I, p. 31 (Merida,
1878).
[12-2] _Diccionario Maya-Espanol del Convento de Motul._ MS. _Sub voce,
ichech._ The manuscript dictionaries which I use will be described in
the last section of this Introduction. The example given is:--
"ICHECH; tu eres, en lengua de Campeche; _ichex_, vosotros seis; _in
en_, yo soy; _in on_, nosotros somos. De aqui sale en lengua de Maya,
_tech cech ichech e_, tu que eres por ahi quien quiera," etc.
[13-1] See Eligio Ancona, _Hist. de Yucatan_, Tom. I, p. 37.
[13-2] "MAYA (accento en la primera); nombre proprio de esta tierra de
Yucatan." _Diccionario de Motul_, MS. "Una provincia que llamavan de la
_Maya_, de la qual la lengua de Yucatan se llama _Mayathan_." Diego de
Landa, _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 14. "Esta tierra de
Yucatan, a quien los naturales llaman _Ma'ya_," Cogolludo, _Historia de
Yucatan_, Lib. IV, Cap. III. "El antiguo Reyno de Maya o Mayapan que hoy
se llama Yucatan." Villagutierre, _Historia de el Itza y de el
Lacandon_, p. 25. The numerous MSS. of the Books of Chilan Balam are
also decisive on this point.
[14-1] _Nombres Geograficos en Lengua Maya_, folio, MS. in my
collection.
[15-1] Note to Landa, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 14.
[15-2] _Vocabulaire Maya-Francais-Espagnole_, _sub voce_, MAYA.
[15-3] _Hist. de Yucatan_, p. 37.
[19-1] A discussion of the items of the census of 1862 may be found in
the work of the Licentiate Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, _Historia de la
Guerra de Castas de Yucatan_, Tomo I, Prologo, pp. lxvii, et seq.
(Merida 1865.) The completion of this meritorious work was unfortunately
prevented by the war. The author was born near Chan [C]enote, Yucatan,
in 1837, and was appointed _Juez de Letras_ at Izamal in 1864.
[20-1] See, for example, _El Toro de Sinkeuel, Leyenda Hipica_ (Merida,
1856), a political satire, said to be directed against General Ampudia,
by Manuel Garcia.
[20-2] D. G. Brinton, _The Myths of the New World; a Treatise on the
Symbolism and Mythology of the Red Race of America_, Chap. VI (2d Ed.
New York, 1876).
[23-1] _Maya-uel_ may be from _maya_ and _ohel_, to know either
intellectually or carnally; or the last syllable may be _uol_, will,
desire, mind. This inventive woman would thus have been named "the Maya
wit" (in the old meaning of the word).
[23-2] Sahagun, _Historia de la Nueva Espana_, Lib. X, Cap. XXIX, p. 12.
[24-1] Fray Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espana y Islas
de Tierra Firme_, Cap. XIX (Ed. Mexico, 1867).
[24-2] See _Lettre de Fray Nicolas de Witt_ (should be Witte), 1554, in
Ternaux Compans, _Recueil des Pieces[TN-2] sur le Mexique_, p. 254, 286;
also the report of the "Audiencia" held in Mexico in 1531, in Herrera,
_Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. IX, Cap. V.
[27-1] I mention this particularly in order to correct a grave error in
Landa's _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 130. He says, "Suelen de
costumbre sembrar para cada casado con su muger medida de cccc pies que
llaman _hun-uinic_, medida con vara de XX pies, XX en ancho y XX en
largo." The agrarian measure _uinic_ or _hun uinic_ (one man) contained
20 _kaan_, each 24 yards (_varas_) square. One _kaan_ was estimated to
yield two loads of corn, and hence the calculation was forty loads of
the staff of life for each family. Landa's statement that a patch 20
feet square was assigned to a family is absurd on the face of it.
[28-1] "La lengua castellana es mas dificultosa que la Maya para la
gente adulta, que no la ha mamado con la leche, como lo ha ensenado la
experiencia en los estranjeros de distintas naciones, y en los negros
bozales que se han radicado en esta provincia, que mas facilmente han
aprendido la Maya que la castellana." Apolinar Garcia y Garcia,
_Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_. Prologo, p. lxxv. (folio,
Merida, 1865).
[31-1] Friedrich Mueller, _Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft_, II Band, s.
309. (Wien, 1882).
[31-2] Lucien Adam, _Etudes sur six Langues Americaines_, p. 155.
(Paris, 1878).
[35-1] Gabriel de San Buenaventura, _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, fol. 28
(Mexico, 1684).
[40-1] _Memoire sur la numeration dans la langue et dans l'Ecriture
sacree des anciens Mayas_, in the Compte-Rendu of the Congres
International des Americanistes, Vol. II, p. 439 (Paris, 1875).
[41-1] _Leti u Ebanhelio Hezu Crizto hebix Huan_, London, 1869. This
translation was made by the Rev. A. Henderson and the Rev. Richard
Fletcher, missionaries to the British settlements at Belize.
[41-2] _Leti u Cilich Evangelio Jesu Christo hebix San Lucas._ Londres,
1865. The first draught of this translation, in the handwriting of
Father Ruz, with numerous corrections by himself, is in the library of
the Canon Crescencio Carrillo at Merida. A copy of it was obtained by
the Rev. John Kingdon of Belize, and printed in London without any
acknowledgment of its origin. It does not appear to me to be accurate.
For instance, chap. X, v. 1, "The Lord appointed other seventy also,"
where the Maya has _xan lahcatu cankal_, "seventy-two;" and again chap.
XV, v. 4, the ninety-nine sheep are increased to _bolon lahu uaxackal_,
one hundred and fifty-nine!
[42-1] _Apuntes para una Gramatica Maya._ Por Don Juan Pio Perez, MSS.
pp. 126, 128.
[42-2] "Me parece que _tu_ es sincopa de _ti u_." (Note of Dr. Berendt.)
There is no doubt but that Dr. Berendt is correct.
[43-1] This is not correct. Beltran gives for 45, _hotu yoxkal_, which I
analyze, _ho ti u u ox kal_.
[44-1] _Apuntes del Diccionario de la Lengua Maya. Por un yucateco
aficionado a la lengua_, 4to, pp. 486, MSS.
[45-1] "CAL: hartar o emborrachar la fruta." _Diccionario Maya-Espanol
del Convento de San Francisco_, Merida, MS. I have not found this word
in other dictionaries within my reach.
[46-1] _Calepino en Lengua Cakchiquel por Fray_ Francisco de
Varea,[TN-4] MS. s. v. _chuvi_. This MS. is in the Library of the
American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
[46-2] F. Pantaleon de Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en Lengua
Cakchiquel_, MS. This MS. is in my collection.
[48-1] _Codice Perez_, p. 92, MS. This is a series of extracts from
various ancient Maya manuscripts obtained by the late distinguished
Yucatecan antiquary, Don Juan Pio Perez, and named from him by Canon
Crescencio Carrillo and other linguists. A copy of it is in my
collection. It is in quarto, pp. 258.
[54-1] All the examples in the above paragraph are from the Appendix to
the _Diccionario Maya-Espanol del Convento de San Francisco, Merida_,
MS. It also gives its positive authority to the length of the katuns, as
follows: "Dicese que los Indios contaban los anos a pares (_sic_), y
cuando llegaba uno a veinte anos, entonces decian que tenian _hunpel
katun_, que son veinte anos.'[TN-6] I think the words _a pares_, must be an
error for _a veintenas_; they may mean "in equal series."
[54-2] The _Diccionario de Motul_ MS. has the following lengthy
entries:--
"TZUC: copete o coleta de cabellos; o de crines de caballo, o las barbas
que echa el maiz por arriba estando en la mazorca; y la cabeza que
tienen algunas hachas y martillos en contra del tajo, y la cabeza del
horcon, y las nubes levantadas en alto y que dan que denotan segun dice
tempestad de agua. Partes, enpartimientos. Cuenta para pueblos, para
partes, parrafos i articulos, diferencios y vocablos montones."
[55-1] _Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. V.
[56-1] M. Delaporte's calculations are mentioned by Leon de Rosny,
_Essai sur le Dechiffrement de l'Ecriture Hieratique de l'Amerique
Centrale_, p. 25 (Paris, 1876); Professor Thomas' will be found in the
_American Naturalist_, for 1881, and in his _Study of the Codex Troano_,
Washington, 1882.
[57-1] Pio Perez, _Cronologia Antigua de Yucatan_. Sec. VIII.
[57-2] "_Katun_, para siempre." Beltran de Santa Rosa, _Arte del Idioma
Maya_, p. 177.
[58-1] The following extracts from two manuscripts in my hands will
throw further light on this derivation--
KATUN: espacio de veinte anos; _hun katun_, 20 anos; _ca katun_, 40
anos, etc.
KATUN: batallon de gente, ordenada de guerra y ejercito asi, y soldados
cuando actualmente andan en la guerra.
KATUN (TAH, TE): guerrear, hacer guerra, o dar guerra.
KATUNBEN: el que tiene tantas venteinas de anos, segun el numeral que se
le junta, _hay katunben ech?_ cuantas venteinas de anos tienes tu? _ca
katunben en_, tengo dos venteinas.
DICCIONARIO DE MOTUL, MS., 1590.
CAT (he): generalmente sig^a cortar algo con acha, cuchillo o hiera;
detener algo que se huya, atajarlo, etc.
Varea, _Calepino en Lengva[TN-8] Cakchiquel_, MS., 1699.
[61-1] _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, 1880.
[62-1] The example he gives is the word _le_, which he says "para
escrivirle con sus caracteres _habiendoles nosotros hecho entender_ que
son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres," etc., thus plainly saying
that they did not analyze the word to its phonetic radicals in their
system. _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 318.
[62-2] Las Casas says, with great positiveness, that they found in
Yucatan "letreros de ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguna parte."
_Historia Apologetica_, cap. CXXIII. I also add an interesting
description of their books and letters, furnished by the companions of
Father Alonso Ponce, the Pope's Commissary-General, who traveled through
Yucatan in 1586, when many natives were still living who had been born
before the Conquest (1541). Father Ponce had traveled through Mexico,
and, of course, had learned about the Aztec picture-writing, which he
distinctly contrasts with the writing of the Mayas. Of the latter he
says: "Son alabados de tres cosas entre todos los demas de la Nueva
Espana, la una de que en su antiguedad tenian caracteres y letras, con
que escribian sus historias y las ceremonias y orden de los sacrificios
de sus idolos y su calendario, en libros hechos de corteza de cierto
arbol, los cuales eran unas tiras muy largas de quarta o tercia en
ancho, que se doblaban y recogian, y venia a queder a manera de un libro
encuardenada en cuartilla, poco mas, o menos. Estas letras y caracteres
no las entendian, sino los sacerdotes de los idolos, (que en aquella
lengua se llaman 'ahkines'), y algun indio principal. Despues las
entendieron y supieron leer algunos frailes nuestros y aun las
escribien." (_Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las Muchas
que Sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce, Comisario-General en las
Provincias de la Nueva Espana_, page 392). I know no other author who
makes the interesting statement that these characters were actually used
by missionaries to impart instruction to the natives.
[63-1] "_uooh_; caracter o letra. _uooh_ (tah, te) escribir. _uoohan_,
cosa que esta escrita." _Diccionario de Motul_, MS.
[64-1] His words are: "Y satisfaciendoles por la quenta senalada, que
ellos mismos tenian, de que vsavan, para ajustar sus antiguas Profezias,
y los Tiempos de su cumplimiento, que eran vnos Caracteres y Figuras
pintadas en vnas cortezas de Arboles, como de una quarta de largo cada
hoja, o tabilla, y del gruesso como de vn real de a ocho, dobladas a vna
parte, y a otra, a manera de Viombo, que ellos llamavan Analtees," etc.,
_Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza_, Lib. VII. cap I
(Madrid, 1701). Pio Perez spells the word _anahte_, _Diccionario de la
Lengua Maya_, s. v. following a MS. of the last century, given in the
_Codice Perez_. The word _hunilte_, from _huunil_, the "determinative"
form of "_hun_," and _te_, a termination to nouns which specifies or
localizes them (e. g. _amay_, an angle, _amay te_, an angular figure,
etc)., would offer a plausible derivation for _analte_.
[65-1] "Se les quemamos todos lo qual a maravilla sentian y les dava
pena." _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 316.
[67-1] "La experiencia de manejar tan incessantemente a los Indios en
cerca de doce anos que los servi, me enseno, que el motivo de estar
todavia muchos tan pegados a sus antiguedades, era porque siendo los
naturales muy curiosos, y aplicandose a saber leer: los que esto logran,
quanto papel tienen a mano, tanto leen: y no aviendo entre ella, mas
tratados en su idioma, que los que sus antepasados escribieron, cuya
materia es solo de sus hechicerias, encantos, y curaciones con muchos
abusos, y ensalmos; ya se ve que en estos bebian insensiblemente el
tosigo para vomitar despues su malicia en otros muchos." _Aprobacion del
Doctor D. Augustin de Echano_, etc., to Dr. Don Francisco Eugenio
Dominguez, _Platicas de los Principales Mysterios de Nvestra[TN-9] S^ta
Fee, hechas en el Idioma Yucateco_. Mexico, 1758. This extremely rare
work is highly prized for the purity and elegance of the Maya employed
by the author.
[69-1] _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, page 160.
[70-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America.
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, Vol. XIX, 1881. The
terminal letter in both these words--"_chilan_," "_balam_,"--may be
either "_n_" or "_m_," the change being one of dialect and local
pronunciation. I have followed the older authorities in writing "_Chilan
Balam_," the modern preferring "_Chilam Balam_."
[72-1] _Historia Antigua de Yucatan, p. 123_ (Merida, 1882).
[73-1] _Arte del Idioma Maya_, p. 242 (2d ed).
[73-2] _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, compuesto por el R. P. Fr. Gabriel de
San Buenaventura Predicador y difinidor habitual de la Provincia de San
Joseph de Yucathan del Orden de N. P. S. Francisco. Ano de 1684. Con
licencia; En Mexico, por la Viuda de Bernardo Calderon, 4to. pag. 1-4,
leaves 5-41.
[74-1] _Arte del Idioma Maya reducido a succintas reglas, y semilexicon
Yucateco_ por el R. P. F. Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa Maria. En Mexico
por la Viuda de D. Joseph Bernardo de Hogal. Ano de 1746. 8vo, pp. 8,
1-188. Segunda edicion, Merida de Yucatan, Imprenta de J. D. Espinosa.
Julio, 1859. 8vo, 9 leaves, pp. 242.
[74-2] _Apuntes para una Gramatica Maya._ Por Don Juan Pio Perez, pp.
45-136. _MSS._
[75-1] _Diccionario de la Lengua Maya_, por D. Juan Pio Perez. Merida de
Yucatan. Imprenta literaria, de Juan F. Molina Solis, 1866-1877. Large
8vo, two cols. pp. i-xx, 1-437.
THE CHRONICLES.
I. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.
_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani._
II. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.
_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimin._
III. THE RECORD OF THE COUNT OF THE KATUNS.
_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._
IV. THE MAYA KATUNS.
_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._
V. THE CHIEF KATUNS.
_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._
THE CHRONICLES.
The chronicles and fragments of chronicles which I have collected here
are all taken from the various "Books of Chilan Balam." They constitute
about all that remains to us, so far as I know, of the ancient history
of the peninsula. There are, indeed, in other portions of these "Books"
references to historical events before the Conquest, but no other
consecutive narrations of them.
Except the one given first, none of these has ever been printed, nor
even translated from the Maya into any European language. Whether they
corroborate or contradict one another, it is equally important for
American archaeology to have them preserved and presented in their
original form.
It does not come within my present purpose to try to reconcile the
discrepancies between them. I am furnishing materials for history, not
writing it, and my chief duty is to observe accuracy, even at the risk
of depreciating the value of the documents I offer.
I have, therefore, followed strictly the manuscripts which I possess in
fac-similes of the originals, and when I believe the text is corrupt or
in error, I have suggested apart from the text what I suppose to be the
needed correction to the passage.
In the notes I have also discussed such grammatical or historical
questions as have occurred to me as of use in elucidating the text.
There will be found considerable repetition in these different versions,
as must necessarily be from their character, if they have a claim to be
authentic records; but it is also fair to add that details will be found
in each which are omitted in the others, and hence, that all are
valuable.
This similarity may be explained by two suppositions; either they are
copies from a common original, or they present the facts they narrate in
general formulae which had been widely adopted by the priests for
committing to memory their ancient history. The differences which we
find in them preclude the former hypothesis except as it may apply to
the first two. The similarities in the others I believe are no more than
would occur in relating the same incidents which had been learned
through fixed forms of narration.
The division into sections I have made for convenience of reference. The
variants I have given at the bottom of the page are readings which I
think are preferable to those in the text, or corrections of manifest
errors; but I have endeavored to give the text, just as it is in the
best MSS. I have, errors and all.
It is not my purpose to enter into a critical historical analysis of
these chronicles. But a few remarks may be made to facilitate their
examination.
Making the necessary omissions in No. II, which I point out in the
prefatory note to it, it will be found that all five agree tolerably
well in the length of time they embrace. Nos. III and IV begin at a
later date than the others, but coincide as far as they go.
The total period of time, from the earliest date given, to the
settlement of the country by the Spaniards, is 71 katuns. If the katun
is estimated at twenty years, this equals 1420 years; if at twenty-four
years, then we have 1704 years.
All the native writers agree, and I think, in spite of the contrary
statement of Bishop Landa, that we may look upon it as beyond doubt,
that the last day of the 11th katun was July 15th, 1541. Therefore the
one of the above calculations would carry us back to A. D. 121, the
other to B. C. 173.
The chief possibility of error in the reckoning would be from confusing
the great cycles of 260 (or 312) years, one with another, and assigning
events to different cycles which really happened in the same. This would
increase the number of the cycles, and thus extend the period of time
they appear to cover. This has undoubtedly been done in No. II.
According to the reckoning as it now stands, six complete great cycles
were counted, and parts of two others, so that the native at the time of
the Conquest would have had eight great cycles to distinguish apart.
I have not found any clear explanation how this was accomplished. We do
not even know what name was given to this great cycle, nor whether the
calendar was sufficiently perfected to prevent confusion in dates in the
remote past.
I find, however, two passages in the collection of ancient manuscripts,
which I have before referred to as the _Codice Perez_, which seem to
have a bearing on this point; but as the text is somewhat corrupt and
several of the expressions archaic, I am not certain that I catch the
right meaning. These passages are as follows:--
U hi[c]il lahun ahau u [c]ocol hun uu[c] katun, u zut tucaten
oxlahunpiz katun [c]iban tu uichob tu pet katun; la hun uu[c] katun
u kaba ca bin [c]ococ u than lae, u hoppol tucaten; bay hoppci ca
[c]ib lae ca tun culac u yanal katun lae. Cabin [c]ococ uaxac ahau
lae u hoppol tucaten lae. (Page 90.)
U hi[c]il Lahun Ahau u [c]ocol u nuppul oxlahunpez katun [c]iban u
uichob tu pet tzaton lo hun (_sic_) uu[c] katun u kaba ca bin
[c]ococ u than lae, ca tun culac u yanal katun ca bin [c]ococ uaxac
Ahau lae; hu hoppol tucaten bay hoppci ca [c]ib. (Page 168.)
_Translation._
At the last of the tenth ahau katun is ended one doubling of the
katun, and the return a second time of thirteen katuns is written
on the face of the katun circle; one doubling of the katuns, as it
is called, will then finish its course, to begin again; and when it
begins, it is written that another katun commences: when the eighth
katun ends it begins again (_i. e._, to count with this eighth as
the first of the next "doubling").
At the last of the tenth Ahau Katun is ended the joining together
of thirteen katuns (which is) written on the face of the katun
circle; one doubling of the katuns, as it is called, will then
finish its course, and another katun will begin and will end as the
eighth katun; this begins a second time, as it began (at first) and
was then written.