XI. THE FORWARD-LOOKER

When the history of the late years in America is written, I suspect

that their grandest, gaudiest gifts to _Kultur_ will be found in the

incomparable twins: the right-thinker and the forward-looker. No other

nation can match them, at any weight. The right-thinker is privy to all

God’s wishes, and even whims; the forward-looker is the heir to all

His promises to the righteous. The former is never wrong; the latter

is never despairing. Sometimes the two are amalgamated into one man,

and we have a Bryan, a Wilson, a Dr. Frank Crane. But more often there

is a division: the forward-looker thinks wrong, and the right-thinker

looks backward. I give you Upton Sinclair and Nicholas Murray Butler

as examples. Butler is an absolute masterpiece of correct thought; in

his whole life, so far as human records show, he has not cherished a

single fancy that might not have been voiced by a Fifth Avenue rector

or spread upon the editorial page of the New York _Times._ But he has

no vision, alas, alas! All the revolutionary inventions for lifting up

humanity leave him cold. He is against them all, from the initiative

and referendum to birth control, and from Fletcherism to osteopathy.

Now turn to Sinclair. He believes in every one of them, however daring

and fantoddish; he grasps and gobbles all the new ones the instant they

are announced. But the man simply cannot think right. He is wrong on

politics, on economics, and on theology. He glories in and is intensely

vain of his wrongness. Let but a new article of correct American

thought get itself stated by the constituted ecclesiastical and secular

authorities—by Bishop Manning, or Judge Gary, or Butler, or Adolph

Ochs, or Dr. Fabian Franklin, or Otto Kahn, or Dr. Stephen S. Wise,

or Roger W. Babson, or any other such inspired omphalist—and he is

against it almost before it is stated.

On the whole, as a neutral in such matters, I prefer the forward-looker

to the right-thinker, if only because he shows more courage and

originality. It takes nothing save lack of humor to believe what

Butler, or Ochs, or Bishop Manning believes, but it takes long practice

and a considerable natural gift to get down the beliefs of Sinclair.

I remember with great joy the magazine that he used to issue during

the war. In the very first issue he advocated Socialism, the single

tax, birth control, communism, the League of Nations, the conscription

of wealth, government ownership of coal mines, sex hygiene and free

trade. In the next issue he added the recall of judges, Fletcherism,

the Gary system, the Montessori method, paper-bag cookery, war gardens

and the budget system. In the third he came out for sex hygiene, one

big union, the initiative and referendum, the city manager plan,

chiropractic and Esperanto. In the fourth he went to the direct

primary, fasting, the Third International, a federal divorce law, free

motherhood, hot lunches for school children, Prohibition, the vice

crusade, _Expressionismus_, the government control of newspapers,

deep breathing, international courts, the Fourteen Points, freedom

for the Armenians, the limitation of campaign expenditures, the merit

system, the abolition of the New York Stock Exchange, psychoanalysis,

crystal-gazing, the Little Theater movement, the recognition of Mexico,

_vers libre_, old age pensions, unemployment insurance, cooperative

stores, the endowment of motherhood, the Americanization of the

immigrant, mental telepathy, the abolition of grade crossings, federal

labor exchanges, profit-sharing in industry, a prohibitive tax on Poms,

the clean-up-paint-up campaign, relief for the Jews, osteopathy, mental

mastery, and the twilight sleep. And so on, and so on. Once I had got

into the swing of the Sinclair monthly I found that I could dispense

with at least twenty other journals of the uplift. When he abandoned

it I had to subscribe for them anew, and the gravel has stuck in my

craw ever since.

In the first volume of his personal philosophy, “The Book of Life:

Mind and Body,” he is stopped from displaying whole categories of his

ideas, for his subject is not man the political and economic machine,

but man and mammal. Nevertheless, his characteristic hospitality to new

revelations is abundantly visible. What does the mind suggest? The mind

suggests its dark and fascinating functions and powers, some of them

very recent. There is, for example, psychoanalysis. There is mental

telepathy. There is crystal-gazing. There is double personality. Out

of each springs a scheme for the uplift of the race—in each there is

something for a forward-looker to get his teeth into. And if mind, then

why not also spirit? Here even a forward-looker may hesitate; here,

in fact, Sinclair himself hesitates. The whole field of spiritism is

barred to him by his theological heterodoxy; if he admits that man has

an immortal soul, he may also have to admit that the soul can suffer in

hell. Thus even forward-looking may turn upon and devour itself. But if

the meadow wherein spooks and poltergeists disport is closed, it is at

least possible to peep over the fence. Sinclair sees materializations

in dark rooms, under red, satanic lights. He is, perhaps, not yet

convinced, but he is looking pretty hard. Let a ghostly hand reach out

and grab him, and he will be over the fence! The body is easier. The

new inventions for dealing with it are innumerable and irresistible; no

forward-looker can fail to succumb to at least some of them. Sinclair

teeters dizzily. On the one hand he stoutly defends surgery—that

is, provided the patient is allowed to make his own diagnosis!—on

the other hand he is hot for fasting, teetotalism, and the avoidance

of drugs, coffee and tobacco, and he begins to flirt with osteopathy

and chiropractic. More, he has discovered a new revelation in San

Francisco—a system of diagnosis and therapeutics, still hooted at

by the Medical Trust, whereby the exact location of a cancer may

be determined by examining a few drops of the patient’s blood, and

syphilis may be cured by vibrations, and whereby, most curious of all,

it can be established that odd numbers, written on a sheet of paper,

are full of negative electricity, and even numbers are full of positive

electricity.

The book is written with great confidence and address, and has a good

deal of shrewdness mixed with its credulities; few licensed medical

practitioners could give you better advice. But it is less interesting

than its author, or, indeed, than forward-lookers in general. Of all

the known orders of men they fascinate me the most. I spend whole

days reading their pronunciamentos, and am an expert in the ebb and

flow of their singularly bizarre ideas. As I have said, I have never

encountered one who believed in but one sure cure for all the sorrows

of the world, and let it go at that. Nay, even the most timorous

of them gives his full faith and credit to at least two. Turn, for

example, to the official list of eminent single taxers issued by the

Joseph Fels Fund. I defy you to find one solitary man on it who stops

with the single tax. There is David Starr Jordan: he is also one of

the great whales of pacifism. There is B. O. Flower: he is the emperor

of anti-vaccinationists. There is Carrie Chapman Catt: she is hot for

every peruna that the suffragettes brew. There is W. S. U’Ren: he is in

general practise as a messiah. There is Hamlin Garland: he also chases

spooks. There is Jane Addams: vice crusader, pacifist, suffragist,

settlement worker. There is Prof. Dr. Scott Nearing: Socialist and

martyr. There is Newt Baker: heir of the Wilsonian idealism. There

is Gifford Pinchot: conservationist, Prohibitionist, Bull Moose,

and professional Good Citizen. There is Judge Ben B. Lindsey:

forward-looking’s Jack Horner, forever sticking his thumb into new

pies. I could run the list to columns, but no need. You know the type

as well as I do. Give the forward-looker the direct primary, and he

demands the short ballot. Give him the initiative and referendum, and

he bawls for the recall of judges. Give him Christian Science, and he

proceeds to the swamis and yogis. Give him the Mann Act, and he wants

laws providing for the castration of fornicators. Give him Prohibition,

and he launches a new crusade against cigarettes, coffee, jazz, and

custard pies.

I have a wide acquaintance among such sad, mad, glad folks, and know

some of them very well. It is my belief that the majority of them are

absolutely honest—that they believe as fully in their baroque gospels

as I believe in the dishonesty of politicians—that their myriad and

amazing faiths sit upon them as heavily as the fear of hell sits upon a

Methodist deacon who has degraded the vestry-room to carnal uses. All

that may be justly said against them is that they are chronically full

of hope, and hence chronically uneasy and indignant—that they belong

to the less sinful and comfortable of the two grand divisions of the

human race. Call them the tender-minded, as the late William James used

to do, and you have pretty well described them. They are, on the one

hand, pathologically sensitive to the sorrows of the world, and, on

the other hand, pathologically susceptible to the eloquence of quacks.

What seems to lie in all of them is the doctrine that evils so vast as

those they see about them _must_ and _will_ be laid—that it would be

an insult to a just God to think of them as permanent and irremediable.

This notion, I believe, is at the bottom of much of the current

pathetic faith in Prohibition. The thing itself is obviously a colossal

failure—that is, when viewed calmly and realistically. It has not only

not cured the rum evil in the United States; it has plainly made that

evil five times as bad as it ever was before. But to confess that bald

fact would be to break the forward-looking heart: it simply refuses

to harbor the concept of the incurable. And so, being debarred by the

legal machinery that supports Prohibition from going back to any more

feasible scheme of relief, it cherishes the sorry faith that somehow,

in some vague and incomprehensible way, Prohibition will yet work.

When the truth becomes so horribly evident that even forward-lookers

are daunted, then some new quack will arise to fool them again, with

some new and worse scheme of super-Prohibition. It is their destiny

to wobble thus endlessly between quack and quack. One pulls them by

the right arm and one by the left arm. A third is at their coat-tail

pockets, and a fourth beckons them over the hill.

The rest of us are less tender-minded, and, in consequence, much

happier. We observe quite clearly that the world, as it stands, is

anything but perfect—that injustice exists, and turmoil, and tragedy,

and bitter suffering of ten thousand kinds—that human life at its

best, is anything but a grand, sweet song. But instead of ranting

absurdly against the fact, or weeping over it maudlinly, or trying

to remedy it with inadequate means, we simply put the thought of

it out of our minds, just as a wise man puts away the thought that

alcohol is probably bad for his liver, or that his wife is a shade

too fat. Instead of mulling over it and suffering from it, we seek

contentment by pursuing the delights that are so strangely mixed with

the horrors—by seeking out the soft spots and endeavoring to avoid

the hard spots. Such is the intelligent habit of practical and sinful

men, and under it lies a sound philosophy. After all, the world is

not our handiwork, and we are not responsible for what goes on in it,

save within very narrow limits. Going outside them with our protests

and advice tends to become contumacy to the celestial hierarchy. Do

the poor suffer in the midst of plenty? Then let us thank God politely

that we are not that poor. Are rogues in offices? Well, go call a

policeman, thus setting rogue upon rogue. Are taxes onerous, wasteful,

unjust? Then let us dodge as large a part of them as we can. Are whole

regiments and army corps of our fellow creatures doomed to hell? Then

let them complain to the archangels, and, if the archangels are too

busy to hear them, to the nearest archbishop.

Unluckily for the man of tender mind, he is quite incapable of any

such easy dismissal of the great plagues and conundrums of existence.

It is of the essence of his character that he is too sensitive and

sentimental to put them ruthlessly out of his mind: he cannot view

even the crunching of a cockroach without feeling the snapping of

his own ribs. And it is of the essence of his character that he is

unable to escape the delusion of duty—that he can’t rid himself of

the notion that, whenever he observes anything in the world that

might conceivably be improved, he is commanded by God to make every

effort to improve it. In brief, he is a public-spirited man, and the

ideal citizen of democratic states. But Nature, it must be obvious,

is opposed to democracy—and whoso goes counter to nature must expect

to pay the penalty. The tender-minded man pays it by hanging forever

upon the cruel hooks of hope, and by fermenting inwardly in incessant

indignation. All this, perhaps, explains the notorious ill-humor of

uplifters—the wowser touch that is in even the best of them. They

dwell so much upon the imperfections of the universe and the weaknesses

of man that they end by believing that the universe is altogether out

of joint and that every man is a scoundrel and every woman a vampire.

Years ago I had a combat with certain eminent reformers of the sex

hygiene and vice crusading species, and got out of it a memorable

illumination of their private minds. The reform these strange creatures

were then advocating was directed against sins of the seventh category,

and they proposed to put them down by forcing through legislation of a

very harsh and fantastic kind—statutes forbidding any woman, however

forbidding, to entertain a man in her apartment without the presence of

a third party, statutes providing for the garish lighting of all dark

places in the public parks, and so on. In the course of my debates with

them I gradually jockeyed them into abandoning all of the arguments

they started with, and so brought them down to their fundamental

doctrine, to wit, that no woman, without the aid of the police, could

be trusted to protect her virtue. I pass as a cynic in Christian

circles, but this notion certainly gave me pause. And it was voiced by

men who were the fathers of grown and unmarried daughters!

It is no wonder that men who cherish such ideas are so ready to accept

any remedy for the underlying evils, no matter how grotesque. A man

suffering from hay-fever, as every one knows, will take any medicine

that is offered to him, even though he knows the compounder to be a

quack; the infinitesimal chance that the quack may have the impossible

cure gives him a certain hope, and so makes the disease itself

more bearable. In precisely the same way a man suffering from the

conviction that the whole universe is hell-bent for destruction—that

the government he lives under is intolerably evil, that the rich are

growing richer and the poor poorer, that no man’s word can be trusted

and no woman’s chastity, that another and worse war is hatching,

that the very regulation of the weather has fallen into the hands

of rogues—such a man will grab at anything, even birth control,

osteopathy or the Fourteen Points, rather than let the foul villainy go

on. The apparent necessity of finding a remedy without delay transforms

itself, by an easy psychological process, into a belief that the remedy

has been found; it is almost impossible for most men, and particularly

for tender-minded men, to take in the concept of the insoluble. Every

problem that remains unsolved, including even the problem of evil,

is in that state simply because men of strict virtue and passionate

altruism have not combined to solve it—because the business has been

neglected by human laziness and rascality. All that is needed to

dispatch it is the united effort of enough pure hearts: the accursed

nature of things will yield inevitably to a sufficiently desperate

battle; mind (usually written Mind) will triumph over matter (usually

written Matter—or maybe Money Power, or Land Monopoly, or Beef Trust,

or Conspiracy of Silence, or Commercialized Vice, or Wall Street, or

the Dukes, or the Kaiser), and the Kingdom of God will be at hand. So,

with the will to believe in full function, the rest is easy. The eager

forward-looker is exactly like the man with hay-fever, or arthritis, or

nervous dyspepsia, or diabetes. It takes time to try each successive

remedy—to search it out, to take it, to observe its effects, to hope,

to doubt, to shelve it. Before the process is completed another is

offered; new ones are always waiting before their predecessors have

been discarded. Here, perhaps, we get a glimpse of the causes behind

the protean appetite of the true forward-looker—his virtuosity in

credulity. He is in all stages simultaneously—just getting over the

initiative and referendum, beginning to have doubts about the short

ballot, making ready for a horse doctor’s dose of the single tax, and

contemplating an experimental draught of Socialism to-morrow.

What is to be done for him? How is he to be cured of his great thirst

for sure cures that do not cure, and converted into a contented and

careless backward-looker, peacefully snoozing beneath his fig tree

while the oppressed bawl for succor in forty abandoned lands, and

injustice stalks the world, and taxes mount higher and higher, and

poor working-girls are sold into white slavery, and Prohibition fails

to prohibit, and cocaine is hawked openly, and jazz drags millions

down the primrose way, and the trusts own the legislatures of all

Christendom, and judges go to dinner with millionaires, and Europe

prepares for another war, and children of four and five years work

as stevedores and locomotive firemen, and guinea pigs and dogs are

vivisected, and Polish immigrant women have more children every year,

and divorces multiply, and materialism rages, and the devil runs

the cosmos? What is to be done to save the forward-looker from his

torturing indignations, and set him in paths of happy dalliance?

Answer: nothing. He was born that way, as men are born with hare lips

or bad livers, and he will remain that way until the angels summon

him to eternal rest. Destiny has laid upon him the burden of seeing

unescapably what had better not be looked at, of believing what isn’t

so. There is no way to help him. He must suffer vicariously for the

carnal ease of the rest of us. He must die daily that we may live in

peace, corrupt and contented.

As I have said, I believe fully that this child of sorrow is

honest—that his twinges and malaises are just as real to him as those

that rack the man with arthritis, and that his trusting faith in quacks

is just as natural. But this, of course, is not saying that the quacks

themselves are honest. On the contrary, their utter dishonesty must be

quite as obvious as the simplicity of their dupes. Trade is good for

them in the United States, where hope is a sort of national vice, and

so they flourish here more luxuriously than anywhere else on earth.

Some one told me lately that there are now no less than 25,000 national

organizations in the United States for the uplift of the plain people

and the snaring and shaking down of forward-lookers—societies for

the Americanization of immigrants, for protecting poor working-girls

against Jews and Italians, for putting Bibles into the bedrooms of

week-end hotels, for teaching Polish women how to wash their babies,

for instructing school children in ring-around-a-rosy, for crusading

against the cigarette, for preventing accidents in rolling-mills, for

making street-car conductors more polite, for testing the mentality

of Czecho-Slovaks, for teaching folk-songs, for restoring the United

States to Great Britain, for building day-nurseries in the devastated

regions of France, for training deaconesses, for fighting the

house-fly, for preventing cruelty to mules and Tom-cats, for forcing

householders to clean their backyards, for planting trees, for saving

the Indian, for sending colored boys to Harvard, for opposing Sunday

movies, for censoring magazines, for God knows what else. In every

large American city such organizations swarm, and every one of them

has an executive secretary who tries incessantly to cadge space in the

newspapers. Their agents penetrate to the remotest hamlets in the land,

and their circulars, pamphlets and other fulminations swamp the mails.

In Washington and at every state capital they have their lobbyists, and

every American legislator is driven half frantic by their innumerable

and preposterous demands. Each of them wants a law passed to make

its crusade official and compulsory; each is forever hunting for

forward-lookers with money.

One of the latest of these uplifting vereins to score a ten-strike

is the one that sponsored the so-called Maternity Bill. That measure

is now a law, and the over-burdened American taxpayer, at a cost of

$3,000,000 a year, is supporting yet one more posse of perambulating

gabblers and snouters. The influences behind the bill were exposed in

the Senate by Senator Reed, of Missouri, but to no effect: a majority

of the other Senators, in order to get rid of the propagandists in

charge of it, had already promised to vote for it. Its one intelligible

aim, as Senator Reed showed, is to give government jobs at good

salaries to a gang of nosey old maids. These virgins now traverse the

country teaching married women how to have babies in a ship-shape and

graceful manner, and how to keep them alive after having them. Only

one member of the corps has ever been married herself; nevertheless,

the old gals are authorized to go out among the Italian and Yiddish

women, each with ten or twelve head of kids to her credit, and tell

them all about it. According to Senator Reed, the ultimate aim of the

forward-lookers who sponsored the scheme is to provide for the official

registration of expectant mothers, that they may be warned what to eat,

what movies to see, and what midwives to send for when the time comes.

Imagine a young bride going down to the County Clerk’s office to report

herself! And imagine an elderly and anthropophagous spinster coming

around next day to advise her! Or a boozy political doctor!

All these crazes, of course, are primarily artificial. They are

set going, not by the plain people spontaneously, nor even by the

forward-lookers who eventually support them, but by professionals. The

Anti-Saloon League is their archetype. It is owned and operated by

gentlemen who make excellent livings stirring up the tender-minded;

if their salaries were cut off to-morrow, all their moral passion

would ooze out, and Prohibition would be dead in two weeks. So with

the rest of the uplifting camorras. Their present enormous prosperity,

I believe, is due in large part to a fact that is never thought

of, to wit, the fact that the women’s colleges of the country, for

a dozen years past, have been turning out far more graduates than

could be utilized as teachers. These supernumerary lady Ph.D’s almost

unanimously turn to the uplift—and the uplift saves them. In the early

days of higher education for women in the United States, practically

all the graduates thrown upon the world got jobs as teachers, but now

a good many are left over. Moreover, it has been discovered that the

uplift is easier than teaching, and that it pays a great deal better.

It is a rare woman professor who gets more than $5,000 a year, but

there are plenty of uplifting jobs at $8,000 and $10,000 a year, and in

the future there will be some prizes at twice as much. No wonder the

learned girls fall upon them so eagerly!

The annual production of male Ph.D’s is also far beyond the legitimate

needs of the nation, but here the congestion is relieved by the greater

and more varied demand for masculine labor. If a young man emerging

from Columbia or Ohio Wesleyan as _Philosophiez Doctor_ finds it

impossible to get a job teaching he can always go on the road as a

salesman of dental supplies, or enlist in the marines, or study law, or

enter the ministry, or go to work in a coal-mine, or a slaughter-house,

or a bucket-shop, or begin selling Oklahoma mine-stock to widows and

retired clergy-men. The women graduate faces far fewer opportunities.

She is commonly too old and too worn by meditation to go upon the stage

in anything above the grade of a patent-medicine show, she has been so

poisoned by instruction in sex hygiene that she shies at marriage, and

most of the standard professions and grafts of the world are closed to

her. The invention of the uplift came as a godsend to her. Had not some

mute, inglorious Edison devised it at the right time, humanity would

be disgraced to-day by the spectacle of hordes of Lady Ph.D’s going

to work in steam-laundries, hooch shows and chewing-gum factories. As

it is, they are all taken care of by the innumerable societies for

making the whole world virtuous and happy. One may laugh at the aims

and methods of many such societies—for example, at the absurd vereins

for Americanizing immigrants, _i. e._, degrading them to the level of

the native peasantry. But one thing, at least, they accomplish: they

provide comfortable and permanent jobs for hundreds and thousands of

deserving women, most of whom are far more profitably employed trying

to make Methodists out of Sicilians than they would be if they were

trying to make husbands out of bachelors. It is for this high purpose

also that the forward-looker suffers.

Prejudices, third series · 第 39 / 51 题