THIRD ADMINISTRATION AND HOME RULE
It is our purpose next to trace the events that led to the overthrow of
the Second Administration of Mr. Gladstone, and to the formation of his
Third Cabinet. The question that seemed to begin the work of weakening
the foundations of his existing government was their policy in regard to
Egypt, which began with the occupation of Egypt in 1882.
The budget of the session of 1882 was presented by Mr. Gladstone April
24th. It was not expected that anything novel in the way of legislation
would be attempted in it. But its main interest was in this, that it
proposed a vote of credit for the Egyptian Expedition, which was to be
provided for by addition to the income-tax, making it sixpence
half-penny in the pound for the year. The financial proposals were
agreed to. In the course of the session Mr. Bright resigned his place in
the Cabinet on the ground that the intervention in Egypt was a manifest
violation of the moral law, that the Government had interfered by force
of arms in Egypt, and directed the bombardment of Alexandria. Mr.
Gladstone denied that the Ministry were at war with Egypt, and stated
that the measures taken at Alexandria were strictly measures of
self-defence. In justifying his resignation Mr. Bright said there had
been a manifest violation of the moral law; but the Premier, while
agreeing with his late colleague generally on the question of the moral
law differed from him as to this particular application of it.
The Prime Minister attended the Lord Mayor's Banquet at the Mansion
House, August 9, 1882. In replying to the toast to Her Majesty's
Ministers, after some preliminary remarks, Mr. Gladstone alluded to the
campaign in Egypt, which had been so much discussed, and said: "Let it
be well understood for what we go and for what we do not go to Egypt. We
do not go to make war on its people, but to rescue them from the
oppression of a military tyranny which at present extinguishes every
free voice and chains every man of the people of that country. We do not
go to make war on the Mohammedan religion, for it is amongst the
proudest distinctions of Christianity to establish tolerance, and we
know that wherever the British rule exists, the same respect which we
claim for the exercise of our own conscientious convictions is yielded
to the professors of every other faith on the surface of the globe. We
do not, my Lord Mayor, go to repress the growth of Egyptian liberties.
We wish them well; for we have no other interest in Egypt, which cannot
in any other way so well and so effectually attain her own prosperity as
by the enjoyment of a well regulated, and an expanding freedom."
Mr. Gladstone's confidence respecting the early termination of the war
in Egypt was somewhat justified by Sir Garnet Wolseley's victory at
Tel-el-Kebir, but the future relations of England with Egypt were still
left an open subject of discussion and speculation. Again, November 9th,
at the banquet at the Guildhall, to the Cabinet Ministers, Mr. Gladstone
spoke. He called attention to the settlement of the troubles in the East
of Europe, congratulating his hearers on the removal by the naval and
military forces of the Egyptian difficulty, and calling attention to
Ireland, compared its condition with that of the previous March and
October, 1881, showing a diminution of agrarian crime to the extent of
four-fifths. This happy result had been brought about, not by coercive
means alone, but by the exercise of remedial measures. "If the people of
Ireland were willing to walk in the ways of legality, England was
strong, and generous, and free enough to entertain in a friendly and
kindly spirit any demand which they might make."
On the 13th of December, 1882, Mr. Gladstone's political jubilee was
celebrated. Fifty years before, on that day, he had been returned to
Parliament as member for Newark. A large number of congratulatory
addresses, letters, and telegrams complimenting him on the completion of
his fifty years of parliamentary service were received by him. He had
entered the first Reformed Parliament as a conservative, had gone ever
forward in the path of reform, and was yet to lead in greater measures
of reform.
The excellent prospects regarding domestic measures with which the
session of 1883 was opened were dispelled by prolonged and fruitless
debates on measures proposed and on the address from the Queen. But Mr.
Gladstone was absent, the state of his health requiring him to pass
several weeks at Cannes. He returned home in March greatly invigorated,
and at once threw himself with wonted ardour into the parliamentary
conflict. Mr. Parnell offered a bill to amend the Irish Land Act of
1887, which was opposed by the Premier and lost.
An affirmation bill was introduced at this session by the Government,
which provided that members who objected to taking the oath might have
the privilege of affirming. The opposition spoke of the measure as a
"Bradlaugh Relief Bill." Its rejection was moved, and in its defense
Mr. Gladstone made one of his best speeches, which was warmly applauded.
He said: "I must painfully record my opinion, that grave injury has been
done to religion in many minds--not in instructed minds, but in those
which are ill-instructed or partially instructed--in consequence of
things which ought never to have occurred. Great mischief has been done
in many minds by a resistance offered to the man elected by the
constituency of Northampton, which a portion of the people believe to be
unjust. When they see the profession of religion and the interests of
religion, ostensibly associated with what they are deeply convinced is
injustice, it leads to questions about religion itself, which commonly
end in impairing those convictions, and that belief, the loss of which I
believe to be the most inexpressible calamity which can fall either upon
a man or upon a nation." But the measure was lost.
During the session of 1883 the Bankruptcy Bill and the Patents Bill were
both passed, and effected reforms which had long been felt to be
necessary. The Corrupt Practices Act was designed to remove from British
parliamentary and borough elections the stigma which attached to them in
so many parts of the country. The Government was checked, however, in
its policy in the Transvaal, and Mr. Childers' action in regard to the
Suez Canal.
Mr. Gladstone attended, in March, the celebration of the inauguration
of the National Liberal party, predicting for it a useful and brilliant
future, if it remained faithful to its time-honored principles and
traditions.
Sir Stafford Northcote, in the session of 1884, moved a vote of censure,
and vigorously attacked the Egyptian policy of the administration. Mr.
Gladstone defended the ministerial action with spirit and effect. He
declared that the Government had found, and not made, the situation in
Egypt and the Soudan. The Prime Minister "traced all the mischief to
Lord Salisbury's dual control. Though the motive and object had been to
secure a better government for Egypt, a great error had been committed.
The British Government had fulfilled all the obligations imposed upon
them, and they were acting for the benefit of the civilized world.
Reforms had been effected in the judicature, legislature, police, and
military organizations of Egypt; and they were resolved to see all the
vital points recommended carried out by the Khedive's Government. As to
the war in the Soudan, it was hateful to the people of Egypt; and
England declined to have anything to do with the reconquest of the
Soudan.... General Gordon, whom Mr. Gladstone characterized as a hero
and a genius, had been despatched to Khartoum for the purpose of
withdrawing, if possible, in safety the 29,000 soldiers of the Khedive
scattered over the Soudan. The General's mission was not the reconquest
of the Soudan, but its peaceful evacuation, and the reconstruction of
the country, by giving back to the Sultan the ancestral power which had
been suspended during the Egyptian occupation. The Government had to
consider in any steps which they took the danger of thwarting Gordon's
peaceful mission and endangering his life." Mr. Gladstone said that the
policy of the Government was to "rescue and retire." Sir S. Northcote's
resolution was rejected by 311 to 292 votes, showing the growing
strength of the Opposition.
The pacific mission of General Gordon to Khartoum having failed, there
was great solicitude felt for that gallant soldier's welfare and safety.
Sir M. Hicks-Beach offered another vote of censure, complaining of the
dilatory conduct of the Government for not taking steps to secure the
safety of General Gordon. Mr. Gladstone, in reply, admitted the
obligations of the Government to General Gordon, and stated that on
reasonable proof of danger he would be assisted. "The nation would never
grudge adequate efforts for the protection of its agents, but it was the
duty of the Government to consider the treasure, the blood, and the
honor of the country, together with the circumstances of the time, the
season, the climate, and the military difficulties. Conscious of what
their obligations were, they would continue to use their best endeavours
to fulfil them, unmoved by the threats and the captious criticisms of
the Opposition." The proposed censure was defeated.
A conference of European powers was held on Egyptian affairs, but was
abortive; and Mr. Gladstone while announcing that he wished to get out
of Egypt as soon as circumstances would allow, admitted that
institutions, however good, were not likely to survive the withdrawal of
our troops. Lord Northbrook was next despatched by the government on a
mission to Egypt, with the object of rescuing her from her financial
embarrassments, and averting the impending dangers of a national
bankruptcy.
In February, 1884, Mr. Gladstone introduced the Government Franchise
Bill in the House of Commons. It was a great measure and proposed to
complete the work of parliamentary reform by conferring the suffrage
upon every person in the United Kingdom who was the head of a household.
Mr. Gladstone said that the results of the bill would be to add to the
English constituency upwards of 1,300,000 voters; to the Scotch
constituency over 200,000 voters; and to the Irish constituency over
400,000 voters; which would add to the aggregate constituency of the
United Kingdom, which was then 3,000,000 voters, 2,000,000 more, or
nearly twice as many as were added in 1832. The Premier appealed for
union on this great reform, and observed: "Let us hold firmly together,
and success will crown our efforts. You will, as much as any former
Parliament that has conferred great legislative benefits on the nation,
have your reward, and read your history in a nation's eyes; for you will
have deserved all the benefits you will have conferred. You will have
made a strong nation stronger still--stronger in union without, and
stronger against its foes (if and when it has any foes) within; stronger
in union between class and class, and in rallying all classes and
portions of the community in one solid compact mass round the ancient
Throne which it has loved so well, and round the Constitution, now to be
more than ever free and more than ever powerful."
The measure was warmly debated. Besides this opposition there were,
outside of the House, ominous utterances threatening the rejection of
the scheme. Mr. Gladstone, referring to these hostile murmurings, said
that hitherto the attitude of the government had been, in Shakespeare's
words, "Beware of entrance to a quarrel; but, being in, bear it, that
the opposer may beware of thee." He deprecated a quarrel and declared
that the government had done everything to prevent a collision between
the two Houses of Parliament on this question, which would open up a
prospect more serious than any he remembered since the first
Reform Bill.
The House of Lords passed a resolution to the effect that the Lords
would not concur in any measure of reform without having the complete
bill before them, including the redistribution and registration, as well
as an extension of the suffrage. The Premier promised to introduce a
Redistribution Bill in the following session, but Lord Salisbury, since
the death of Lord Beaconsfield, the leader of the Conservative party,
declined to discuss the Redistribution Bill, "with a rope around his
neck," by which he meant a franchise act under which his party must
appeal to the country. Negotiations followed between the Liberal and
Conservative leaders with fruitless results, and the House of Lords
finally passed a resolution that it would be desirable for Parliament to
have an autumn session, to consider the Representation of the People
Bill, in connection with the Redistribution Bill, which the government
had brought before Parliament.
Public meetings were held at various places throughout the country, and
the question of the enlargement of the franchise discussed. The policy
of the Tories was strongly condemned at many large and influential
public gatherings. In August Mr. Gladstone visited Midlothian and
delivered a powerful address in the Edinburgh Corn Exchange. He
explained that the special purpose for which he appeared before his
constituents was to promote, by every legitimate means in his power, the
speedy passage of the Franchise Bill. "The unfortunate rejection of the
measure," he observed, "had already drawn in its train other questions
of the gravest kind, and the vast proportion of the people would soon be
asking whether an organic change was not required in the House of Lords.
He, however, did not believe that the House of Lords had as yet placed
itself in a position of irretrievable error. He believed that it was
possible for it to go back, and to go back with dignity and honor."
With regard to the foreign policy of the Government, which had been
attacked and compared unfavorably with the Midlothian programme of 1879,
Mr. Gladstone defended it with spirit. He expressed his satisfaction
with the expansion of Germany abroad, and reviewed the policy of the
Government in Eastern Europe, Afghanistan, India and South Africa. As to
the Transvaal, he contended that "they were strong and could afford to
be merciful," and that it was not possible without the grossest and most
shameful breach of faith to persist in holding the Boers to annexation,
"when we had pledged ourselves beforehand that they should not be
annexed except with their own good will." In reply to the oft-repeated
question, "What took you to Egypt?" the Premier said: "Honor and
plighted faith." The covenants they were keeping were those entered into
by their Tory predecessors, and most unfortunate and most unwise he
considered them to be. The Government had respected the sovereignty of
the Porte and the title of the European Powers to be concerned in all
matters territorially affecting the Turkish Empire; they had discouraged
the spirit of aggression as well as they could, and had contracted no
embarrassing engagements. Great improvements had been introduced in the
administration of Egypt, but he regretted the total failure of the late
Conference of the Powers to solve the problem of Egyptian finance. With
regard to General Gordon the Government were considering the best means
to be adopted for fulfilling their obligations.
Parliament met in October, 1884. The Franchise Bill was introduced and
sent to the House of Lords, and the Redistribution Bill, upon which a
compromise with the Conservatives had been reached, was presented in the
House of Commons. The measure, as altered, proposed to disfranchise all
boroughs with a population under 15,000, to give only one member to
towns with a population between 15,000 and 50,000, and to take one
member each from the counties of Rutland and Hereford. By this
arrangement one hundred and sixty seats would be "extinguished," which,
with the six seats extinguished before, would be revived and distributed
as follows: "Eight new boroughs would be created, the representation of
London, Liverpool, and other large cities and towns would be greatly
increased, while in dealing with the remainder of the seats
unappropriated, the Government would apply equal electoral areas
throughout the country." The Franchise Bill--a truly democratic
bill---was carried through both Houses, and became a law. The
Redistribution Bill was carried, January, 1885, after animated debate.
Registration measures were also passed for England, Scotland and
Ireland, which received the royal assent May 21st.
January, 1885, Mr. Gladstone wrote a kindly, serious, yet courtly letter
of congratulation to Prince Albert Victor, eldest son of the Prince of
Wales and heir presumptive to the Crown, on the attainment of
his majority.
In the hour of triumph the government was doomed to receive a stunning
blow. The news of the fall of Khartoum and the untimely death of General
Gordon sent a thrill of horror and indignation throughout England. The
government was seriously condemned for its procrastination in not
sending timely relief, for the rescue of the imperiled English. But when
the facts became fully known it was found that no blame could be
attached to Mr. Gladstone, who was himself strongly moved by the death
of General Gordon, whose work and character he highly esteemed. The
Prime Minister was, however, equal to the emergency, and announced that
it was necessary to overthrow the Mahdi at Khartoum, to renew operations
against Osman Digna, and to construct a railway from Suakin to Berber
with a view to a campaign in the fall. The reserves were called out by
royal proclamation.
However, these measures met with opposition. Sir Stafford Northcote
brought forward a motion affirming that the risks and sacrifices which
the government appeared to be ready to encounter could only be justified
by a distinct recognition of England's responsibility for Egypt, and
those portions of the Soudan which were necessary to its security. An
amendment was proposed by Mr. John Morley, but regretting its decision
to continue the conflict with the Mahdi. Mr. Gladstone replied forcibly
to both motion and amendment, and appealed to the Liberal party to
sustain the administration and its policy by an unmistakable vote of
confidence. The government was sustained.
The Great Powers of Europe, in convention for the settlement of the
finances of Egypt, had concluded that it would require a loan of
£9,000,000 to save Egypt from bankruptcy. This loan was to be issued on
an international guarantee, with an international inquiry at the end of
two years into the success of the scheme. This plan of adjustment was
agreed to by the House. A short time after this settlement Mr. Gladstone
announced a vote of credit to provide against any danger from Russian
action, stated that no farther operations would be undertaken either on
the Nile or near Suakin, and that General Graham's campaign would be
abandoned, as well as the construction of the new railway.
Great excitement was created in England by the announcement of the
advance of the Russians on the Indian frontier. March 13th Mr. Gladstone
stated in the House that as the protests formerly made against the
advance of Russia had been allowed to lapse, it had been agreed that
pending the delineation of the frontier there should be no further
advance on either side. In April, however, a conflict occurred between
the Russians and the Afghans, which seemed to indicate that General
Komaroff had committed an act of unprovoked aggression on the Ameer. Mr.
Gladstone moved a vote of credit on the 27th in a speech, whose
eloquence and energy greatly stirred both sides of the House. Happily,
the difficulty with Russia was adjusted by conceding Pendjeh to Russia
in consideration of the surrender of Zulfiker to the Ameer.
The administration of Mr. Gladstone, which had weathered through many
storms, was destined to fall in a wholly unexpected way. When the budget
for 1885 was produced there was a deficit of upwards of a million
pounds, besides the depressed revenue and an estimated expenditure for
the current year of not less than £100,000,000. Mr. Childers, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, proposed to make the taxation upon land
proportionate to that on personal property, and to augment the duties on
spirits and beer. But various interests were antagonized, and opposition
was aroused. The country members demanded that no new taxes be put on
the land until the promised relief of local taxation had been granted.
The agricultural and liquor interests were discontented, as well as the
Scotch and Irish members, with the whisky duty. Concessions were made,
but they failed to reconcile the opposition. A hostile motion was
offered by Sir M. Hicks-Beach, and Mr. Gladstone declared that the
Cabinet would resign if defeated. Many Liberals were absent when the
vote was taken, regarding a majority for the Ministry as certain, but
the amendment was carried June 9th by a vote of 264 to 252, and the
Premier and his colleagues resigned. The Liberals were desirous of
passing a vote of confidence in the administration, but Mr. Gladstone
deprecated this, as he felt the situation to be intolerable, and was
desirous of being relieved from the responsibility of office.
Misfortunes, both in reference to affairs at home and abroad, had fallen
heavily upon the Government, for many of which they were not
responsible, and the Cabinet had been held together chiefly by the
masterly personality of the Premier. Hence it was not without a feeling
of personal satisfaction that Mr. Gladstone transferred the seats of
office to his successor, Lord Salisbury. On his retirement from office
the Queen offered an Earldom to Mr. Gladstone, which he declined. Its
acceptance would have meant burial in the House of Lords, and an end to
his progressive action.
The events that led to the third administration of Mr. Gladstone will
next engage our attention.
The first general election under the New Reform Act was held in
November, 1885. Mr. Gladstone again appealed to his constituents, and,
although nearly seventy-six years of age, spoke with an energy and force
far beyond all his contemporaries. His attitude on the question of
Dis-establishment drew back many wavering Scotch votes. He discussed the
Scotch question at Edinburgh, and said there was no fear of change so
long as England dealt liberally, equitably, and prudently with Ireland,
but demands must be subject to the condition that the unity of the
empire, and all the powers of the Imperial Parliament for maintaining
that authority, must be preserved.
In another address he stated his conviction, that the day had not come
when the Dis-establishment of the Church in Scotland should be made a
test question. The question pressing for settlement by the next
Parliament was land reform, local government, parliamentary procedure,
and the imperial relations between Ireland and England; and every
sensible man would admit that it was right to direct attention to them
rather than to a matter impossible of immediate solution.
At West Calder Mr. Gladstone made an address, in which he "approved Lord
Salisbury's action with regard to Servia, complained of the ministerial
condemnation of Lord Ripon's Indian administration, ridiculed the idea
of benefit resulting from a Royal Commission on trade depression, warned
the electors against remedies which were really worse than the disease,
and defended Free-Trade principles. He furthur advocated comprehensive
land reforms, including free transfer, facility of registration, and the
uprooting of mortmain."
[Illustration: GLADSTONE'S STUDY AT EDWARDEN.]
Mr. Gladstone was returned again for Midlothian by an overwhelming
majority. The elections resulted in the return of 333 Liberals, 249
Conservatives, 86 Parnellites, and 2 Independents. The Liberals thus
secured a substantial triumph. The agricultural districts were faithful
to the Liberals, but they lost in the boroughs. The clergy and the
publicans, and the Parnellites were found "arrayed" in "scandalous
alliance" against the Liberal cause. The Liberal party was just short of
the numbers required to defeat the combined forces of Tories and
Parnellites. Lord Salisbury was retained in office, but the
Conservatives were disunited, and the life of his administration hung by
a thread. The Liberals were strong, hopeful, and united. In Mr.
Chamberlain they had a popular champion of great ability and industry.
December 17, 1885 England was astonished by the appearance of an
anonymous paragraph in the _Times_, affirming that, if Mr. Gladstone
returned to power, he would deal with a liberal hand with the demands of
Home Rule. The author of the paragraph has never been clearly
ascertained, but the atmosphere of mystery with which it was surrounded
was not regarded as becoming, either to such an important policy or to
the personal dignity of the illustrious statesman. A storm of questions,
contradictions, explanations, enthusiasms, and jeremiads followed its
appearance. Mr. Gladstone would neither affirm nor deny, but held his
peace. The question, he said, was one for a responsible Ministry alone
to handle. There was great uncertainty. It was, however, plain that if
Mr. Gladstone should favor Home Rule, the Parnellites would support him,
and the Tories must leave office. But only twelve months before Lord
Shaftesbury wrote: "In a year or so we shall have Home Rule disposed of
(at all hazards), to save us from daily and hourly bores."
The Parliament of 1886 had scarcely opened before the Salisbury
government was defeated upon an amendment to the Queen's address,
affirming the necessity for affording facilities to agricultural
laborers to obtain allotments and small holdings. Some of the leading
Liberals opposed the amendment, but Mr. Gladstone earnestly favored it,
as a recognition of the evils arising from the divorce of so large a
proportion of the population from the land. The Irish and the Liberals
coalesced, and the Government was placed in a minority of seventy-nine,
and Lord Salisbury immediately resigned.
Late at night, January 29, 1886, Sir Henry Ponsonby arrived at Mr.
Gladstone's residence with a summons from the Queen for him to repair to
her at Osborne. On the 1st of February Mr. Gladstone "kissed hands," and
became for the third time Prime Minister of England. The new Premier was
forced to face unusual difficulties, but he finally came to the
conclusion that it was impossible to deal with the Irish question upon
the old stereotyped lines. He was resolved to treat this subject upon
large and generous principles. Accordingly, on the 8th of April, Mr.
Gladstone, in the presence of a crowded House, brought forward his Home
Rule Bill--his bill for the government of Ireland. With certain imperial
reservations and safeguards the bill gave to Ireland what she had long
demanded--the right to make her own laws. The interest in the expected
legislation was so great that members began to arrive at half-past five
in the morning, while sixty of them were so eager to secure seats that
they breakfasted at Westminster.
Mr. Gladstone's new measure was not only opposed by the Conservatives,
but it alienated from the Premier some of the most influential of the
Liberal party. Among the Liberals who opposed the measure were those who
had been the colleagues of Mr. Gladstone only the June before in the
Cabinet--Lord Hartington, Lord Shilborne, Lord Northbrook, Lord Derby
and Lord Carlingford. Mr. Gladstone's forces, however, were reinforced
by Mr. Morley, Lord Herschell and others. May 10th, Mr. Gladstone denied
that he had ever declared Home Rule for Ireland incompatible with
Imperial unity. It was a remedy for social disorder. The policy of the
opposition was coercion, while that of the government was autonomy.
On the 18th of April the Premier presented the Irish Land Purchase Bill,
for the buying out of the Irish landlords, which was intended to come
into operation on the same day as the Home Rule Bill. The object of this
measure was to give to all Irish landowners the option of being bought
out on the terms of the Act, and opening towards the exercise of that
option where their rent was from agricultural land. The State authority
was to be the purchaser, and the occupier was to be the proprietor. The
nominal purchase price was fixed at twenty years' purchase of the net
rental, ascertained by deducting law charges, bad debts, and cost of
management from judicial rent. Where there was no judicial rental the
Land Court could, if it chose, make use of Griffiths' valuation for
coming to a fair decision. To meet the demand for the means of purchase
thus established, Mr. Gladstone proposed to create £50,000,000 three per
cents. The repayment of advances would be secured by a Receiver General,
appointed by and acting upon British authority.
The Land Purchase Bill was also opposed. It was the final cause which
led to the retirement from the government of Mr. Chamberlain, "the able
and enterprising exponent of the new Radicalism." He was soon followed
by Sir George Trevelyan, "who combined the most dignified traditions,
social and literary, of the Whig party with a fervent and stable
Liberalism which the vicissitudes of twenty years had constantly tried
and never found wanting." Mr. Bright also arrayed himself in opposition
to the government, and accused Mr. Gladstone of successfully concealing
his thoughts upon the Irish question in November. Mr. Gladstone replied
that the position of Ireland had changed since 1881.
The debate extended over many nights, and the opposition to the Irish
bills of so many Liberal leaders in every constituency, soon led to
disaffection among the people. What was lost in some districts, however,
was to some extent made up, says an English writer, by "the support of
that very broken reed, the Irish vote, which was destined to pierce the
hand of so many a confiding candidate who leaned upon it." While this
debate was in progress a bill directed against the carrying of arms in
Ireland was introduced and pushed forward rapidly through both Houses,
and became a law.
Mr. Gladstone explained the position of the Cabinet on the Home Rule and
Land Bills at a meeting of Liberals held at the Foreign Office, May
27th. He stated that the Government at present only asked for an
endorsement of the leading principles of the two measures; and in
closing the debate afterwards on the second reading of the Home Rule
Bill, in the House of Commons, he made an eloquent appeal for Ireland.
But all parties were preparing for the conflict, and members of opposite
parties were consolidating themselves for opposition. "The Whigs, under
Lord Hartington, coalesced with the Radicals, under Mr. Chamberlain, and
both together made a working alliance with the Tories. This alliance was
admirably organized in London and in the constituencies."
It seems that the Premier was deceived by his official counsellors of
the Liberal party as to the real condition of affairs respecting Home
Rule and the prospects for the passage of his bills. He did not dream of
defeat, but if by some mischance they would suffer defeat, then he could
appeal to the country with the certainty of being sustained by the
popular vote. This was what Mr. Gladstone hoped, and what he thought he
had the assurance of. But hopes of success began to give way to fears of
defeat as the time drew near to take the vote. However, some still
hopeful prophesied a small majority against the bill--only ten votes at
the most. The Cabinet desperately resolved not to resign if beaten by so
small a majority, but would have some adherent move a vote of
confidence. This they argued would be favored by some opposed to Home
Rule, and the question be deferred to another session, leaving the
Liberals still in office. But these hopes were doomed to be blasted.
Early in the morning of June 8th the momentous division took place, and
it was found that the Government, instead of getting a majority, was
defeated by thirty votes. It was found that ninety-three Liberals had
voted with the majority.
The Premier at once advised the Queen to dissolve Parliament, and though
Her Majesty at first demurred at the trouble of another election within
seven months of the last, and begged Mr. Gladstone to reconsider his
counsel, yet he argued that a general election would cause less trouble
than a year of embittered and fanatical agitation against Home Rule.
Besides, as he said to a colleague, "If we did not dissolve we would be
showing the white feather." Mr. Gladstone finally had his way, the Queen
yielded and Parliament was dissolved June 26, 1886. June 14th Mr.
Gladstone issued an address to the electors of Midlothian, and later
paid a visit to Edinburgh and Glasgow, where he made powerful addresses.
He then spoke at Manchester, and, passing on to Liverpool, he advocated
the cause of Ireland, calling upon the people to "ring out the old, ring
in the new," and to make Ireland not an enemy but a friend.
The result of this appeal to the country was the return of a decided
majority of over a hundred against Home Rule, and thus, after a short
term of five months in office, the third administration of Mr. Gladstone
was brought to a close, and he became again the leader of the
Opposition. The dissolution and appeal to the country was a practical
blunder, but Mr. Gladstone's address to the people was skilfully worded.
He freely admitted that the Irish bills were dead, and asked the
constituencies simply to sanction a principle, and that, too, a very
plain and reasonable one in itself. He invited the people to vote aye or
no to this question: "Whether you will or will not have regard to the
prayer of Ireland for the management by herself of the affairs
specifically and exclusively her own?" The separation of the bare
principle of self-government from the practical difficulties presented
by the bills enabled many Liberals who were opposed to the measures to
support Mr. Gladstone, but the majority of voters failed to make this
distinction, and hence came defeat. The decision of the people was not
regarded as final.
In 1887 the Jubilee of the Queen was celebrated. Fifty years before
Queen Victoria had ascended the throne of England. Mr. and Mrs.
Gladstone celebrated the Queen's Jubilee by giving a treat to all the
inhabitants of the estates of Hawarden, who were of the Queen's age,
which was sixty-eight and upwards. The treat took the shape of a dinner
and tea, served in a large tent erected in front of the castle, and the
guests numbered upwards of two hundred and fifty. The principal toast,
proposed by Mr. Gladstone, was the Queen. He contrasted the jubilee then
being celebrated all over the English-speaking world, with that of
George the Third, which was "a jubilee of the great folks, a jubilee of
corporations and of authorities, a jubilee of the upper classes." On the
other hand, he continued, the Victorian Jubilee was one when "the
population are better fed, better clothed, and better housed--and by a
great deal--than they were fifty years ago, and the great mass of these
happy and blessed changes is associated with the name and action of
the Queen."
In the year of the Queen's Jubilee, 1887, Mr. Gladstone addressed many
gatherings, and at Swansea, where he was the guest of Sir Hussey Vivian,
he spoke to a vast concourse of people, estimated at one
hundred thousand.