Menippus, Socrates, Thoas, and Agapaeus, who now hold the government:
that was quite notorious: one Euphraeus, a man that formerly dwelt here
among you, was laboring for freedom and independence. How this man was
in other respects insulted and trampled on by the people of Oreus, were
long to tell: but a year before the capture, discovering what
Philistides and his accomplices were about, he laid an information
against them for treason. A multitude then combining, having Philip for
their paymaster, and acting under his direction, take Euphraeus off to
prison as a disturber of the public peace. Seeing which, the people of
Oreus, instead of assisting the one and beating the others to death,
with them were not angry, but said his punishment was just, and rejoiced
at it. So the conspirators, having full liberty of action, laid their
schemes and took their measures for the surrender of the city; if any of
the people observed it, they were silent and intimidated, remembering
the treatment of Euphraeus; and so wretched was their condition, that on
the approach of such a calamity none dared to utter a word, until the
enemy drew up before the walls: then some were for defense, others for
betrayal. Since the city was thus basely and wickedly taken, the
traitors have held despotic rule; people who formerly rescued them, and
were ready for any maltreatment of Euphraeus, they have either banished
or put to death; Euphraeus killed himself, proving by deed, that he had
resisted Philip honestly and purely for the good of his countrymen.
What can be the reason--perhaps you wonder--why the Olynthians and
Eretrians and Orites were more indulgent to Philip's advocates than to
their own? The same which operates with you. They who advise for the
best can not always gratify their audience, though they would; for the
safety of the state must be attended to: their opponents by the very
counsel which is agreeable advance Philip's interest. One party required
contribution; the other said there was no necessity: one were for war
and mistrust; the other for peace, until they were ensnared. And so on
for every thing else; (not to dwell on particulars;) the one made
speeches to please for the moment, and gave no annoyance; the other
offered salutary counsel, that was offensive. Many rights did the people
surrender at last, not from any such motive of indulgence or ignorance,
but submitting in the belief that all was lost, Which, by Jupiter and
Apollo, I fear will be your case, when on calculation you see that
nothing can be done. I pray, men of Athens, it may never come to this!
Better die a thousand deaths than render homage to Philip, or sacrifice
any of your faithful counselors. A fine recompense have the people of
Oreus got, for trusting themselves to Philip's friends and spurning
Euphraeus! Finely are the Eretrian commons rewarded, for having driven
away your embassadors and yielded to Clitarchus! Yes; they are slaves,
exposed to the lash and the torture. Finally he spared the Olynthians,
who appointed Lasthenes to command their horse, and expelled
Apollonides! It is folly and cowardice to cherish such hopes, and, while
you take evil counsel and shirk every duty, and even listen to those who
plead for your enemies, to think you inhabit a city of such magnitude,
that you can not suffer any serious misfortune. Yea, and it is
disgraceful to exclaim on any occurrence, when it is too late, "Who
would have expected it? However--this or that should have been done, the
other left undone." Many things could the Olynthians mention now, which,
if foreseen at the time would have prevented their destruction. Many
could the Orites mention, many the Phocians, and each of the ruined
states. But what would it avail them? As long as the vessel is safe,
whether it be great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every man in turn
should exert himself, and prevent its being overturned either by
accident or design: but when the sea hath rolled over it, their efforts
are vain. And we, likewise, O Athenians, while we are safe, with a
magnificent city, plentiful resources, lofty reputation--what [Footnote:
Smead remarks here on the adroitness of the orator, who, instead of
applying the simile of the ship to the administration of the state,
which he felt that his quick-minded hearers had already done, suddenly
interrupts himself with a question, which would naturally occur to the
audience.] must we do? Many of you, [Footnote: _You_, [Greek: _oi
kathaemenoi_]. See my observations in the preface. I can not forbear
noticing the manner in which Francis translates the following [Greek:
_nae Di ero_]. "Let Jupiter be witness, with what integrity I shall
declare my opinion." The original means nothing of the kind. It is rare
that [Greek: _nae Dia_] can be translated literally with effect.
Jacobs here has _wohlan_.] I dare say, have been longing to ask.
Well then, I will tell you; I will move a resolution: pass it, if you
please.
First, let us prepare for our own defense; provide ourselves, I mean,
with ships, money, and troops--for surely, though all other people
consented to be slaves, we at least ought to struggle for freedom. When
we have completed our own preparations and made them apparent to the
Greeks, then let us invite the rest, and send our embassadors every
where with the intelligence, to Peloponnesus, to Rhodes, to Chios, to
the king, I say; (for it concerns his interests, not to let Philip make
universal conquest;) that, if you prevail, you may have partners of your
dangers and expenses, in case of necessity, or at all events that you
may delay the operations. For, since the war is against an individual,
[Footnote: Because a state is a permanent power; a single man is liable
to a variety of accidents, and his power terminates with his life.] not
against the collected power of a state, even this may be useful; as were
the embassies last year to Peloponnesus, and the remonstrances with
which I and Polyeuctus, that excellent man, and Hegesippus, and
Clitomachus, and Lycurgus, and the other envoys went round, and arrested
Philip's progress, so that he neither attacked Ambracia nor started for
Peloponnesus. I say not, however, that you should invite the rest
without adopting measures to protect yourselves: it would be folly,
while you sacrifice your own interest, to profess a regard for that of
strangers, or to alarm others about the future, while for the present
you are unconcerned. I advise not this: I bid you send supplies to the
troops in Chersonesus, and do what else they require; prepare yourselves
and make every effort first, then summon, gather, instruct the rest of
the Greeks. That is the duty of a state possessing a dignity such as
yours. If you imagine that Chalcidians or Megarians will save Greece,
while you run away from the contest, you imagine wrong. Well for any of
those people, if they are safe themselves. This work belongs to you:
this privilege your ancestors bequeathed to you, the prize of many
perilous exertions. But if every one will sit seeking his pleasure, and
studying to be idle himself, never will he find others to do his work,
and more than this, I fear we shall be under the necessity of doing all
that we like not at one time. Were proxies to be had, our inactivity
would have found them long ago; but they are not.
Such are the measures which I advise, which I propose: adopt them, and
even yet, I believe, our prosperity may be re-established. If any man
has better advice to offer, let him communicate it openly. Whatever you
determine, I pray to all the gods for a happy result.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC.
THE ARGUMENT.
The subject of this Oration is the same as the last, viz.,
the necessity of resistance to Philip. The time of its
delivery would appear to have been a little later, while
Philip was yet in Thrace, and before he commenced the siege
of the Propontine towns. No new event is alluded to, except
the seizure of Hermias by the satrap Mentor, the exact date
of which is uncertain. The orator urges here, still more
strongly than he had done in the third Philippic, the
necessity of applying to Persia for assistance. His advice
was followed, and a negotiation was opened with that
monarchy, which led to the effective relief of Perinthus.
There is a remarkable passage in this speech, on the
importance of general unanimity, which seems to imply that
disputes had arisen between the richer and poorer classes,
chiefly in regard to the application of the public revenue.
The view which is here taken on the subject of the Theoric
distributions is so different from the argument in the
Olynthiacs, that modern critics have generally considered
this Oration to be spurious. Another ground for such opinion
is, that it contains various passages borrowed from other
speeches, and not very skillfully put together. Yet the
genuineness seems not to have been doubted by any of the
ancient grammarians.
Believing, men of Athens, that the subject of your consultation is
serious and momentous to the state, I will endeavor to advise what I
think important. Many have been the faults, accumulated for some time
past, which have brought us to this wretched condition; but none is
under the circumstances so distressing as this, men of Athens; that your
minds are alienated from public business; you are attentive just while
you sit listening to some news, afterward you all go away, and, so far
from caring for what you heard, you forget it altogether.
Well; of the extent of Philip's arrogance and ambition, as evinced in
his dealings with every people, you have been informed. That it is not
possible to restrain him in such course by speeches and harangues, no
man can be ignorant: or, if other reasons fail to convince you, reflect
on this. Whenever we have had to discuss our claims, on no occasion have
we been worsted or judged in the wrong; we have still beaten and got the
better of all in argument. But do his affairs go badly on this account,
or ours well? By no means. For as Philip immediately proceeds, with arms
in his hand, to put all he possesses boldly at stake, while we with our
equities, the speakers as well as the hearers, are sitting still,
actions (naturally enough) outstrip words, and people attend not to what
we have argued or may argue, but to what we do, All our doings are not
likely to protect any of our injured neighbors: I need not say more upon
the subject. Therefore, as the states are divided into two parties, one
that would neither hold arbitrary government nor submit to it, but live
under free and equal laws; another desiring to govern their
fellow-citizens, and be subject to some third power, by whose assistance
they hope to accomplish that object; the partisans of Philip, [Footnote:
I agree with Pabst and Auger that [Greek: _ekeinon_] signifies
Philip. Schaefer takes it neutrally.] who desire tyranny and despotism,
have every where prevailed, and I know not whether there is any state
left, besides our own, with a popular constitution firmly established.
And those, that hold the government through him, have prevailed by all
the means efficacious in worldly affairs; principally and mainly, by
having a person to bribe the corruptible; secondly, a point no less
important, by having at their command, at whatever season they required,
an army to put down their opponents. We, men of Athens, are not only in
these respects behindhand; we can not even be awaked; like men that have
drunk mandrake [Footnote: Used for a powerful opiate by the ancients. It
is called Mandragora also in English. See Othello, Act III. Sc. 3.
Not poppy, nor mandragora,
Nor all the drowsy sirups of the world,
Shall ever medicine thee to that sweet sleep
Which thou ow'dst yesterday.]
or some other sleeping potion; and methinks--for I judge the truth must
be spoken--we are by reason thereof held in such disrepute and contempt,
that, among the states in imminent danger, some dispute with us for the
lead, some for the place of congress; others have resolved to defend
themselves separately rather than in union with us.
Why am I so particular in mentioning these things? I seek not to give
offense; so help me all the powers of heaven! I wish, men of Athens, to
make it clear and manifest to you all, that habitual sloth and
indolence, the same in public matters as in private life, is not
immediately felt on every occasion of neglect, but shows itself in the
general result. [Footnote: Auger: "presentent a la fin un total
effrayant."] Look at Serrium and Doriscus; which were first disregarded
after the peace. Their names perhaps are unknown to many of you: yet
your careless abandonment of these lost Thrace and Cersobleptes your
ally. Again, seeing these places neglected and unsupported by you, he
demolished Porthmus, and raised a tyrant in Euboea like a fortress
against Attica. This being disregarded, Megara was very nearly taken.
You were insensible, indifferent to all his aggressions; gave no
intimation that you would not permit their continuance. He purchased
Antrones, [Footnote: A town in Thessaly. We do not know all the details
of Philip's proceedings in that country, but we have seen enough to
know, first under the guise of a protector he was not far short of being
the master of the Thessalian people. Some of these towns were actually
in his possession, as Pherae and Pagasae. But that the Thesssalians were
never entirely subjugated to Macedonia, and still retained a hankering
after independence, was proved at a later period by their desertion of
Antipater.] and not long after had got Oreus into his power. Many
transactions I omit; Pherae, the march against Ambracia, the massacres
at Elis, [Footnote: The Elean exiles, having engaged in their service a
body of the Phocian mercenaries, made an incursion into Elis, but were
repelled. A large number of prisoners were taken and put to death. This
happened B. C. 343. The government of Elis was at that time in the hands
of a Macedonian party.] and numberless others: for I have not entered
upon these details, to enumerate the people whom Philip has oppressed
and wronged, but to show you that Philip will not desist from wronging
all people and pursuing his conquests, until an effort is made to
prevent him.
There are persons whose custom it is, before they hear any speech in the
debate, to ask immediately--"What must we do?"--not with the intention
of doing what they are told (or they would be the most serviceable of
men), but in order to get rid of the speaker. Nevertheless, you should
be advised what to do. First, O my countrymen, you must be firmly
convinced in your minds, that Philip is at war with our state, and has
broken the peace; that, while he is inimical and hostile to the whole of
Athens, to the ground of Athens, and I may add, to the gods in Athens,
(may they exterminate him!) there is nothing which he strives and plots
against so much as our constitution, nothing in the world that he is so
anxious about, as its destruction. And thereunto he is driven in some
sort by necessity. Consider. He wishes for empire: he believes you to be
his only opponents. He has been a long time injuring you, as his own
conscience best informs him; for by means of your possessions, which he
is able to enjoy, he secures all the rest of his kingdom: had he given
up Amphipolis and Potidaea, he would not have deemed himself safe even
in Macedonia. He knows therefore, both that he is plotting against you,
and that you are aware of it; and, supposing you to have common sense,
he judges that you detest him as you ought. Besides these important
considerations, he is assured that, though he became master of every
thing else, nothing can be safe for him while you are under popular
government: should any reverse ever befall him, (and many may happen to
a man,) all who are now under constraint will come for refuge to you.
For you are not inclined yourselves to encroach and usurp dominion; but
famous rather for checking the usurper or depriving him of his
conquests, ever ready to molest the aspirants for empire, and vindicate
the liberty of all nations. He would not like that a free spirit should
proceed from Athens, to watch the occasions of his weakness; nor is such
reasoning foolish or idle. First then you must assume, that he is an
irreconcilable enemy of our constitution and democracy; secondly, you
must be convinced, that all his operations and contrivances are designed
for the injury of our state. None of you can be so silly as to suppose,
that Philip covets those miseries in Thrace, (for what else can one call
Drongilus and Cabyle and Mastira and the places which he is said now to
occupy?) and that to get possession of them he endures hardships and
winters and the utmost peril, but covets not the harbors of Athens, the
docks, the galleys, the silver mines, the revenues of such value, the
place and the glory--never may he or any other man obtain these by the
conquest of our city!--or that he will suffer you to keep these things,
while for the sake of the barley and millet in Thracian caverns he
winters in the midst of horrors. [Footnote: See the note in the Oration
on the Chersonese, page 108, where the same words nearly are repeated.]
Impossible. The object of that and every other enterprise of Philip is,
to become master here.
So should every man be persuaded and convinced; and therefore, I say,
should not call upon your faithful and upright counselor to move a
resolution for war: [Footnote: He deprecates here, as elsewhere, the
factious proceedings of certain opponents, who sought to fasten the
responsibility of a war on the orator, by forcing him to propose a
decree. This (argues Demosthenes) was unnecessary, as they were at war
already.] such were the part of men seeking an enemy to fight with, not
men forwarding the interests of the state. Only see. Suppose for the
first breach of the treaty by Philip, or for the second or third, (for
there is a series of breaches,) any one had made a motion for war with
him, and Philip, just as he has now without such motion, had aided the
Cardians, would not the mover have been sacrificed? [Footnote: Pabst,
following Wolf, takes this in the more limited sense of being carried
off to prison: _ins Gefangniss geworfen_. The English translators,
who have "torn to pieces," understand the word in the same sense that I
do, as meaning generally "destroyed, exterminated."] would not all have
imputed Philip's aid of the Cardians to that cause? Don't then look for
a person to vent your anger on for Philip's trespasses, to throw to
Philip's hirelings to be torn in pieces. Do not, after yourselves voting
for war, dispute with each other, whether you ought or ought not to have
done so. As Philip conducts the war, so resist him: furnish those who
are resisting him now [Footnote: Referring to Diopithes and his troops
in the Chersonese.] with money and what else they demand; pay your
contributions, men of Athens, provide an army, swift-sailing galleys,
horses, transports, all the materials of war. Our present mode of
operation is ridiculous; and by the gods I believe, that Philip could
not wish our republic to take any other course than what ye now pursue.
You miss your time, waste your money, look for a person to manage your
affairs, are discontented, accuse one another. How all this comes about,
I will explain, and how it may cease I will inform you.
Nothing, O men of Athens, have you ever set on foot or contrived rightly
in the beginning: you always follow the event, stop when you are too
late, on any new occurrence prepare and bustle again. But that is not
the way of proceeding. It is never possible with sudden levies to
perform any essential service. You must establish an army, provide
maintenance for it, and paymasters, and commissaries, so ordering it
that the strictest care be taken of your funds; demand from those
officers an account of the expenditure, from your general an account of
the campaign; and leave not the general any excuse for sailing elsewhere
or prosecuting another enterprise. If ye so act and so resolve in
earnest, you will compel Philip to observe a just peace and remain in
his own country, or will contend with him on equal terms; and perhaps,
Athenians, perhaps, as you now inquire what Philip is doing, and whither
marching, so he may be anxious to learn, whither the troops of Athens
are bound, and where they will make their appearance.
Should any man think that these are affairs of great expense and toil
and difficulty, he thinks rightly enough: but let him consider what the
consequences to Athens must be, if she refuse so to act, and he will
find it is our interest to perform our duties cheerfully. Suppose you
had some god for your surety--for certainly no mortal could guarantee a
thing so fortunate--that, although you kept quiet and sacrificed every
thing, Philip would not attack you at last, yet, by Jupiter and all the
gods, it would be disgraceful, unworthy of yourselves, of the dignity of
your state, and the deeds of your ancestors, for the sake of selfish
indolence to abandon the rest of Greece to servitude. For my part, I
would rather die than have advised such a course: however, if any other
man advises it, and can prevail on you, be it so; make no defense,
abandon all. But if no man holds such an opinion, if on the contrary we
all foresee, that, the more we permit Philip to conquer, the more fierce
and formidable an enemy we shall find him, what subterfuge remains? what
excuse for delay? Or when, O Athenians, shall we be willing to act as
becomes us? Peradventure, when there is some necessity. But what may be
called the necessity of freemen is not only come, but past long ago; and
that of slaves you must surely deprecate. What is the difference? To a
freeman shame for what is occurring is the strongest necessity; I know
of none stronger that can be mentioned: to a slave, stripes and bodily
chastisement; abominable things! too shocking to name!