It was the ambition of the elder Schurz that his son, after

graduation from the gymnasium, should enter the famous university at

Bonn. But only a year before Carl’s graduation the father met with

financial disaster which swept away the small savings of years and

left him practically penniless. Carl was seventeen years old and was

entering his last year in the gymnasium; by this disaster all his

hopes and ambitions seemed swept aside. His father, bankrupt, was in

a debtor’s prison. Hurriedly, Carl took leave of his teachers and

friends and returned home, where, by much hard effort, he succeeded

in securing his father’s release.

The question now arose whether or not he must abandon his studies and

take up a new course of life. Next to his family, his ambition for

a literary career was the greatest factor in his life. By leaving

the gymnasium his hopes seemed destroyed beyond remedy; for the

examinations for the university were very difficult and practically

required this final year of study and preparation. Fortunately, his

father in a few months became able again to provide for himself, and

Carl immediately undertook the difficult task of preparing to pass

the graduation examinations at Cologne, which must be accomplished

before he could enter the university. By hard work this was finally

accomplished, and Carl entered the university at Bonn.

German universities have always been known for their student

societies. Too many of these groups of students have had a reputation

only for drinking and senseless dueling; but there are others that

have been marked by a distinct scientific, literary, or musical

tone. Of the latter class was the Buschenschaft Franconia at Bonn;

its members were not men of wealth or noble birth, but in later years

they found high places in the world’s history. And of this society

Carl Schurz was elected a member. It was a group of young men who

were destined greatly to affect his entire life.

But of even greater importance in their effect on the life of Carl

Schurz were certain political conditions in Germany. Early in the

century, after Napoleon’s ill-fated campaign into Russia, the King of

Prussia and the Russian Tsar had called the German people to arms,

promising them a new national union, free political institutions, and

the abolition of arbitrary government. The victories of Leipzig and

Waterloo broke the power of Napoleon, but the years that followed

did not see the promises of the Prussian King fulfilled. In 1814

the Congress of Vienna created an alliance among the German States,

but the organization was composed of kings and princes; there was

no popular representation and no mention of civic rights, a popular

vote, a free press, freedom of assembly, or trial by jury—all of

which were rights desired by the people.

Then followed a bitter period of studied repression of every liberal

tendency, and the advance toward liberal institutions almost ceased.

In 1840, Frederick William IV ascended the Prussian throne. It was

at first believed that he sympathized with the liberal and patriotic

hopes of the people; but it soon became evident that the same policy

would be continued; the demands of the people were refused, and the

press censorship was increased. Discontent with general conditions,

and particularly with absolute kingly power and police despotism,

soon became general, and in 1847 the King convoked a “United Diet” in

Berlin, to consist of members of all the provincial diets. But only

in appearance was this a popular assembly, and no reforms were, or

could be, enacted by it.

Disappointment and discontent followed, and from the mass of people

revolutionary agitators arose, demanding liberation from the rule of

a domineering King. “God, Liberty, Fatherland” was the motto of the

people. Black, red, and gold were the colors of the revolutionists.

Schurz was at the beginning of his university training in the year

1848. It was a year of tremendous import. In France King Louis

Philippe had been driven out and the republic established. The day

seemed to be dawning for the establishment of “German Unity,” or,

in other words, a “constitutional form of government on a broad

democratic basis.”

The Revolution soon took actual form. In Cologne the people met in

the public squares to formulate their demands. All through South

Germany the revolutionary spirit flamed forth. And in Austria a

similar revolution demanded liberty and citizens’ rights.

Meanwhile, great activity in the university town of Bonn burst

forth, and Professor Kinkel, representing the citizens, declared

that the liberties and rights of the German people must be granted

by the princes or taken by force by the people. In Berlin, the King

wavered under the flood of petitions which poured in on him, and

actual fighting between the citizens and the troops, in March, 1849,

resulted in the temporary acquiescence of the King in the popular

demand. But the victory of the people was not followed up and proved

to be short-lived.

Soon, throughout Germany, the realization began to spread that the

revolution of March, which had seemed so glorious, would amount to

little unless action was promptly taken. Soon also it became apparent

that the King would give nothing but promises, and that the people

would be no better off than before. Accordingly, in Frankfurt,

Eisenach, Bonn, Dresden, and other cities, the revolutionists planned

to cast off the yoke of the King, and many bloody fights took place

between the people and the monarch’s Prussian bayonets.

In all this Schurz and his friend Kinkel played an active part. But

the power was on the side of the King, and one by one the small bands

of revolutionists were defeated by the trained Prussian troops.

Schurz had fought with credit in several engagements, and finally,

with many other revolutionists, had taken refuge in the fortress of

Rastatt, which for three weeks held out against the Prussian army

that besieged it. Finally the fortress was compelled to surrender,

and at great peril, Schurz and two companions escaped through a sewer

and, crossing the Rhine by night, sought refuge on French soil.

The Revolution had ended in disaster and Schurz was an exile from

his native land, to which he dared not return. He had fought for the

cause of freedom; he had lost all. But his life was saved. Kinkel

and others of the revolutionists, less fortunate than Schurz, were

condemned to life-imprisonment.

But although Schurz was free, the knowledge that Kinkel was

imprisoned inspired in him the resolve to aid his friend in escaping.

It was dangerous work, for it was necessary for Schurz to return

in disguise to Germany, where, had he been recognized, he would

immediately have suffered Kinkel’s fate. But the loyalty of Schurz to

his friend was rewarded by the final accomplishment of his plans; and

after many exciting adventures Kinkel succeeded in his escape from

prison by lowering himself at night from a window in his cell, by a

rope which Schurz had smuggled in to him. And a few days later the

two men succeeded in reaching the seacoast and took passage on a ship

to England.

For several years Kinkel and his family lived in London, where a

large number of political refugees had gathered. It was a brilliant

gathering, and in these many people of varied accomplishment Carl

Schurz found much to interest him. Here, too, it was that Schurz

found, in the daughter of another German exile, the young woman,

Margaretha Meyer, who a few months later became his wife.

The year 1852 was covered by a gloomy cloud. Throughout all Europe

the Liberal movement seemed suppressed. In France, Louis Napoleon

had made himself Emperor and was recognized by England; the French

Republic was gone. In Italy, Mazzini had fought in vain for a united

country under a free government. Kossuth had fought for the national

independence of Hungary, but had gone into exile, a defeated man.

In Germany, revolutionists had met a similar fate. To Carl Schurz

there seemed but one direction in which he might turn. Far beyond the

Atlantic the United States of America offered a republican government

where the people ruled themselves by popular laws, free to live their

lives and express their thoughts, free from the yokes of kings and

princes. In August, 1852, Schurz and his young wife sailed for New

York.

The first task which Schurz set for himself on his arrival was to

learn in the shortest possible time to speak, read, and write the

English language. Chiefly by reading the newspapers this task was

soon accomplished, and in a very few years there were not many

Americans who could claim a more exact and fluent command of their

own language than he.

Schurz had come to the United States a poor man and an exile, but

he was fortunate in possessing a number of friends who lived in the

larger Eastern cities, and through them he obtained many valuable

introductions and rapidly widened his acquaintanceship, particularly

in political and literary circles.

Since the founding of the Republic slavery had existed in the United

States. Particularly in the Southern states thousands of negro slaves

furnished practically the only labor on the vast plantations and in

the homes of the owners. Against the slowly widening influence of

slavery a small band of anti-slavery men were opposing by every means

at their command the growth of this condition so utterly opposed to

the laws of freedom and civilization. “I saw the decisive contest

rapidly approaching,” wrote Schurz, “and I felt an irresistible

impulse to prepare myself for usefulness, however modest, in the

impending crisis: and to that end I pursued with increased assiduity

my studies of the political history and the social workings of

the Republic, and of the theory and practical workings of its

institutions.”

Schurz had German friends and relatives living in Illinois,

Wisconsin, and Missouri. It seemed to him that, by visiting them, he

would be enabled to see more of the country and study at first-hand

the actual “real America,” which he must thoroughly understand if he

was to take a helpful part in the impending struggle.

During the year 1854, Schurz visited all of the large cities of the

Middle West, and particularly the states of Wisconsin and Missouri,

which were largely settled by Germans. The West attracted him, and

after carefully considering many places, he determined to settle in

the pleasant little village of Watertown, Wisconsin.

In the years of his residence in Watertown, Schurz took up the law as

his profession, and at the same time began actively to participate

in local politics. The large German population in the Western states

was a voting power that was of great importance, and Schurz’s high

standing and reputation made it only natural that he should soon be

chosen as their spokesman and leader.

These were stirring days. The great question of slavery was

uppermost. With the entrance of new territory into the Union, the

question flamed forth with greater violence: would the new states

be free states or slave states? Would the slave-holders or the

anti-slavery men rule the land? Would slavery or freedom dominate?

Schurz flung himself into politics and the anti-slavery party of the

North. With clear vision he realized that slavery must be destroyed,

but that the United States must be preserved; a separation of the

slave states from the Union could not be tolerated; all must be

united in freedom.

Rapidly the reputation of Carl Schurz as a political speaker spread

beyond Wisconsin. He was called to address meetings in neighboring

states, and finally he was summoned even to Boston, to address a

great meeting in the historic Faneuil Hall. In Illinois he met

Abraham Lincoln, soon to hold the office of President of the United

States; everywhere he encountered the leaders in the great Republic,

men of every party and every type of character; the men who were

guiding the steps of the nation.

Throughout the campaign for the election of Abraham Lincoln to the

presidency, Carl Schurz gave his entire energy as a speaker and

organizer, and as a result soon became recognized as a person of

influence in the victorious party. During these months the friendship

of Schurz and Lincoln was strengthened, and other ties with other

men were made, which were to have a strong influence, not only on

Schurz’s own life, but on the history of his adopted country.

On April 12, 1861, the storm which had so long been brewing between

the Northern and Southern states broke with the capture of Fort

Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, by the Confederate forces. For some

time the government of the so-called Confederate States had attempted

to open negotiations with the Federal authorities for a peaceful

separation. But the North had stood firm in the position that at all

costs the Union must be preserved. With the fall of Sumter came the

opening of the Civil War, which for four long years plunged the land

in blood.

Three days later President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for

75,000 volunteers; and on June 10 the Northern troops were repulsed

at Big Bethel, and July 21, were routed at Bull Run. The long war had

begun. During these first months of the war Schurz threw himself into

the work of organizing in New York a regiment of German cavalry; but

his services were considered of even greater value in another kind

of activity, and a few weeks later he was on his way to Madrid, as

United States Minister to Spain.

There is probably no other country in the world where such a rapid

and spectacular progress would be possible. Ten years before, Carl

Schurz was an exile from his native land, a poor newcomer to a

strange country. Now, after this brief period, he was to return to

Europe, the powerful representative of a great republic.

Early in 1862 Schurz returned to the United States. During the

months which he had spent in Spain he had rendered valuable service

in keeping the Spanish government informed of the exact condition

of affairs in the United States, and impressing upon the Spanish

authorities the desirability of maintaining friendly relations with

the North, and an interest in the cause of freedom.

But Schurz was restless in a position of security, no matter how

great its importance, while others were risking their lives for their

country’s cause. “I became convinced,” he said, “that, in such times,

the true place for a young and able-bodied man was in the field,

and not in an easy-chair.” Schurz laid his case before Mr. Lincoln,

and the President agreed to accept his resignation and gave him a

commission in the army.

At the outbreak of the war the Regular Army was very small, its

officers few. Of these officers many had gone over to the army of the

Confederate States. There was great need of officers for the vast

volunteer armies which were being formed, and it became necessary to

select men from civil life, on account of their general intelligence,

and give them appointments as officers. Few of these had any

military experience or particular knowledge of military science.

Because of these conditions, and also because of his brief military

experience in the revolutionary army of 1849, Schurz was appointed a

brigadier-general for immediate service.

His experience during the Civil War included many of the famous

campaigns and battles, and in all of them he played an active and

important part. During the year 1862, Fort Henry and Fort Donelson

were captured by the Union forces, and on March 9, the Monitor,

designed by John Ericsson, defeated the Confederate ironclad

Merrimac. Early in April General Grant won the victory of Shiloh,

and on the 24th of the same month Admiral David G. Farragut ran the

forts below New Orleans with his ships, and captured the city. In the

East during this same period, the Confederate army, under General

Robert E. Lee, pressed forward toward the city of Washington, but

was finally thrown back across the Potomac River after the battle of

Antietam.

In the following year, 1863, the Confederate army under General

Lee again marched North, but was defeated, July 1-3, at the great

battle of Gettysburg. In this battle Schurz took part, and from the

crest of Cemetery Hill watched the Confederate infantry of General

Pickett make their brave charge against the Union forces. Fifteen

thousand strong, in a long close line, with bayonets gleaming in

the sunshine and flags waving in the breeze, the gray-clad soldiers

of the Confederacy appeared from the dark shadows of the woods and

came steadily across a mile of open fields. Under a tremendous fire

from the Union artillery the gray line slowly melted as it advanced,

leaving the soft green of the meadow flecked with gray-clad bodies of

dead and wounded. Closing the gaps, they came steadily on, now lost

behind a low rise of ground, now again in view, their flags still

flying above them. Then, within rifle-range, a cloud of smoke lifted

like fog from the Union guns, and as it floated off on the light

wind, the Union soldiers saw the remnant of Pickett’s brave band

slowly retreating from the field. Although more than a year of war

was to follow, the strength of the Southern offensive was shattered.

On July 4, Vicksburg surrendered to Grant, and in November came the

victories of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. In the following

year were other victories in the battles of the Wilderness and

Spottsylvania. Another drive of the Confederates against Washington

was attempted by General Early, but he was defeated by General

Sheridan in three battles and was forced to withdraw. Then came the

capture of Atlanta and General Sherman’s famous march through Georgia

to the sea. On the water were achieved the victory of the Kearsarge

over the Confederate steamer Alabama, and Admiral Farragut’s

successful passage of the forts at Mobile Bay. In April of the year

1865 came the complete surrender of the armies of the Confederacy.

The Union was preserved; slavery was destroyed.

With the ending of the war, Schurz began again to take an active

part in the political life of the nation, and for a time devoted

himself to a study of the perplexing difficulties which surrounded

the reconstruction of the South, impoverished by years of war and

economically ruined by the emancipation of the slaves.

In the autumn of 1867 he again visited Germany. The high position

which he now held in the great Republic assured him of a welcome, but

the attentions which were heaped upon him were a particular tribute

to the man who had once fled by night. Bismarck, “The Minister” of

Germany, honored him by inviting him to long conferences, in which

he eagerly questioned Schurz concerning the great war in which he had

taken part, and asked many questions about the political and social

conditions of the Republic of which Schurz had become a citizen.

On his return to the United States, Schurz was elected to the United

States Senate, representing the great state of Missouri, where he had

now taken up his residence. “I remember vividly the feelings which

almost oppressed me when I first sat down in my chair in the Senate

Chamber. Now I had actually reached a most exalted public position,

to which my boldest dreams of ambition had hardly dared to aspire.

I was still a young man, just forty. Little more than sixteen years

had elapsed since I had landed on these shores a homeless waif, saved

from the wreck of a revolutionary movement in Europe. Then I was

enfolded in the generous hospitality of the American people, opening

to me, as freely as to its own children, the great opportunities of

the new world. And here I was now, a member of the highest law-making

body of the greatest of republics.”

But a still greater honor was to come. With the election of President

Hayes in 1877, Schurz became the Secretary of the Interior of the

United States. In this high position his ability found ample room for

exercise, and the reforms which he in large measure effected, both in

the civil-service system of appointment—by which men were placed in

government positions as a result of examination on their merits, as

opposed to their appointment regardless of merit but as a political

reward—and in the Bureau of Indian Affairs, were of unusual value to

the nation.

On leaving the Department of the Interior at the close of President

Hayes’s administration, Schurz was confronted by an almost

embarrassing number of positions for his future occupation. For a

time he occupied an editorial position on the New York _Evening

Post_; but he still continued to take an active and important part in

the politics of the day. For some years after his retirement from the

_Post_ he devoted himself to literature, and produced, among other

books, a life of Henry Clay which won high commendation.

After a brief business episode, he again returned to the field

of journalism, and for six years contributed weekly the leading

editorial to _Harper’s Weekly_. Once again he visited Europe; but

old age was growing heavy on his shoulders, and on his return to the

United States he retired each year a little more from the active

fields of politics and journalism which had so long held him, and to

which he had so gladly contributed.

On May 14, 1906, surrounded by his children, the end came. “Es ist

so einfach zu sterben” (it is so simple to die), was his farewell to

those about him. As he lived, so did he die, simply and unafraid.

V

THEODORE THOMAS

_Born in Essen, Germany, 1835_

_Died in Chicago, 1905_

Civilization is a condition of organization; in a nation it is a name

for progress and enlightenment. Literature, art, music, and science

are measures of civilization; so also are agricultural, industrial,

and social progress. All men contributing to the advancement of

civilization are benefactors of mankind. The inventor, the artist,

the physician, the scientist, the manufacturer, the writer, the

explorer, and the musician, all contribute to human happiness and

advancement.

No man who lives for himself alone can add to the progress of the

world. Only they who unselfishly have lived for others deserve the

gratitude of their fellow men. And it is encouraging that, in almost

every case, those men who have accomplished most have sooner or later

received their high rewards.

Probably no nation in all the world has given so much in so short a

time to civilization as the United States. The reason is not far to

seek, for in no other country have such opportunities to accomplish

their fine desires ever been offered to men of ambition and ability;

never has there been so fair a field in which each man might rise as

high as his own strength would carry him.

[Illustration:

_Courtesy of A. C. McClurg & Co._

Theodore Thomas (signature)]

Since the world began, music has been a part of the very life of

every nation. As labor in the shop and field and mine have produced

the material things so necessary for the health and comfort of the

body, so, for the development of the mind and for the happiness of

all people, have painters, sculptors, and musicians contributed their

fairest conceptions, that life might be more beautiful and the world

a better place to live in for all mankind.

In the older European countries music has been handed down for

centuries from father to son. In conditions where music has so

completely become a part of life, great musicians from time to

time have lived and left their lasting contributions. In the older

civilizations there was a fertile field long cultivated for the

ever-increasing growth of music.

In the United States, however, another condition existed. Here was a

new civilization, transplanted by early settlers from beyond the sea.

Here there was no existing civilization developed through centuries.

It was a land to which had come men and women from every nation in

the world, seeking freedom from the rule of kings and a place where

they might live in peace and equality, regardless of their birth.

Each brought with him the civilization of his native land. But much

was lost in the migration; there was no place, at first, for many

elements of European civilization in the busy life of the new world.

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