FIRST QUESTION.

"Why, Mrs. Packard, do you not get a divorce?"

Because, in the first place, I do not want to be a divorced woman; but, on

the contrary, I wish to be a married woman, and have my husband for my

protector; for I do not like this being divorced from my own home. I want

a home to live in, and I prefer the one I have labored twenty one years

myself to procure, and furnished to my own taste and mind. Neither do I

like this being divorced from my own children. I want to live with my dear

children, whom I have borne and nursed, reared and educated, almost

entirely by my own unwearied indefatigable exertions; and I love them,

with all the fondness of a mother's undying love, and no place is home to

me in this wide world without them. And again, I have done nothing to

_deserve_ this exclusion from the rights and privileges of my own dear

home; but on the contrary, my untiring fidelity to the best interests of

my family for twenty-one years of healthful, constant service, having

never been sick during this time so as to require five dollars doctor's

bill to be paid for me or my six children, and having done all the

housework, sewing, nursing, and so forth, of my entire family for

twenty-one years, with no hired girl help, except for only nine months,

during all this long period of constant toil and labor. I say, this

self-sacrifizing devotion to the best interests of my family and home,

deserve and claim a right to be protected in it, at least, so long as my

good conduct continues, instead of being divorced from it, against my own

will or consent. In short, what I want is, _protection in my home_,

instead of a divorce from it. I do not wish to drive Mr. Packard from his

own home, and exclude him from all its rights and privileges--neither do I

want he should treat me in this manner, especially so long as he himself

claims that I have _always_ been a most kind, patient, devoted wife and

mother. He even claims as his justification of his course, that I am so

_good_ a woman, and he _loves_ me so well, that he wants to save me from

fatal errors!

It is my opinions--my religious opinions--and those alone, he makes an

occasion for treating me as he has. He frankly owned to me, that he was

putting me into an Asylum so that my reputation for being an insane person

might destroy the influence of my religious opinions; and I see in one

letter which he wrote to my father, he mentions this as the chief evidence

of my insanity. He writes: "Her many excellences and past services I

highly appreciate; but she says she has widely departed from, or

progressed beyond, her former religious views and sentiments--and I think

it is too true!!" Here is all the insanity he claims, or has attempted to

prove.

Now comes the question: Is this a crime for which I ought to be divorced

from all the comforts and privileges of my own dear home?

To do this,--that is, to get a divorce--would it not be becoming an

accomplice in crime, by doing the very deed which he is so desirous of

having done, namely: to remove me from my family, for fear of the

contaminating influence of my new views? Has a married woman no rights at

all? Can she not even think her own thoughts, and speak her own words,

unless her thoughts and expressions harmonize with those of her husband? I

think it is high time the merits of this question should be practically

tested, on a proper basis, the basis of truth--of facts. And the fact,

that I have been not only practically divorced from my own home and

children, but also incarcerated for three years in a prison, simply for my

religious belief, by the arbitrary will of my husband, ought to raise the

question, as to what are the married woman's rights, and what is her

protection? And it is to this practical issue I have ever striven to force

this question. And this issue I felt might be reached more directly and

promptly by the public mind, by laying the necessities of the case before

the community, and by a direct appeal to them for personal

protection--instead of getting a divorce for my protection. I know that by

so doing, I have run a great risk of losing my liberty again. Still, I

felt that the great cause of married woman's rights might be promoted by

this agitation; and so far as my own feelings were concerned, I felt

willing to suffer even another martyrdom in this cause, if so be, my

sisters in the bonds of marital power might be benefited thereby.

I want and seek protection, _as a married woman_--not divorce, in order to

escape the abuses of marital power--that is, I want protection from the

abuse of marital power, not a divorce from it. I can live in my home with

my husband, if he will only let me do so; but he will not suffer it,

unless I recant my religious belief. Cannot religious bigotry under such

manifestations, receive _some_ check under our government, which is

professedly based on the very principle of religious tolerance to all?

Cannot there be laws enacted by which a married woman can stand on the

same platform as a married man--that is, have an equal right, at least, to

the protection of her inalienable rights? And is not this our petition for

protection founded in justice and humanity?

Is it just to leave the weakest and most defenceless of these two parties

wholly without the shelter of law to shield her, while the strongest and

most independent has all the aid of the legal arm to strengthen his own?

Nay, verily, it is not right or manly for our man government thus to

usurp the whole legal power of self-protection and defence, and leave

confiding, trusting woman wholly at the mercy of this gigantic power. For

perverted men will use this absolute power to abuse the defenceless,

rather than protect them; and abuse of power inevitably leads to the

contempt of its victim. A man who can trample on all the inalienable

rights of his wife, will, by so doing, come to despise her as an

inevitable consequence of wrong doing. Woman, too, is a more spiritual

being than a man, and is therefore a more sensitive being, and a more

patient sufferer than a man; therefore she, more than any other being,

needs protection, and she should find it in that government she has

sacrificed so much to uphold and sustain.

Again, I do not believe in the divorce principle. I say it is a

"Secession" principle. It undermines the very vital principle of our

Union, and saps the very foundation of our social and civil obligations.

For example. Suppose the small, weak and comparatively feeble States in

our Union were not protected by the Government in any of their State

rights, while the large, strong, and powerful ones had their State rights

fully guaranteed and secured to them. Would not this state of the Union

endanger the rights of the defenceless ones? and endanger the Union also?

Could these defenceless States resort to any other means of self-defence

from the usurpation of the powerful States than that of secession? But

secession is death to the Union--death to the principles of love and

harmony which ought to bind the parts in one sacred whole.

Now, I claim that the Marriage Union rests on just this principle, as our

laws now stand. The woman has no alternative of resort from any kind of

abuse from her partner, but divorce, or secession from the Marriage Union.

Now the weak States have rights as well as the strong ones, and it is the

rights of the weak, which the government are especially bound to respect

and defend, to prevent usurpation and its legitimate issue, secession from

the Union. What we want of our government is to prevent this usurpation,

by protecting us equally with our partners, so that we shall not need a

divorce at all.

By equality of rights, I do not mean that woman's rights and man's rights

are one and the same. By no means; we do not want the man's rights, but

simply our own, natural, womanly rights. There are man's rights and

woman's rights. Both different, yet both equally inalienable. There must

be a head in every firm; and the head in the Marriage Firm or Union is the

man, as the Bible and nature both plainly teach. We maintain that the

senior partner, the man, has rights of the greatest importance, as regards

the interests of the marriage firm, which should not only be respected and

protected by our government, but also enforced upon them as an obligation,

if the senior is not self-moved to use his rights practically--and one of

these his rights, is a right to protect his own wife and children. The

junior partner also has rights of equal moment to the interests of the

firm, and one of these is her right to be protected by her senior partner.

Not protected in a prison, but in her own home, as mistress of her own

house, and as a God appointed guardian of her infant children. The

government would then be protecting the marriage union, while it now

practically ignores it.

To make this matter still plainer, suppose this government was under the

control of the female instead of the male influence, and suppose our

female government should enact laws which required the men when they

entered the marriage union to alienate their right to hold their own

property--their right to hold their future earnings--their right to their

own homes--their right to their own offspring, if they should have

any--their right to their personal liberty--and all these rights be passed

over into the hands of their wives for safe keeping, and so long as they

chose to be married men, all their claims on our womanly government for

protection should be abrogated entirely by this marriage contract. Now, I

ask, how many men would venture to get married under these laws? Would

they not be tempted to ignore the marriage laws of our woman government

altogether? Now, gentlemen, we are sorry to own it, this is the very

condition in which your man government places us. We, women, looking from

this very standpoint of sad experience, are tempted to exclaim, where is

the manliness of our man government!

Divorce, I say, then, is in itself an evil--and is only employed as an

evil to avoid a greater one, in many instances. Therefore, instead of

being forced to choose the least of two evils, I would rather reject both

evils, and choose a good thing, that of being protected in my own dear

home from unmerited, unreasonable abuse--a restitution of my rights,

instead of a continuance of this robbery, sanctioned by a divorce.

In short, we desire to live under such laws, as will _oblige_ our husbands

to treat us with decent respect, so long as our good conduct merits it,

and then will they be made to feel a decent regard for us as their

companions and partners, whom the laws protect from their abuse.

Marital Power Exemplified in Mrs. Packard's Trial, and Self-Defence from the Charge of Insanity · 第 51 / 103 题