You will explain to me orally the mythological name of Sorocaba.[76]

Varnhagen narrates in his diary, under date of August 11th, 1855:—“About

1 o’clock Humboldt came, looking well, quite vigorous, in fresh and

lively spirits; when he made a worse impression a short time ago, as

Dirichlet thought, it was the effect of sickness, and is passed now.

First, he spoke of the book of my cousin, which he praised, for which he

thanks him (in a letter). The expression Sorocaba I cannot explain to

him. Humboldt was but recently made a knight of the great Brazilian

order, on account of an arbitration between Brazil and Venezuela,

respecting a large tract of land. ‘Formerly they intended, in Rio de

Janeiro, to arrest me as a dangerous spy, and to send me back to Europe,

the order drawn up for the purpose is still shown there as a curiosity;

now they make me an arbitrator! I, of course, decided for Brazil,

because I wanted the large order; the Republic of Venezuela has none to

confer!’ These words, spoken in the gayest irony, I interrupted with the

exclamation, ‘How times change!’ ‘Yes; the order of arrest, and then the

insignia of the great order!’ ‘Oh, no,’ I replied, ‘I did not think of

this personal affair, but of the historical; formerly the pope was the

general arbitrator!’ Humboldt saw the last volumes of the life of Stein

on my table, and expressed his displeasure on the external arrangement,

the meagreness of the text, and the unsifted character of this book; he

thought that the gold snuff-box, with brilliants, which the King had

already sent to Pertz for these volumes, was entirely too much.

Injustice, crying and mean, perpetrated by Stein against old Prince

Wittgenstein. Pertz, too, he said, was unjust to Wittgenstein. Stein had

not at all been a firm character, no one had changed views and judgments

more easily. (Beyme said the same thing, and adduced instances of it.)

His early liberal ideas on national economy, civil institutions,

commerce, and trades, were a product of the times, which he afterwards

entirely renounced and disputed when the current of opinion set in that

direction. He surrendered his former sentiments so shamefully that his

former friend, Kunth, who remained faithful to them, but also wished to

avoid committing Stein, burned more than three hundred of Stein’s

letters, because, as he thought, they would bring nothing but disgrace

on the revered man, and would show him in the greatest contradiction

with himself. Of the Prince of Prussia, Humboldt said that he had told

every one in St. Petersburg, as well as here, that the war would have

been avoided if Prussia had from the first acted resolutely. The Emperor

Nicholas would have yielded. The imperial family he represented as

harmonious, including the Grand Duke Constantine, who did not seem so

dangerous to him as usually described. The Emperor’s mother used to say

they were all mere children, and that she must remain with them in order

to keep them together. The war was severely felt, business at a

standstill, the country drained of men, the armies not very numerous;

Poland, the Baltic countries, and Finland but weakly garrisoned; the

greater part of their forces was in the Crimea; the losses immense and

irreparable. Gortschakoff reports that the daily combats cost him

180–200 men—a frightful number for a month; that Nesselrode contemplates

a renewal of negotiations, but before that heavy blows would first be

dealt on one side or on the other. Sebastopol itself was by no means

considered out of danger. The Prince has gone from here to Erdmannsdorf

to the King; thence he hastens on to Baden. The King has

Lieutenant-General von Gerlach, with him in Erdmannsdorf, among others,

also Radowitz, in case he is not ‘already tired of him, as happens so

easily.’ Humboldt talks of Radowitz decidedly as of a Jesuit, calls him

Ignatius, mocks him, and jests on him a long time. ‘The great destinies

of Italy’ leave the King very indifferent; but a colored pane of glass,

a quaint device on an old monument, a family name, enlist his greatest

interest, occupy, and amuse him; and for such trifles Radowitz was the

right man! The same is the case with Bunsen, with whom the King

corresponds on theological and patristic curiosities. He has asked him

to write articles in the papers against the Bishop of Mainz; but Bunsen

makes the condition to be allowed to refer in his articles to the

command of the King, since otherwise they would possess neither

influence nor effect. Humboldt thinks Bunsen would not resist a call

hither, even if it was not official, but only a personal one by the

King. The Duke of Coburg-Gotha desires an enlargement of his territory

and a higher title—that of a ‘King of Ostphalia’ is already proposed.

The King jestingly calls him by that title already. He counts upon

England and France, and willingly flatters and accommodates Bonaparte,

who would meet with little difficulty in being the recognised Protector

of a new Rhenish Confederation. So much for Germany and Teutonism. It is

betrayed most assiduously by its sworn defenders. Finally, Humboldt

added: ‘When a man has the misfortune to be compelled to live among such

wretches as this Gerlach, Raumer, and the rest who have crept into this

Court.’... He went from me to the Koethener Strasse to look at a

picture, and left me much excited. I could not keep in mind and write

down one-tenth of all he said.”

Varnhagen adds, on the 12th of August, Humboldt said of the situation of

Prussia, it reminded him of a trial he once heard in Paris; the lawyer

had to ask damages for a box on the ear, and had exclaimed triumphantly

at the close: “Au fond nous n’avons pas reçu le soufflet, nous n’avons

eu que le geste!”

169.

HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _January 13th, 1856_.

Smile, dear friend (you are fully justified!) at the strange lines of

Princess Lieven, and at my troublesome inquiry. Madame de Quitzow, who

has not written to me for twenty-five years, wants to know, whether the

Emperor Paul, in the epoch of his political insanity, had made the

proposition through Kotzebue, that the ministers for foreign affairs

should measure swords personally instead of the armies. I was at that

time (1799 and 1800) in the deltas of South America, and was entirely

ignorant of the anecdote which the Russian Princess now, as it appears

to me, so occidental in her predilections, desires to corroborate. The

obscure researches I have made would seem to lead to the result that the

duel was to be waged not by the ministers but by the monarchs

themselves. I pray you, noble friend, to write me a few lines on what

your excellent memory supplies, and still more I pray you to tell me

consoling words about your health at the return of the injurious cold

weather. Bunsen writes me that he expects a fourth edition of his

letters. Does the great reading demand for this excellent or rather

useful book indicate that the German public is less chloroformed against

action than we had supposed? _Dubito._ The German landlord of a (dicunt)

very dirty hotel, which glories in my name in California for many

years—beside a more cleanly one of “Jenny Lind,”—sends me German

California papers from time to time. In a discourse on the moral and

intellectual state of the English, the French, and the Germans, the

editor recently said: “We Germans are a nation of thinkers, deeply

occupied with the world of ideas, we also have the _great advantage_

before the members of other nations who live here, that we care little

or not at all about civil or political affairs.” Thus we boast on the

shores of the Pacific, buy the “Zeichen der Zeit,” but hardly 5 per cent

of us go to the primary elections. It is inconvenient, we think. With

old love and reverence,

Yours,

A. V. HUMBOLDT.

Was not the young Tyrolese very amiable poet Adolf Pichler (properly

speaking a geologist by trade) with you? I do not believe in peace

during this quite ... or at least uncomfortable humiliating ... ...[77]

year, though certainly in useless diplomatic transactions.

NOTE BY VARNHAGEN.—In the third line stands “Madame de Quitzow,”

clearly a mistake instead of “Madame de Lieven.” What may have been

the reason that that name, here entirely without meaning, should

have protruded itself, cannot be guessed.

LATER NOTE BY VARNHAGEN.—The Princess Lieven is closely connected with

the late Minister Guizot, they even say secretly married to him.

Guizot, pronounced German easily sounds Quitzow, a well-known name

in the Mark. Humboldt, always inclined to jesting, and particularly

here, may have given her this surname—perhaps current already at the

court—with full intention. [This is quite right.]

170.

THE PRINCESS LIEVEN TO HUMBOLDT.

PARIS, _January 8th, 1856_.

You have not forgotten me, my dear Baron. I know that by two kind

messages which Baron Brockhausen brought me from you. I have charged him

to testify my lively gratitude; but I now prefer to express it myself.

On this occasion, it serves me as the passport to a question which I

take the liberty of addressing you.

Can you, who know everything, remember the following fact? In 1799 or

1800, the Emperor Paul took it into his head to propose a combat on a

tilted field, where England, Russia, Austria, and I know not what other

power, should adjust their differences by the persons of their Prime

Ministers, Pitt, Thugut, etc. The task of drawing up this invitation was

assigned to Kotzebue, and the article inserted in the “Hamburg Gazette.”

This is my very distinct recollection. I have not dreamed any part of

it. Could you complete the tradition? I can meet with no one who

remembers it. I have thought you might be able to sustain my memory, and

I hope so still, for I am suspected of having lost my wits.

Paul I. was not such a fool, after all. Do you not consider the follies

of our time much greater? What a chaos? And for what?...

My dear Baron, I live here in a little intimate circle of old friends,

who are your friends also, and who hold you in affectionate remembrance.

What a pleasure we should have in seeing you here, and together

forgetting the troubles of the hour! O that men and things were worth

more at this day! Is this an old woman’s commission with which I trouble

you?

Adieu, my dear Baron. I ask your recollection and regard, and promise a

bountiful return.

Ever yours,

THE PRINCESS LIEVEN.

171.

VARNHAGEN TO HUMBOLDT.

BERLIN, _January 27th, 1856_.

With joyful thanks I profit by your Excellency’s goodness in sending me

the copy of your beautiful response to the deputies of the city of

Berlin. Were it not presumption to praise, where praise has already

become a habit and a superfluity, I should say that the speech is as

full of sterling merit as of noble intention. The brightest passage, to

my mind, is the (I hesitate whether to call it felicitous or masterly)

allusion to the King, in terms so dignified and delicate, so warm and

graceful; and every pure heart must at once acknowledge, that in this

connexion the remark was singularly appropriate and beautiful. In your

Excellency’s last favor, the expression, “Madame de Quitzow,” at first

puzzled me a good deal. But I may boast of having solved the riddle by

the power of the head—as the Jews say, where we speak of cudgelling our

brains—and am constrained to acknowledge that the little sally is not

only a good joke, but proportionably a mild measure of punishment. The

Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar desired to see me; but I found myself chained

down to my rheumatic complaint.

With faithful reverence and most grateful devotion, unalterably your

Excellency’s most obedient,

Letters of Alexander von Humboldt to Varnhagen von Ense. From 1827 to 1858. With extracts from Varnhagen's diaries, and letters of Varnhagen and others to Humboldt · 第 165 / 252 题