Function of the Serjeant at Arms."
[56] The History of Somerset House was with Mr. Pegge a favourite
subject; and to this, with the exception of the two concluding
pages, he had put the finishing hand.
[57] Announced by the Author in his Introduction to Part III. and by
himself very nearly completed for the press.
The further continuation of that interesting work was broken off by
the melancholy accident mentioned in page v.
In the early part of his life Mr. Pegge was a considerable
proficient in Musick. He composed a complete Melo-Drama, both the
words and the musick in score, which still remains in MS. Many
Catches and Glees also, and several of the most popular Songs for
Vauxhall Gardens were written and set to music by him.
His Muse was very fertile; and though his modesty forbade the
avowal, he was the Author of some occasional Prologues and Epilogues
which were favourably received by the Publick: a Prologue,
particularly, spoken by Mr. Yates at Birmingham in 1760, on taking
the Theatre into his own hands; an Epilogue spoken by the same
excellent Actor, at Drury Lane, on his return from France, and
another Epilogue, filled with pertinent allusions to the Game of
Quadrille, spoken by Mrs. Yates, at her Benefit, in three different
seasons, 1769, 1770, and 1774. He was the Author also of a pathetic
Elegy on his own Recovery from a dangerous Illness; and of some
pleasant Tales and Epigrammatic Poems.
His other acknowledged writings were,
1. "An Elegy on the Death of Godfrey Bagnall Clerke, Esq. (late one
of the Representatives in Parliament for the County of Derby), who
died Dec. 26, 1774.[58]"
2. "Memoirs of Edward Capell, Esq."[59]
3. "Illustrations of the Churchwardens' Accompts of St. Michael
Spurrier Gate, York," in the "Illustrations of the Manners and
Expences of Antient Times, 1797."
4. "On a Custom observed by the Lord Lieutenants of Ireland."
(Antiquarian Repertory, Edit. 1809, vol. IV. p. 622.)
5. "Historical Anecdotes of the French Word Carosse." (Ibid. p.
642.)--The two last mentioned Tracts are re-printed in the present
volume.
[58] Of this Elegy Mr. Pegge printed only a few copies to be given
to particular Friends; but, by his permission, it was re-printed for
sale by Mr. Joseph Bradley, of Chesterfield.
[59] See the "Illustrations of Literature," vol. I. p. 427.
Mr. Pegge also superintended through the Press the greater part of
his Father's "History of Beauchief Abbey;" but died before it was
completed.
His only Son, the present Sir Christopher Pegge, was admitted a
Commoner at Christ Church, Oxford, in 1782; took the Degree of B. A.
there in 1786; was elected Fellow of Oriel College in 1788; resigned
his Fellowship in 1790, and was re-admitted of Christ Church, having
been appointed, through favour of the Dean and Chapter, Dr. Lee's
Reader in Anatomy (which situation he resigned in 1816, an asthmatic
complaint having rendered change of residence adviseable); took the
Degrees of M. A. and M. B. 1789, and that of M. D. 1792. He was
elected one of the Physicians to the Radcliffe Infirmary in 1791
(which he resigned in 1803); F. L. S. 1792; F.R.S. 1795; and Fellow
of the College of Physicians 1796; received from his Majesty the
Honour of Knighthood in 1799, and the Dignity of Regius Professor of
Physic in 1801.
Sir Christopher Pegge married, in 1791, Amey, the eldest daughter of
Kenton Couse, Esq. of Whitehall; by whom he has issue one daughter,
Mary, married in 1816 to the Rev. Richard Moore Boultbee, of Merton
College, Oxford (second son of Joseph Boultbee, Esq. of Springfield
House, near Knowle, Warwickshire), and had a daughter, born Dec. 9,
1817.
APPENDIX, No. II.
To RICHARD GOUGH, Esq.
_Whittington, March 17, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
There are no persons in the world to whom so much regard is due,
respecting my late Father's Collections in the literary line, as
to yourself and Mr. Nichols. I daily see obligations, from Books
which you have respectively conferred upon him, which call for every
acknowledgement. I am as daily concerned in looking over papers of
various kinds; and will preserve them all sacredly, and report upon
them when I return to Town, which must be in May or June.
I am labouring to keep possession of this house as long as I can,
and believe I shall be amply indulged; a circumstance which will
enable me to pay every attention to what may be of real use to my
Father's Friends: for, as Botanists allow nothing to be weeds, so I
admit nothing to be waste paper.
What I write to you I mean should be said to Mr. Nichols, with every
kind remembrance. I have only to desire that I may be considered (by
descent at least) as
Your obliged Friend,
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
To Mr. Deputy NICHOLS.
_Whittington, March 30, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
A peck of March dust is said to be worth a King's ransom;--and to
you (who know this house) I may say that I am enveloped in as much
dust[60] as would ransom an Emperor. I shall be in Town at the end
of May at the farthest, and would wish to work double tides in
the History of Beauchief-Abbey while I stay; for I shall find it
necessary to pass as long a Summer as I can here, where (by the new
Rector's leave) I hope to continue till the approach of Winter.
S. PEGGE.
[60] The Books in the Library at Whittington had, probably, not been
dusted for 20 to 30 years.
* * * * *
_Whittington, April 12, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
I am really so much engaged (for I am not half through my Herculean
labour) that I have not leisure to think of my late nearest Friend,
so as to _erect_ any memorial in the Gentleman's Magazine _at
present_.
I have written to Lord Leicester and to Mr. Topham by this post, to
request that I may be _hung up, according to Law_, at the Society of
Antiquaries, in hopes of being honourably cut down, and receiving
Christian Burial. The _Director_[61], I trust, will appear _to
character_ when my Trial comes up. God send me a good deliverance!
What I write to you, I write to Mr. Gough also through you.
Your obliged Friend, &c.
S. PEGGE.
[61] Mr. Gough was then Director of the Society of Antiquaries.
* * * * *
To GEORGE ALLAN, Esq. Darlington.
_Whittington, May 2, 1796._
SIR,
In the course of the last year my late Father (Rev. Dr. Pegge) among
other Books made me a present off "The Northumberland Household
Book;" which he told me (as I since find by his memoranda) was lent
to you. I take the liberty of wishing to have it returned soon,
directed to my Friend Mr. Nichols.
I have heard my Father often speak of you, Sir, with much respect,
and I shall always honour my Father's Friends. I am, &c.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Whittington, May 23, 1796._
SIR,
I thank you for the favour of your Letter, which was anticipated
by a line from Mr. Nichols, advising me that "The Northumberland
Household Book" was safe in his hands. The honourable mention I
hear of my late Father, almost every day, is very gratifying to me,
though I know it is not undeserved on his part. As to Mr. Brander's
Print of my father, I have a very few in London; and one of the
best of them shall be at your service. I cannot think the Print in
the least like my Father; but I have a Painting[62] which is a very
strong resemblance.
Your very obedient humble servant,
S. PEGGE.
[62] This striking resemblance of my worthy old friend Dr. Pegge,
which I have often had the agreeable opportunity of comparing with
the Original when conversing with the good Doctor at Whittington,
is now in the possession of his Grandson, Sir Christopher Pegge;
by whose kind permission a faithful Engraving from it, admirably
executed by Philip Andinet, accompanies the present Publication.
* * * * *
To Mr. NICHOLS.
_Whittington, July 28, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
We left London on Monday the eleventh; but did not _make_
Whittington till last Sunday the 24th inst. We passed part of
Wednesday the 13th, and all the 14th and 15th, at Southwell, with
the new Rector of Whittington, and had a very pleasurable visit. We
next _touched_ at Spital, and as we thought only for three or four
days, but were detained there by _contrary winds_, which _blew_ us
into parties of company and venison.
I am, dear Sir, yours very sincerely, S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_York, Sunday, Sept. 11, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
Where and when this will find you, whether in _Urban_ or in _Sylvan_
scenes, I know not: but the purport of it is to desire that you
would send me (to Whittington) the _last Impression_ of the Family
Pedigree of _Bourne_.
Whether you ever insert it in your _Leicestershire_ or not, I wish
to have it completed, as far as may be, from my own connexion with
it; and because I know that every difficulty is doubled to every
succeeding generation. The Historian of Leicestershire must have had
repeated experience of this circumstance in his investigations.
Yours, &c.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Scotland yard, Feb. 20, 1797._
DEAR SIR,
I am now going seriously to work, to bring the Coins forward by
auction. The whole collection amounts in number to between 1100 and
1200; but of what value the hammer must determine.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_June 10, 1797._
DEAR SIR,
Mr. Gough was so obliging as to mention hopes of seeing us at
Enfield; and I have been for several days on the point of writing to
him a line of thanks, and to express the willingness of the spirit,
and the weakness of the flesh; for, alas! I have got as much gout as
will last me till we go into Derbyshire in the second week in July.
In this situation it would be much to the honour of your humanity to
come and pass an evening with us. I am sure to be found at home.
S. P.
* * * * *
_Scotland yard, June 18, 1797._
DEAR SIR,
I hope this will find you safely returned from your excursion,
and disengaged, as I wish you to pass a _long_ evening with me.
Mr. Bowyer Nichols would tell you that I am now at leisure to go
on with "Beauchief Abbey" for a little while; but without your
assistance, know not how. Send me word what evening you can best
spare, and bring your Son with you, and let it be very _speedily_. I
shall soon put an end to the Session, and this _Printing-ment_ will
be prorogued to the 5th of October, then to meet for dispatch of
business.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_December 7, 1797._
DEAR SIR,
As you are connected with the Representatives of Dr. Farmer, or the
person who acts for them, I wish you would procure a receipt for a
copy of Skelton, which was found in my Father's collection after his
death, and which was evidently Mr. Farmer's property.
As I hear that Dr. Farmer's Library is intended for sale, I should
be glad that this book might be soon restored to the Executors; and
my original wish to return it, may appear from a letter of mine to
Dr. Farmer, dated so long ago as the 4th of February last, which has
probably been found among his papers. I received no answer to it,
which I imputed to his then bad state of health.
Yours, &c.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Harrowgate, Aug. 25, 1799._
DEAR SIR,
Our history, since I saw you, is briefly this. We left London on
the 18th of July, and made a journey of three days to Spital, near
Chesterfield. After resting there, for as many days, we set off for
this place, which we found very full, and made our quarters good
at the humblest house we could find; but with the most comfortable
accommodations that a very uncomfortable place can afford; and
are reconciled to our situation. We dine (_en masse_) about 20 on
the average, keep good hours, and are not pestered with gamblers,
ladies-maids, or lap-dogs. In some houses they dine 120 people!!!
The water of this place is a very strong sulphur, and I believe,
is the most powerful of any in the kingdom. The most quiet of this
sort of houses is much too turbulent for me; besides that it is
difficult for one who cannot walk, or even saunter about, as others
do, to fill up the chasms between meals, except by reading, which
is scarcely practicable here. I find myself, however, tolerably
habituated to noise and talk; and as to the art of doing nothing, I
have made myself perfectly master of it. As a proof of it, I have
been three weeks in writing this letter.
If you ask me how I do? I answer, I don't know at present. I have
experienced much _non_-valescence, and am told _con_-valescence will
follow.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Monday, January 27, 1800._
DEAR SIR,
The Lady[63] mentioned in the enclosed Article is my Niece, who
hopes to open the Ball in the List of Marriages in this Month. I
send also an article for the Obituary[64], the death of a Brother of
my Wife, and whose death has long been expected. I am a lodger in my
own first-floor, with some gout, which will neither lead nor drive;
but I should be very happy to receive a charitable visit of chat in
any evening that you can spare. I do not ask Mr. Bowyer Nichols, as
I cannot encounter more than one person at a time.
Your very sincere friend,
S. PEGGE.
[63] Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. John Bourne, of Spital, was
married, Jan. 1, 1800, to Robert Jennings, Esq. of Hull.
[64] Mr. John Belt, of York, Surgeon, died Jan. 23, 1800.
* * * * *
_March 17, 1800._
DEAR SIR,
Presuming that you are returned from Hinckley, and _have nothing
in the world to do_, I hope you will give us your company in an
evening very soon; for at that time of the day I see nobody else.
Let me hear by one of your _Representatives in Parliament_[65] on
what evening I may expect you, that I may _rectify_ my spirits
accordingly.
Adieu!
S. PEGGE.
[65] So he humourously styled the Printer's Errand Boys.
Hospitium Domini Regis;
OR,
THE HISTORY
OF THE
ROYAL HOUSEHOLD.
INTRODUCTION.
I was led into the following investigation from a natural and kind
of instinctive curiosity, and a desire of knowing what was the
antient state of the Court to which I have the honour, by the favour
of his Grace William the late Duke of Devonshire, to compose a part.
It is obvious to suppose that so large a body must have undergone
various revolutions, and have borne very different complexions
according to times and circumstances: and having occasion to consult
some MSS. in the Lord Chamberlain's Office, by his Lordship's
permission, upon a matter of no consequence to relate, I thought
I discerned, in the course of my search, that materials were to be
found sufficient to furnish out a detail. Having free access to the
use of a large Library, and by the favour of many friends, to whom
I take this opportunity of testifying my obligations, I was enabled
to trace back the state of the Court in darker ages, though but by a
glimmering light.
Notwithstanding ample revenues have always been provided for support
of the dignity and splendour of the Royal House of the Kings of
England, equal, if not perhaps superior, to those of any Court in
Europe, yet we shall find they have varied very much in different
Reigns, as times and circumstances have required; though not always
for laudable reasons. Some of our Kings have been so profuse,
that, either from their extensive liberality, or more frequently
worse inducements, they have thereby lessened the estates of the
Crown so very much, that retrenchments, either in the number or
expence of their Households (and sometimes both) have become the
necessary consequence. Others[66] have found the Crown Revenues so
much contracted at their Accession, that they have been obliged to
demand resumptions of grants made by their immediate Predecessor,
in order to enable themselves to support the Regal dignity with a
proper degree of splendour. Others[67], again, from a wanton spirit
of prodigality, have rendered it necessary for them to resume even
_their own_ grants; a measure equally scandalous to the character of
the Prince, as derogatory to the honour of the Crown.
As to _resumptions_, several of each sort will be seen in the
following sheets, antecedent to the Reformation; and since that
period there have been repeated occasions for _reductions (ex
necessitate rei)_ in the tumultuous reigns of Charles the First,
Charles the Second, and James the Second.
When we speak of the superior magnificence of our own Court, we may
add, that no other makes so liberal appointments to its Officers,
could we know the Establishments of the rest.
[66] Henry II.
[67] William Rufus.
In France they figure away with thousands of livres _per annum_;
but, when these come to be liquidated into pounds sterling, the idea
is lost, and the appointment of a Lord of the Bed-chamber sinks down
into a salary not superior to our Gentlemen Ushers.
In Poland the Officers of the State and Household have no salaries
nor fees[68]; but are content with the honour, unless the King chose
to reward them with a _Starostie_, a kind of Fiefs inherent in the
Crown for this purpose.
[68] See Letters concerning the present state of Poland, printed for
T. Payne, 1773, Letter iii. p. 57.
At the Court of Turin, the salaries of the Officers of the Court
are extremely small, and every way inadequate to their rank.
Frugality and œconomy, exercised in a Royal manner, are the
characteristics of that Court; insomuch as that, if the Officers of
State had not an income arising from their patrimony, their salaries
would not afford them food and raiment[69].
[69] Lord Corke's Letters from Italy, published 1773, p. 52.
The Emperor of Germany has one very singular prerogative, very
inconvenient to the inhabitants of Vienna, that of taking to himself
the _first floor_ of every house in the City (a few privileged
places excepted) for the use of the _Officers of his Court and
Army_; so that, on this account, says my Author[70], "Princes,
Ambassadors, and Nobles, usually inhabit the second stories; and
the third, fourth, and even fifth floors (the houses being large
and high) are well fitted up for the reception of opulent and noble
families." The houses being so large, a single floor suffices for
most of the principal and largest families in the City.
[70] Dr. Burney, in his Present State of Munich, in Germany, vol. I.
pp. 205, 295.
For particulars relative to the Court of Denmark, it may be
sufficient to refer to the account given by Lord Molesworth, who
resided several years as Envoy Extraordinary from King William III.
WILLIAM I.
After that great Revolution called _The Conquest_, it is to be
supposed that a competent part, and that no inconsiderable one,
was allotted for the support of the Dignity of the King's House.
How large the establishment of the Household was, it would be very
difficult to ascertain at this distance of time; but we know that
the Conqueror's Revenues were very great, and that, besides the
public branch of it for the defence of the Kingdom against invasions
from abroad, there must have been an ample residue to maintain the
Court in dignity and magnificence at home. William, as soon as he
was seated on his new Throne, was careful to make a general and
accurate Survey of the whole kingdom, notwithstanding there had
been a Survey taken within less than 200 years by King Alfred, then
remaining at Winchester.[71] But William's jealous caution did
not permit him to trust to this. He saw the necessity there was to
make the most of things; and, looking on money as a necessary means
of maintaining and increasing power, he accumulated as much as he
could, though rather, perhaps, from an ambitious than a covetous
motive; at least his avarice was subservient to his ambition; and he
laid up wealth in his coffers, as he did arms in his magazines, to
be drawn out on proper occasions, for the defence and enlargement of
his dominions[72].
[71] Called Codex Wintoniensis. See Sir John Spelman's Life of
Alfred.
[72] Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 74; edit. 8vo.
In William's Survey, which we call _Domesday Book_, particular
attention was first paid to the King's right; and the _Terra Regis_
(as it was called), which consisted of such lands as either had
belonged to the Crown, or to the King individually, was placed
first; and, upon the whole, 1422[73] manors, or lordships, were
appropriated to the Crown; besides lands and farms, and besides
quit-rents paid out of other subordinate manors. Whether William
assumed to himself and the Crown more than he ought, is hard to
say; but it is to be supposed he was not very sparing or delicate.
The _Terra Regis_ is said to have consisted of such lands as Edward
the Confessor was found to have been possessed of, the alienation
of which was held impious; to which some think William added the
forfeited estates of those who opposed him at the decisive battle of
Hastings[74]; and likewise the lands of such Barons, and others, who
afterwards forsook him. These advantages he might, perhaps, be glad
to take, as they enabled him better to reward his Norman friends
and followers, who were numerous; and furnished him likewise with a
plea to enrich himself, by annexing part of such lands to the Crown,
and distributing the rest, with a reservation of quit-rents and
services. We may add to these, many apparently unjustifiable means
which the Conqueror used to enrich himself, though by the greatness
of the antient Crown-estate, and the feudal profits to which he
was legally entitled, he was already one of the richest Monarchs
in Europe. The Saxon Chronicle says, he omitted no opportunity of
extorting money from his subjects upon the slightest pretext, and
speaks of it as a thing of course[75]. It must be owned, however,
(says Lord Lyttelton) that, if his avarice was insatiably and
unjustly rapacious, it was not meanly parsimonious, nor of that
sordid kind which brings on a Prince dishonour and contempt. He
supported the _dignity of the Crown_ with a _decent magnificence_;
and, though he never was _lavish_, he was sometimes _liberal_[76].
[73] Domesday Book.
[74] Rapin.
[75] "_Pro more suo_, extorsit multum pecuniæ suis subditis
ubicunque haberet aliquem pretextum, sive jure sive aliter."
Chron. Sax. p. 187. In another place the writer says, he extorted
money, "partim justè, maximâ verò ex parte injustè, rebus parùm
urgentibus." p. 191.
[76] Lord Lyttelton's Henry II. vol. i. p. 74.
Thus did the Conqueror leave an ample and splendid revenue to
his Successor, sufficient to maintain his Court in dignity and
magnificence, and adequate to every expence both foreign and
domestic. It is, at this day, almost impossible to discover the
nature and magnitude of William's Household; but most probably,
as it was numerous, it was likewise magnificent; though, perhaps,
composed of Officers and Offices very different from what have been
adopted in succeeding Reigns.
We read of Treasurers, for such a King _must_ have: and in the
next Reign mention is made of Robert Fitz-Hamon, _Gentleman of the
Bed-chamber_[77], who conquered Wales, while William Rufus was
engaged in a war with Scotland, anno 1091; and we afterwards read
of other Officers similar to what we have at present, though the
rudeness of the times rendered most of the offices now in being
unnecessary, which seem to have been added from time to time, as
luxury and refined necessity required, and in conformity to the
pride and ostentatious spirit of the Prince who erected them.
[77] _Gentleman of the Bed-chamber_ means what we now call a _Lord
of the Bed-chamber_; which last is a title of a late introduction.
When the _Gentleman_ was the superior, the next subordinate Officer
was the _Groom_; which last title continues to this day. Had the
first been originally called _Lords_, the latter would probably have
been styled the _Gentleman_. William of Malmsbury speaks of the
_Cubicularius_ in that ridiculous instance of William Rufus's absurd
profusion with respect to the price of a pair of hose; by whom, I
should suppose, he means an inferior Officer of the _Bed-chamber_,
by the rough language he uses to him; no less than calling him a
_son of a whore.--Filî, ait, meretricis._
It is probable, however, that what was wanting in parade, was
equalled by an expence in hospitality, which must, of course,
employ a great many Domestics of different kinds in their several
departments, to which we may suppose were added many of a Military
nature, which the situation of the Conqueror rendered necessary in
his new dominion.
There being but few Placemen in those times, the Court was chiefly
composed of Ecclesiastics, Barons, Knights, and other Military
Gentlemen, led by the hopes of preferment or promotion; and Lord
Lyttelton says, William was always liberal to his Soldiers and to
the Church[78]. The Barons were, at this time of day, the chief
Council of the Realm; they held their Baronies of the King, for
which they were perpetually doing homage; and on these accounts the
Court must have been crowded,--at least much frequented.
[78] Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 74.
As to the internal part of the Court, I mean the Attendants on the
Royal person, we know but very little. King Alfred, however, who
lived 200 years before the Conquest, during his attention to the
Police of his Kingdom in general, did not forget the internal good
government of his Household; for we learn from Ingulphus[79] that
he divided his Attendants into three classes, who were appointed to
wait by turns, _monthly_.
[79] Dividens Familiam in tres Turmas, singulis Turmis singulos
Principes imposuit; et unusquisque Princeps cum suâ Turmâ per unum
mensem in Regis Ministerio Palatium conservavit. Uno mense completo,
exiens ad proprios agros cum suâ Turmâ, propriis negotiis per duorum
mensium spatium intendebat; et interim secundus Princeps per unum
mensem, et tertius Princeps per alium mensem post illum in Regis
Palatio ministrabat: ut postea propriis utilitatibus per duos menses
quælibet Turma vacaret. Hâc revolutione Servorum suorum, totiusque
familiæ suæ rotatione, usus est omni tempore vitæ suæ. Ingulph.
Hist. p. 870.
Whether this mode was continued by his Successors, I do not
learn. William might perhaps reject it as being Saxon, and
adopt a plan similar to the French Court, in compliment to his
Norman adherents. This routine of waiting, not much unlike the
present mode, rendered the service of Alfred's attendants both
œconomical, and agreeable to themselves. Sir John Spelman, in
his Life of King Alfred, supposes that the Officers who are now
called _Quarter-waiters_ are, from their title, a relique of this
mode of waiting established by Alfred. But this (with deference to
the Gentlemen of that Corps) seems to be going too far, and does
not agree with Ingulphus, from whom Sir John takes his account; who
says, that the Officers of King Alfred's Household were divided
into three classes, and that each class waited alternately monthly,
not quarterly; so that no one class waited two consecutive months,
and each would, of course, wait _four months_ in the year, with an
interval of two months between each wait. It is true, they would
renew their waiting once in a quarter of course, from the number of
classes, but no part of them attended for a quarter together; and
I apprehend the Quarter-waiters received their name because they
waited a quarter of a year at a time by turns, as their superiors,
the Daily-waiters, waited daily by turns. Alfred's Household most
resembled the Gentlemen Pensioners in the mode of attendance, who,
to this day, wait in _classes_ quarterly.
I shall now give Sir John Spelman's account at large (as I have
Ingulphus's), where he gives a supposed, and not improbable, reason
for this mode of attendance.
"He [Alfred] having, it seems, observed the course that Solomon
took in preparing timber at Lebanon for the Temple, where thirty
thousand, assigned to the work, went by ten thousand at a time,
wrought there a month, and then returning, stayed two months at
home, until their turn in the fourth month came about again[80]--he,
applying this to his own occasions, ordained the like course in
his attendance, making a triplicate thereof, insomuch that he had
a three-fold shift of all Domestic Officers; each of which were,
by themselves, under the command of a several _Major-domo_[81], or
Master of the Household, who, coming with his servants under his
charge, to wait at Court, stayed there a month, and then returning
home, were supplied by the second ternary, and they again by the
third, until the course coming about, the first of them (after
two months recess at home) did, with the quarter[82], renew their
monthly service at the Court. I should conjecture (continues he)
that the King, for his more honourable attendance, took this course
in point of Royalty and State, there being (as it then stood with
the State) very few men of quality fit to stand before a King,
who, by their fortunes or dependency, were not otherwhere besides
engaged; neither was there, in those times, any great assurance
to be had of any man, unless he were one of such condition, whose
service, when the King was fain to use one month in the quarter,
it was necessary for the common-wealth that he should remit them
the other two months unto their own occasions. Neither used he
this course with some of his Officers only (as there are those who
understand it to have been a course taken only with those of his
Guard), but with all his whole attendance; neither used he it for a
time only, but for his whole life; and I little doubt but that the
use at Court, at this day, of Officers, _Quarter-waiters_, had the
first beginning even from this invention of the King[83]."
[80] Ingulph. ubi supra.
[81] Princeps. Ingulphus, in eod.
[82] This, I suppose, led Sir John into the above supposition about
the Quarter-Waiters.
[83] Spelman's Life of Alfred, edit. Hearne, p. 198.
The Translator of this Life of Alfred into Latin, Dr. Obadiah
Walker, has taken a little latitude in the last sentence of
this passage, and has wandered totally from the mark. His
words are, "Neque multum dubito quin _Dapiferi_ hodierni (quos
_Quarter-waiters_ appellamus) qui per singulos anni quadrantes,
Regi ad _mensam_ ministrant, ab hoc Regis instituto, manarint." Now
it is pretty certain that the Quarter-waiters are not Officers at
all connected, by their post, with the King's _table_, they being a
secondary degree of _Gentlemen Ushers_, called in a grant of Fees
temp. Car. I. (in Rymer's Fœdera) _Ante-Ambulones_. The Doctor
seems, by the word _Dapiferi_, to have confounded them with the
_Sewers_; which is strengthened by the following words, "qui ad
_mensam_ ministrant."
It is allowed that King Alfred enlarged his Household very much;
but, what was the nature and office of the individuals of it, we
shall probably never be able to gather. We may, however, fairly
suppose his Retinue in number, and his Court in splendour, was far
superior to those of any of his Predecessors.
Of the _Conqueror's Court_ we know still less, neither do I learn
that King Alfred's establishment was followed by his immediate
successors; but it is reasonable to suppose that the _Court_, as
well as the _Kingdom_, would be new-modelled, and assume a different
face, upon so great a revolution as that of the Conquest.
WILLIAM RUFUS.
Notwithstanding the fair inheritance left by the Conqueror, equal
to the Regal Dignity, and the exigences of the State, William
Rufus, the successor, not only dissipated the great treasure of
which he was possessed at the demise of his Father, but ran into so
extravagant a profusion of expence, that he was at last obliged to
apply to resources, unwarrantable in themselves, and derogatory to
his Crown and Dignity. The late King's treasures were said to amount
to 60,000_l._; but, according to Henry of Huntingdon[84], who lived
very near the time, to 60,000 pound _weight_ of silver, exclusive of
gold, jewels, plate, and robes; and "the silver money alone (says
Lord Lyttelton[85]), according to the best computation I am able to
make, was equivalent at least to nine hundred thousand pounds of our
money at present:" but this would not suffice; for the Crown-lands,
which were held so sacred by his ancestors, were alienated; and
he was at last compelled, as a dernier resort, to resume his own
grants, a practice now used for the first (but not the last) time,
and a measure equally scandalous and iniquitous. Rufus's ordinary
revenues did not probably exceed those of his Father; but, as he
ran into more needless and wanton expenses, he was necessitated to
make frequent demands upon his people. Considering the influence
of artful Churchmen, in those times of Papal tyranny, over weak
Princes, it is not to be wondered that Rufus should be easily
prevailed upon by Ranulphus, Bishop of Durham[86], who was Master
both of his Councils and his Conscience, to resume his own grants,
though made for valuable considerations; or to take any measure,
however unwarrantable and unprecedented--
"Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum."
[84] Erant autem in Thesauro 60 Mille Libræ Argenti. Lib. vi.
[85] Introduction to the Life of Henry II. The Reader may see his
Lordship's grounds of computation in a long note on this passage.
The Saxon Chronicle says, the King's Treasures were _difficiles
numeratu_, p. 192.
[86] Lord Lyttelton calling him Ralph Flambard, a Norman. Life of
Henry II. vol. i. p. 87, where his character may be seen at large.
Amongst other acts of rapacity, made in a manner necessary by his
former profusion, he kept the See of Canterbury vacant four years
(upon the death of Lanfranc), that he might take the profits to
his own use; nay, he did the same by the Bishoprick of Lincoln,
and all others that became void in his Reign; and at the time of
his death he had in his hands the Sees of Canterbury, Winchester,
Salisbury, twelve[87] rich Abbeys, besides many other Benefices
of less consideration[88]; so little regard has ever been paid to
things _sacred_ by Arbitrary Princes (as our Kings were at that
time) to gratify either their necessities or their passions. But
this was not the worst part of the story; for, not satisfied with
the First-fruits, to which he was entitled,--after he had seized the
vacant Benefices, and pillaged them of every thing valuable (even
to the very Shrines), he sold them publicly to the best bidder,
without regard to merit or capacity[89].
[87] The Saxon Chronicle says but Eleven.
[88] Matthew Paris.
[89] Saxon Chronicle.
After having been led, by the nature of the subject, to speak thus
freely of this King's rapacity, it is but justice to mention an
instance of his generosity. It is related that, two Monks striving
to outbid each other for a rich Abbey, the King perceived a third
standing by, who did not bid any thing; to whom the King addressing
himself, asked "how much _he_ would give?" The Monk replied, "he had
no money, and, if he had, his conscience would not suffer him to lay
it out in that manner:" upon which the King swore his usual oath[90]
"that he best deserved it, and should have it for nothing[91]."
[90] "Per Vultum di Lucca." See Lord Lyttelton's note, vol. i. p.
424, octavo. I have seen a private letter from his Lordship in
defence of his opinion.
[91] Higden.
Though William was thus continually filling his coffers with these
dishonourable and sacrilegious spoils, yet was he avaricious
without frugality, covetous and prodigal at the same time; always
in want, and devising new ways to raise money, however mean and
despicable. I cannot omit one artful and almost ludicrous method
which Rufus practised to raise money, in the war with his brother
Robert, who had engaged the French in his interest. "Under pretence
(says M. Rapin, from Simeon Dunelmensis, Matthew Paris, &c.) that
there was occasion for supplies of men, William Rufus [then in
Normandy] sent orders into England, to raise, with all possible
speed, 20,000 men. In raising this army, such were purposely
taken for soldiers who were well to pass, or to whom it was very
inconvenient to leave their families. When these levies were going
to embark, the King's Treasurer told them, by his order, "that
they might every man return home, upon payment of ten shillings
each." This news was so acceptable to the soldiers, listed thus
against their wills, that there was not one but who was glad to be
dismissed at so easy a rate. By this means William raised the sum
of 10,000_l._ with which he bribed the French to retire. Various
other instances of extortion and rapacity (though not attended with
so much ingenuity as this) might be adduced from the history of
this Reign, recorded by contemporary writers; but enough has been
mentioned to convince us that but little order or decorum is to be
expected within the walls of the Court of so unprincipled a King.
On the contrary, indeed, all writers agree[92] in their accounts of
the dissolute manners of his Household and Adherents, which called
forth rigid edicts in the next Reign, for the suppression of vices
which had grown too flagrant to be removed by reprobation alone. The
crimes laid to the charge of his retinue were, some of them, of the
most serious nature, and required an uncommon exertion of severity;
as we shall see presently. "In the magnificence of his _Court_
and buildings, however, (says Lord Lyttelton[93],) he _greatly_
exceeded any King of that age. But though his profuseness (continues
his Lordship) arose from a noble and generous nature, it must be
accounted rather a vice than a virtue; as, in order to supply the
unbounded extent of it, he was very rapacious. If he had lived long,
his expences would have undone him, and they had brought him some
years before his death into such difficulties, that even if his
temper had not been despotic, his _necessities_ would have rendered
him a Tyrant.
[92] "Ipse namque, et qui ei famulabantur (says Matthew Paris) omnia
rapiebant, omnia conterebant, et subvertebant. Adulteria violenter,
et _impunè_ committebant, quicquid fraudis et nequitiæ antea non
erat, his temporibus pullulavit." Henry of Huntingdon uses nearly
the same, but rather stronger, expressions.
[93] Introduction to History of Henry II.
HENRY I.
After so bad an œconomist (to say no worse of William Rufus),
we may hope to see a more prudent direction of the revenues of the
State, and a less abandoned Retinue about the Royal Person. This
is, however, no great compliment to Henry, who succeeded: for a
moderate character will appear with some degree of lustre, after
one so very much disfigured as that of Rufus. Henry had, without
question, many good qualities. He was a wise and prudent Prince,
and, as the Saxon Chronicle says, "magno honore habitus[94];" but
yet, we shall discover, one of his ruling passions was avarice, when
we come to look nearly into his interior conduct in life. There was
a glaring inconsistency in his very outset; for, soon after his
accession, we find him punishing and imprisoning the abettors of
William Rufus's exactions, and, among the rest, Ranulph Bishop of
Durham, the _Minister_ and instrument of all those oppressive and
unwarrantable measures; and yet, very soon after, we behold Henry
sequestering to his own use the revenues of the Archbishopric of
Canterbury, and keeping them in his hands for five years, after the
example of the very man whose rapacious conduct he had, but just
before, publicly condemned[95]. It is true he recalled many grants
bestowed upon _creatures_ and undeserving persons in the late Reign;
but whether upon motives of justice or avarice I do not determine.
It will be found that he died exceedingly rich for those times (by
whatever means the wealth was amassed); for he did not omit any
opportunity of taxing his subjects, where he could do it with a
tolerable grace, though he did it not in so bare-faced a manner as
Rufus had done. Thus he availed himself of an antient Norman feudal
custom, on occasion of the marrying his eldest daughter[96]. This
custom was not now first established by Henry himself, as some have
supposed[97]; but was one of the antient aids due to the King from
his subjects, and having lain dormant many years, was now revived,
but not introduced otherwise, than that Henry happened to be the
first King, of the Norman race, who married his eldest daughter.
In this he might be justifiable enough; but then he seems to have
laid the tax at a prodigious high rate, for it is said, by some
calculations, to have amounted to upwards of 800,000_l._ sterling.
Among other things, Henry was very attentive to the reformation of
abuses and irregularities that had crept into the _Court_ during the
Reign of his Brother.
[94] Saxon Chronicle, p. 237.
[95] Morem fratris sui Willielmi Regis secutus. Eadmer.
[96] Aide à Fille marier.
[97] Polydore Vergil.
The accounts given of William's Court are surprizing for that
age, when one would suppose our ancestors to have been rough and
unpolished, little addicted to the softer vices, and totally
unacquainted with the effeminacies of succeeding times; but we
find that, notwithstanding men's minds were then so much turned
to war and athletic diversions, excess and sensuality prevailed
in a very scandalous manner among the Nobility, and even among
the Clergy. Vanity, lust, and intemperance, reigned through the
whole kingdom. The men appeared so effeminate in their dress and
manners, that they shewed themselves men in nothing but their
attempts upon the chastity of women[98]. So William of Malmsbury,
speaking of the effeminacy of William Rufus's Court, says,
"Mollitie corporis certare cum fœminis--gressum frangere--gestu
soluto--et latere nudo incedere, Adolescentium specimen erat:
enerves--emolliti--expugnatores alienæ pudicitiæ, prodigi suæ." By
many evidences it appears that a luxury in apparel was very general
among the Nobles and Gentry of that age; even the Nuns were not free
from it.
[98] Eadmer.
The garments of the English, before their intermixture with the
Normans, were generally plain; but they soon adopted the fashions of
these new-comers, and became as magnificent in their dress as their
fortunes could bear[99]. So that we see the French have, ever since
the Conquest, been the standard of the English dress; and though we
often complain of the folly of our times, in adopting French modes,
it appears to be a practice that has existed time immemorial. Lord
Lyttelton informs us (from Ordericus Vitalis) that there was a
revolution in dress in William Rufus's reign, not only in England,
but in all the Western parts of Europe; and that, instead of close
coats, which till then had been used, as most commodious for
exercise and a military life, trailing garments with long sleeves,
after the manner of the Asiaticks, were universally worn. The men
were also very nice in curling and dividing their hair, which,
on the fore-part of their heads, was suffered to grow very long,
but cut short behind[100];--a style of head-dressing, which, if
introduced now, would spoil all the _Macaroni's_ of the age; for
their comfort, however, it may be inferred from hence that similar
beings have long subsisted in some shape or other.
[99] Lord Lyttelton.
[100] Introduction to Life of Henry II.
To return to Henry. We find the reformation of his _Court_ was one
of the first steps towards ingratiating himself with his subjects.
The _Courtiers_, for the most part, sure of impunity, were wont to
tyrannize over the people in a shameful manner. Not content with
every species of oppression, and of secretly attempting the chastity
of women, they gloried in it publicly. To remedy these disorders
in his _Court_, Henry published a very severe edict against all
offenders in general, and particularly against _Adulterers_; and
such as abused their power by oppressing the people, he ordered to
be put to death without mercy. Some who were already notorious on
that account were banished the Court, among whom was Ranulph Bishop
of Durham, who was likewise imprisoned by the advice of the great
Council of the Kingdom[101]. This was in the first year of Henry's
Reign; but it had so little effect, that five years afterwards we
find a _second_ reformation; for, the former proclamation being
ineffectual, it was necessary to publish another, with still greater
penalties; and this severity was unavoidably necessary, to check the
licentiousness that had crept in, from the connivance which offences
of every kind had hitherto met with.
[101] Matthew Paris.
Thus, we see, the dissoluteness of William Rufus's Court did not
die with him; nor is it an easy thing to subdue so many-headed a
monster as Vice in power. When the Magnates set bad examples in
_Courts_, the inferior Officers are always ready to ape them;
and crimes that in the commission are common to all men very soon
descend from the _Prince_ to the _Page_. In the King's progresses
during the late Reign, the _Court_ and its Followers committed many
outrages of a very serious nature, in places where they lodged; such
as extorting money from the hosts who entertained them, and abusing
the chastity of women without restraint. But now the grievance
was become much worse; for Henry's Attendants, in his progresses,
plundered every thing that came in their way; so that the country
was laid waste wherever the King travelled; for which reason people,
when they knew of his approach, left their houses, carrying away
what provisions they could, and sheltering themselves in the woods
and bye-places, for fear their provisions should be taken away by
the King's Purveyors[102]. These things called loudly for redress:
it was therefore made public, by the King's command, that whoever,
belonging to the Court, spoiled any goods of those who entertained
them in these progresses, or abused the persons of their hosts,
should, on proof, have their eyes put out, or their hands and feet
cut off[103]. To us these seem cruel and unwarrantable punishments;
but it must be remembered that, at this day, punishments were not
prescribed, but arbitrary; there was no common law, and but little
statute-law, and nothing to regulate the hand of Justice, which was
directed by caprice, and the temper of the reigning King. Coiners
of false money were grown so numerous and bare-faced, employed and
even protected by the great men about the Court, that this kind
of imposition on the publick became, among the rest, an object of
redress, and the penalty inflicted was the loss of eyes and genitals.
[102] Eadmer.
[103] Eadmer.
Taking the whole together, one must conclude that the profligacy,
and wanton cruelty, of the King's _Suite_ must have been very
enormous, to have required punishments so repugnant to natural
mercy;--but we can but ill judge, at so distant a period, of the
necessity there might be for such severity.
The Kings, in these ages, moved their _Court_ very frequently, and
often to considerable distances; and, as the state of the roads
would not permit them to travel far in a day, they were forced to
accommodate themselves as well as they could at such houses as lay
convenient, there being then no receptacles of a public nature.
These motions of so large a body of people, added to the frequency
of them, were often, of themselves, very oppressive to the Yeomanry,
who were obliged to supply the Court with carts and horses from
place to place; and the abuse the people sustained in this kind of
Purveyance was the occasion of edicts afterward to restrain any from
_taking carriages_ from the subject, for this purpose, except by
the persons authorized and appointed to the office, who were called
the King's _Cart-takers_, a post which is now in being, though out
of use. But, although the Court was not fixed in these times, yet
the Kings generally kept the Feast of Christmas in one place[104],
according to their liking or convenience. The other Feasts they kept
at different places, as it happened, they having Palaces almost
at every considerable place in the Kingdom, _viz._ besides London
and its environs, at York, at Gloucester, Winchester, Salisbury,
Marlborough, Bath, Worcester, and many other places, too numerous
to mention _nominatim_. The great Feasts (together with that of St.
George, after the institution of the Order of the Garter,) were kept
with great solemnity, even so late as the Reign of King ... when the
public observance of them was dropped by the King and Court.
[104] _Pro more_, as the Monkish writers say: though Henry I. does
not appear to have confined himself to keep the Feast of Christmas
at one place. According to the Saxon Chronicle, William I. had
stated places for each Feast; and on these occasions the Kings wore
their Crowns. "Ter gessit [Willielmus] suam Coronam singulis annis
quoties esset in Angliâ; ad _Pascha_ eam gessit in _Winchester;_
ad Pentecosten in _Westminster;_ et ad _Natales_ in _Gloucester_."
Chronic. Saxon. p. 190. So before anno 1085 "Rex _induta Corona_
tenuit Curiam in _Winchester_ ad _Pascha_, atque ita Itinera
instituit ut esset ad _Pentecosten_ apud _Westminster;_ ubi armis
militaribus honoravit filium suum Henricum;" p. 187.
William Rufus was not so uniform. He sometimes held his Court
at one, and sometimes at another; but for the most part the
Easter-Court at Winchester, as his Father had done. At Whitsuntide
1099, he kept his Court for the first time in his new Hall at
Westminster (Saxon Chronicle); for which purpose, I suppose, he
built it. Henry I. was not regular in the places where he kept his
Court, but it was held oftener in Westminster Hall than any where
else, perhaps on account of its novelty and convenience in point of
magnitude, or for greater magnificence. The custom of wearing the
Crown during the celebration of the great Festivals was much left
off, however, after Henry II. It is said to have grown by degrees
into disuse after Henry II. and his Queen, 1136, laid their Crowns
on the Altar, after their third Coronation at Worcester, vowing they
would never wear them again. What the occasion of this vow was,
nobody has told us; and Lord Lyttelton does not even guess at the
reason.
Henry was not wanting in splendour and magnificence on these
occasions. Eadmerus, speaking of one of them, and more might be
produced, says, "Rex Henricus [in Festivitate Pentecostes] _curiam_
suam Lundoniæ in _magnâ_ mundi _gloriâ_, et _diviti apparatu_
celebravit." Wherever the King kept his Court, or indeed wherever
he resided, _there_ was, of course, the general resort of all the
great men of the time, who brought with them, no doubt, large
retinues; and in so great a concourse it is no wonder there should
be many disorderly and abandoned people, in spite of all edicts and
penalties.
Hitherto I have met with very little mention of any Officers
of the _Court_ or _Household_. In this Reign, however, we hear
of William de Tankerville, whom Lord Lyttelton calls, "Henry's
_Great Chamberlain_." The Annotator on M. Rapin calls him
only _Chamberlain_; and Matthew Paris, _Camerarius_; but this
unquestionably means _Treasurer_, or _High Treasurer_, and not
the great Officer we now understand by the _Chamberlain_, or the
_Great Chamberlain_. The Latin term for these is _Cambellanus_,
which Du Cange says, is--"diversus à _Camerario_, penes quem erat
cura _Cameræ_ seu Thesauri Regii--_Cambellano_ autem fuit cura
_Cubiculi_[105]. We have the term _Chamberlain_, in the sense of
_Camerarius_, still preserved in the City of London, where the
Treasurer is called the _Chamberlain_, and the office the _Chamber_;
and indeed this Officer, of every Corporation, is, for the most
part, called the _Chamberlain_. In the account given by the Saxon
Chronicle[106] of the persons who were so unfortunately drowned with
Prince William, King Henry's son, in returning from Normandy, in the
year 1120, it is said there perished "quamplurimi de Regis familiâ,
_Dispensatores_[107], _Cubicularii_[108], _Pincernæ_[109], aliique
Ministri;" indeed all who were on board perished, except one man.
These, it is supposed, were all menial and inferior Officers of the
King's Household; those of a higher rank, and who appertained to the
King's person, probably being on board the same ship with himself.
[105] Du Cange, Gloss. in voce _Cambellanus_.
[106] P. 222.
[107] The _Dispensatores_ should seem to be something like our
Gentlemen of the Buttery, Pantry, &c.; or such as delivered out
provisions of various sorts in their several provinces.
[108] The _Cubicularii_ I have already supposed to mean the inferior
Officers of the Bed-chamber.
[109] The _Pincernæ_, Butlers,--"_Pincerna_, qui Vinum Convivis
miscet;" Du Cange in voce: and _Pincernare_, he says, is "Vinum
prægustare priusquam Principi propinetur;" Idem in voce. So that it
seems to be what we call _A Yeoman of the Mouth_.
STEPHEN.
Stephen, at his accession, found in his Uncle's Treasury upwards of
100,000_l._[110] besides plate and jewels, the fruits of Henry's
rapacity and oppression. As Stephen came in upon a doubtful
title, the people were willing to take this opportunity of
securing themselves against future usurpations and exactions; and
accordingly, after some debate about the succession, when Stephen
was placed on the throne, they imposed a new oath upon their new
King; which imported, that he should fill the vacant Bishoprics,
that he should not seize the Woods which belonged to private
persons, upon frivolous pretences, as his Predecessors had done; but
be content with the Forests which belonged to the two Williams, and
make restitution of such as Henry had usurped. The Bishops, on the
other hand, took a conditional oath, that they would pay allegiance
no longer than he should continue to maintain the privileges of the
Church. All this, and more, Stephen afterwards confirmed by Charter;
but yet it tended only to amuse the people, till he was fully seated
in his Throne, and felt himself a King; for, not many months after
the signing the Charter, wherein he particularly covenants not to
meddle with vacant Bishoprics, do we find that, upon the death of
the Archbishop, he seized the revenues of the See of Canterbury, and
kept them in his hands above two years. It is true, he only followed
the examples of his Predecessors; but with this aggravation, that
Stephen had given the most sacred engagements that can be had
between men, that he would not intermeddle with the revenues of the
vacant Bishoprics, but that they should be sequestered in the hands
of Ecclesiastics till the vacancy was filled. No wonder then that
a King, with so little regard to every tie, however sacred, should
soon be involved in tumultuous scenes of disaffection and revolt. To
heal this wound, and to buy off the reproaches of his subjects (of
whose assistance he foresaw he should soon have occasion, in growing
ruptures with neighbouring Powers), he not only became lavish of
_titles_ and _honours_, but alienated many of the Crown lands, to
secure the interest of such as he thought might be serviceable to
him. But this bounty had not the desired effect: some who accepted
his favours thought them no more than their due; others, who were
passed by, became jealous, and thought themselves neglected, and
soon shewed their resentment, which proved the source of the
approaching troubles. So difficult is it to regain the lost esteem
of a brave and spirited people!
[110] William of Malmesbury; "Æstimabantur denarii fere ad centum
millia libras," p. 179.
One very great error in the politics of the preceding three Kings
was, heaping favours and honours on the Normans, to the exclusion
of the English; by which the affection of the Natives was warped,
the natural security of the Kingdom (the People) divided, and their
hearts turned against the King and his Adherents. The filling the
Court with Normans, and lavishing honours and estates amongst them,
was weakening the attachment of the English to such a degree, that
it became eventually out of the power of the latter to support the
Royal Family when it wanted protection. Stephen, at his accession,
had made large promises to the Barons, to engage them in support of
his weak title to the Throne; and had given them strong assurances
that they should enjoy more privileges and offices under him, than
they had possessed in the Reigns of his Norman Predecessors. These
promises (which, perhaps, were never intended to be performed)
answered Stephen's end, by securing to him the Crown, and were the
sole motive that induced the Barons to concur so warmly in his
interest; and the non-performance was the cause of the general
revolt that happened in a few years. From the time of Stephen's
accession, he had been perpetually reminded by his _Courtiers_ of
his large promises, which he was forced to parry by other still
larger promises, and often by actual grants, to satisfy those that
were most importunate.
Their private resentments were covered with public outside[111]; but
most Writers agree that this was only an ostensible excuse for an
opportunity to gratify their revenge; and that the true reasons of
discontent were, that they did not receive rewards and emoluments
equal to their expectations, and Stephen's promises. The greatest
after-engagements that the King could devise were not, however,
sufficient to secure the allegiance of his Courtiers; every one was
grasping at the same posts, the same estates, the same honours.
Reason has little weight among such claimants; and it is no wonder
that the situation of the parties should kindle a flame that should
spread itself over the whole Kingdom.
[111] The breach of his oath to Matilda.
During so turbulent a period, it is not to be supposed that much
attention should be paid to the interior regulation of the King's
House or Household; it was probably as much distracted as the rest
of the Kingdom. The King being obliged to fly about from place
to place, as the exigency of affairs required, there was little
time to study _State_ and _Magnificence_ in his _Court_. In the
former part of Stephen's Reign his Court was extremely magnificent,
exceeding that of his Predecessors. He held his Court at Easter,
in the first year of his Reign, at London, which was the most
splendid, in every respect, that had yet been seen in England[112].
One may judge a little of the hospitality of the Court in those
days, by the manner of living among the Nobility: for at this time,
and many ages after, the great halls of the castles or principal
manor-houses of the Nobility and Gentry were crowded with vast
numbers of their vassals and tenants, who were daily fed at their
cost. And in houses of inferior rank, upon occasions of feasting,
the floor was strewed with flowers, and the jovial company drank
wine out of gilded horns, and sang songs when they became inebriated
with their liquor[113]. This custom of strewing the floor, in those
days, was a part of the luxury of the times; and _Becket_, when
he was Chancellor, in the next Reign, according to a contemporary
Author[114], ordered his hall to be strewed every day, in the winter
with fresh straw or hay, and in summer with rushes, or green leaves,
fresh gathered; and this reason is given for it, that such Knights
as the benches could not contain might sit on the floor without
dirtying their fine cloaths. But even this rustic simplicity was
mixed with great magnificence in gold and silver plate[115]. This
custom of strewing the rooms extended to the apartments of the Kings
themselves in those days; for in the time of Edward I. "Willielmus
filius Willielmi de Aylesbury tenet tres virgatas terræ ... per
serjeantiam inveniendi _stramen_ ad straminandam cameram Domini
Regis in _Hyeme_ et in _Æstate Herbam_ ad juncandam[116] cameram
suam[117]." It may be observed, further, that there is a relique
of this custom still subsisting; for at Coronations the ground is
strewed with flowers by a person who is upon the establishment,
called the _Herb-strewer_, with an annual salary.
[112] Quâ nunquam fuerat splendidior _in Angliâ_ multitudine,
magnitudine, auro, argento, gemmis, Vestibus, omnimodâ dapsilitate.
Henry of Huntingdon, Lib. viii.
[113] Lord Lyttelton, from John of Salisbury.
[114] Fitzstephen.
[115] Idem. Vide Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 483.
[116] _Juncare_ is properly, to strew with rushes.
[117] Blount's Jocular Tenures.
But the commotions of this Reign even put a stop to these meetings
of the Court and Council[118], and all Royal magnificence was broken
down and defaced. Had it not been for the turbulency of the times,
Stephen might doubtless have kept a very large Household, and a
splendid Court; for, added to the wealth he inherited with the Crown
from his Predecessor, he had large revenues, derived from different
sources; _viz._ the demesnes of the Crown, escheats, feudal profits
from the demesnes of others, fines, aids, and several others; but
the exigency of his affairs, and the situation to which he was
reduced with his Barons, obliged him to give largely, and at last
to resume what he had before given, the price of the dissembled
affection of his Courtiers.
[118] Jam quippe Curiæ solennes, et ornatus Regii Schematis prorsus
evanuerant. Annals of Waverly.
Stephen had liberality, and loved splendour; so that, had he lived
in times more favourable to it, he would, probably, have shone with
great lustre in his _Court_ and _Household_, if we may take the
Court which attended him in his first year, and the magnificence
there exhibited, for a specimen.
King Stephen, being a Foreigner, and an Usurper, might not choose
to ask _Aids_ of the people of England, and it does not appear that
he did. He had two sons, Eustace and William, both of whom lived to
be married, and no doubt were _Knights_, which, according to the
complexion of the times, every person of the least consequence was,
though these Princes do not appear to have received that honour in
England. King Stephen was unpopular; and being embroiled in domestic
wars with his Cousin the Empress Maud, made no demands of _aids_ of
this sort of which we are speaking. His two elder Sons died in his
life-time; and his third, William, was by Henry II. restored to his
titles of Earl of Bolleigne, Surrey, and Mortaine; and dying without
issue, was succeeded by his sister Mary, who, after having been
Abbess of Ramsey, was married to the second son of Theodoric, Earl
of Flanders, who, in her right, was Earl of Bolleigne.
King Stephen, during the internal disquietudes in the Kingdom, was
taken prisoner by _Maud_, the Empress, and afterwards released at
the suit of his Son _Eustace_. It is not said that any sum of money
was paid on the occasion, and indeed it will admit of a question
whether the Norman _aid_, allowed for ransom of the King's Person
if taken prisoner, would extend to such a domestic war. The Kingdom
was divided; and the Title to the Crown suspended, and in such an
unquiet hour, it was difficult for the Nation at large to refuse or
comply.
HENRY II. (PLANTAGENET.)
Henry at his Accession found himself so contracted in his Royal
Revenues, by the imprudence of his immediate Predecessor, Stephen,
that some spirited measures became necessary, to enable him to
support his dignity equal to the Sovereign of a great Kingdom, and
his own wishes.
Henry soon saw that the resumption of several grants made by
Stephen was absolutely necessary; and these having been conferred
on great and powerful men, the measure must be conducted with
firmness and delicacy. In a Treaty made at Winchester, after the
close of the Civil Commotions in the late Reign, after Stephen
had contented himself that Henry, then Duke of Normandy, should
assume the Rights and Power of a King, reserving to himself only
_the Image of the Royal Dignity_, it was stipulated, _inter alia_,
by a separate and secret article, that the King (Stephen) "should
resume what had been alienated to the Nobles, or usurped by them,
of the Royal Demesne[119]." This article was limited to whatever
lands or possessions had belonged to the Crown at the death of
King Henry I.; all which were to be restored, except those that
Stephen had granted to William his Son, or had bestowed on the
Church. Among these resumable gifts were some made by Matilda; for
she too, acting as Sovereign, had followed Stephen's example, in
giving away certain parts of the Estate of the Crown, to reward
her adherents. Add to these, much that had been usurped by the
Barons of both Parties, without any warrant, by the licence of the
times, on unjustifiable pretences[120]. No article of the Treaty
of Winchester was more necessary to be fulfilled than a resumption
of all these alienations, which had been neglected by Stephen,
indigent as he was; for, had this not been now executed, Henry
would have been little better than Stephen, a Sovereign without
a Royal Revenue--"Rex et preterea nihil."--His power would soon
have vanished; and the Barons, having usurped the Crown Lands,
would very soon have contended for the Sovereign Power: and had
not Henry exerted the spirit and conduct which he soon shewed, it
is more than probable the Government of the Kingdom at this period
had sunk into an Aristocracy. Henry, therefore, as soon as he was
well and fully confirmed on the Throne, set about the execution of
this secret article of the Treaty of Winchester, relating to the
alienated lands, which Stephen had neglected. The necessity of this
measure, however arduous and disagreeable in itself, appeared in the
most glaring colours to Henry; for Stephen's extravagance, and the
insatiable demands of his faction, had induced him to alienate so
much of the ancient Demesne of the Crown, that the remaining Estate
was not (as has been said) sufficient to maintain the Royal Dignity.
Royal Cities, and Forts of great consequence, had been also granted
away, which could not be suffered to continue in the hands of the
Nobles, without endangering the peace of the Kingdom. Policy and Law
concurred in demanding these concessions back again. The Antient
Demesne of the Crown was held so very sacred, and so inalienable,
that no length of time could give a right of prescription to any
other possessors, even by virtue of grants from the Crown, against
the claim of succeeding Princes[121]. William Rufus made grants, and
revoked them at pleasure, to supply his extravagance and ridiculous
humour. This was base and unmanly. Henry's resumptions neither
impeached his generosity nor his justice. The grants he reclaimed
were such as sound policy and the exigencies of the State demanded,
being made by a weak Prince in embarrassed situations; as they were
all of no earlier date than the Reign of King Stephen, and had not
been transmitted down through several generations. Foreseeing,
however, that this step would raise much discontent in those who
were to be affected by it, who were numerous and powerful, Henry was
cautious not to act without a legal sanction, and the approbation
of his Council. He therefore summoned a Parliament, wherein almost
all his Nobles were present; and having properly laid before them
the wants of the Crown, the losses it had suffered, the illegality
of the grants, and the urgent necessity of a speedy resumption;
obtained their concurrence to it, and proceeded to put it into
immediate execution. The vigour of his government was such, that he
met with less opposition than he had reason to expect; very near
all that had been granted to Laymen, or usurped by them, from the
Royal Demesne, was surrendered to him without bloodshed, after a
little delay, and some ineffectual marks of reluctance in a few of
the greatest Barons[122]. The cause assigned for these resumptions
was not a defect in the title of the grantor, nor any unworthiness
in the grantee, but the apparent and indispensable necessity
of recovering the just and inseparable Rights of the Crown. No
distinction was made between the grants of Stephen and Matilda;
for that would have carried an appearance of Henry's acting from
motives, not of Royal economy and public expediency, but of party
revenge; and by this equal and impartial proceeding, he left the
adherents of Stephen no reason to complain. In the course of this
business, however, Henry was once very near losing his life; for
Roger de Mortimer would not submit, which obliged Henry, incensed by
his obstinacy, to lead an army against him, with which he assaulted,
among others, the castle of Bridgnorth, in Shropshire, which was
defended by Mortimer himself. Henry commanded in person, and exposed
himself to so much danger, that he would have been infallibly slain,
if a faithful vassal (Hubert de St. Clare[123]) who stood by his
side, had not preferred the King's life to his own; for, seeing an
arrow aimed at Henry by one of Mortimer's archers, he stepped before
him, and received it in his own breast. The wound proved mortal,
and he expired in Henry's arms; recommending his daughter, an only
child, and an infant, to the care of that Prince[124]. It is hard
to say which deserves the most admiration (continues my Noble
Author[125]) a subject who died to save his King, or a King whose
personal virtues could render his safety so dear to a subject whom
he had not obliged by any extraordinary favours[126].
[119] Lord Lyttelton.
[120] Lord Lyttelton.
[121] Lord Lyttelton.
[122] Lord Lyttelton.
[123] Constable or Governor of Colchester Castle.
[124] The daughter was educated by Henry with all the affection he
owed to the memory of her father, and was afterwards married to a
Nobleman of great distinction.
[125] Lord Lyttelton.
[126] A very similar circumstance happened in our times in Poland.
The King, anno 1771, being shot at with arrows by the Regicides, H.
Butzau, a Hussar, interposed, and received the arrows in his own
breast, of which wounds he died. The King erected a monument (1773)
to his memory. See the public prints of the years 1771 and 1773.
Henry, now firmly seated on his Throne, possessed of an ample Royal
Revenue, confirmed the Charter of his Grandfather, Henry I; but, not
content only to restore good Laws, he enforced a due execution of
them. This Reign is so pregnant with interesting events, and shining
transactions of a public nature, that it is no wonder Historians
are silent as to lesser matters, such as the internal direction of
his _Court_; but there is, I think, little question to be made but
that it was magnificent; and as England became in his Reign one
of the most powerful States in Europe, one would infer that his
_Court_ was likewise equal (at least) to any other in dignity and
splendour. He entertained at one time, in his Palace at Westminster,
the several Ambassadors of Manuel, Emperor of Constantinople; of
Frederic, Emperor of the Romans; of William, Archbishop of Triers;
of the Duke of Saxony; and of Philip, Earl of Flanders: an uncommon
resort in these days, who, doubtless, were attracted by the power
of the King, and both received from, and added, lustre to the
brilliancy and magnificence of his Court[127].
[127] Speed, p. 519.
Lord Lyttelton, after giving an account of his person and temper,
speaking of his munificence, says, he assigned the tenth part of
the Provisions of his _Household_ to be constantly given in daily
alms to the poor; which one must imagine to have been a very
considerable donation, considering the hospitable manner of living
in those days. "His own table (continues his Lordship) was frugal,
his diet plain, and in his dress he affected the utmost simplicity,
disliking all ornaments which might encumber him in his exercise, or
shew an effeminate regard to his person." He introduced the Angevin
fashion of wearing short cloaks or mantles (contrary to the mode
that prevailed in William Rufus's Reign), which he himself had worn
from his childhood, and from which he obtained the sobriquet, or
nick-name, of Court-Mantle[128]. In this he would soon be followed
by his Court, and the People; for it is every day seen how fast
the fashions of the Great descend into the remotest parts of the
Kingdom. Lord Lyttelton, however, observes, that the long garments
introduced temp. Will. Rufus, were not wholly laid aside; so that
Henry's fashion did not prevail universally[129]. The use of silk
made by silk-worms (the _Bombycina_) was brought hither from Sicily
about this time; there was also a costly stuff at this day in great
request here, called in Latin _Aurifrisium_. What it was called in
English, Mr. Camden declares himself ignorant[130]; but supposes it
_not_ to mean Embroidery, although, by other testimonies, _that_ was
much worn by the Nobility, and was termed in Latin _Opera Phrigia_,
and the corruption seems very easy and allowable. "Whatever it was,"
says he, "it was much desired by the Popes, and highly esteemed in
Italy."
[128] _i.e._ Short Mantle.--"Ab Infantiâ vocabatur Henricus
_Curtmantell_, nam iste primus omnium _curta mantella_ ab Andegaviâ
(Anjou) in Angliam transvexit." Brompton, p. 1150.
[129] Vide note to vol. iii. octavo.
[130] Camden's Remains, p. 194.
Hitherto I have not been able to learn any thing concerning Henry's
_Household_, or the internal disposition of his Family. He appears
himself to have lived in a great degree of familiarity with his
Courtiers, whom he honoured with his intimacy; and would frequently
unbend, and lay aside the King, and was fond of the _desipere in
loco_. But "his good humour and jocularity," says Lord Lyttelton,
"seems to have been sometimes too _playful in the eye of the
public_; and to have carried him into things that were _infra_
_dignitatem_[131]." In a note on this passage, his Lordship gives
a pleasant story, which I shall relate, to relieve the Reader, and
certainly cannot do it better than in his Lordship's own words, from
Fitz-Stephen's Life of Archbishop Becket. "As the King and Becket,
his Chancellor[132], were riding together through the streets of
London, in cold and stormy weather, the King saw, coming towards
them, a poor old man, in a thin coat, worn to tatters. Would it not
be a great charity (said he to the Chancellor) to give this naked
wretch, who is so needy and infirm, a good warm cloak? Certainly,
answered that Minister; and you do the duty of a King, in turning
your eyes and thoughts to such objects. While they were thus
talking, the man came near; the King asked him if he wished to have
a good cloak? and, turning to the Chancellor, said,--_You shall have
the merit of this good deed of charity_; then suddenly laying hold
on a fine new scarlet cloak, lined with fur, which Becket had on,
he tried to pull it from him, and, after some struggle, in which
they had both like to have fallen from their horses, prevailed.
The poor man had the cloak, and the Courtiers laughed, like good
Courtiers, at the pleasantry of the King[133]."
[131] Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 40.
[132] He was not then Archbishop.
[133] Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 311.
King Henry II. in the early part of his life, was in a very doubtful
situation with regard to his accession to the Crown of England,
which depended upon the success of his Mother, the Empress, against
the Usurper, King Stephen. As soon, however, as he attained his
_sixteenth_ year, A. D. 1149, he came over into England; and at
Carlisle, where his Great Uncle David, King of Scots, then lay, was
by him made a Knight, among several others of equal age, at the
feast of Pentecost[134], and for which no _Aid_ could be demanded.
[134] Gervas. Dorob. inter Decem Scriptores, col. 1366.
His issue, which is all that concerns the matter before us,
consisted of four Sons: Henry, Richard, Geoffrey, and John; and
three Daughters, Maud, Alianor, and Joan.
It is difficult, in a Reign where the subjects were so loaded with
taxations of every kind, and so generally and indiscriminately
imposed, to separate any particular charge from the aggregate.
Henry was a Prince that would not forego his rights and privileges;
and, as his Children were all natives of England, would doubtless
avail himself of such laws and indulgences as he found established,
and as would operate in his favour on their account. It does not
appear, upon the face of common history, that any _Aid_ was paid
for the _Knighthood_ of his eldest Son, though I have not the
least doubt but that it was comprehended in some of those numerous
subsidies, tallages, &c. which he levied, from time to time, on
his subjects, for his transfretations (to use a Monkish word) into
foreign parts. There is some ground for the surmise that the charge
might be enveloped in some of those exactions; for, though there
was a national contribution or _Aid_ demanded for the marriage of
one of his daughters, yet it does not transpire but in a general
Inquisition for the purpose of discoverig what monies had been
received, in every County, by the Sheriffs, &c. This was effected by
Itinerant Justices, who were dispatched over the whole Kingdom; and,
among other articles contained in their general commission, they
were directed to inquire--"concerning the _Aid_ to marry the King's
Daughter, what was received in every hundred, in every township, and
of every man, and who received it[135]." This took place in the year
1170, in the sixteenth year of the King's Reign.
[135] From Brady's History, p. 309, who cites Gervas. Dorob. col.
1410.
With regard to this King's _transfretations_, as I have called
them, he was not contented with mere feudal contributions in lieu
of personal service; but, upon a rupture with France, respecting
settlements upon an intended marriage between two Sons of Henry
(Henry, the then eldest, and Richard, the then second Son) with two
Daughters of France; the King commanded all his _Tenants in capite_,
Earls, Barons, and Knights, to attend him in person, properly
prepared with horse and arms, who were to serve a whole year in
Normandy at their own charge[136].
To conclude all I have to observe upon the subject of exactions
towards the King's expences in foreign wars, when he passed
_outre-mer_; I can but remark one, which fell not a little heavy on
the subject, imputable indeed to the religious frenzy of the times,
which was occasioned by a joint resolution of _Henry of England_ and
_Philip of France_ to go to the relief of _Jerusalem_, in what is
known by the name of the _Holy War_. These levies were made in the
most oppressive manner; every one who _did not_ go in person being
taxed to the extent of his property real and personal; and this was
not called an _Aid_, a _Subsidy_, or a _Tallage_, but (forsooth!)
an ALMS[137]. It ought not to be forgotten that those who _did_ go,
whether Clerk or Layman, were to have a free pardon of all sins
repented of; and their securities were God, St. Peter, St. Paul, and
the Pope[138].
[136] Brady, 330; A. D. 1177.
[137] Consult Brady, who gives authorities, p. 344.
[138] Ibid.
RICHARD I.
The following Reign is too full of the business of the Holy War,
with which Richard was, above all men, most infatuated, to afford
much matter for our purpose. Henry had, by the good government and
direction of his revenues, left behind him great treasures; but
these, or ten times as much, would not answer the purpose of his
Successor, who ransacked every corner of his Kingdom for money
to carry on this work of zeal, which had seized all Christendom,
whereby Richard, on the Throne of a great and opulent Kingdom,
thought he saw so fair a prospect of reaping honour and renown.
Henry left in his treasury at Winchester more than nine hundred
thousand pounds[139], besides jewels, and other valuable
things[140]; but this would go but a very little way towards
recovering Jerusalem, which had been taken, and was now in the
hands of the Saracens. Before the death of Henry, Richard had bound
himself in a vow to Philip of France, to join in this undertaking;
and every one, _ad Regis exemplum_, strove either to go in person,
or to supply money towards the expence of the expedition. Nothing,
however sacred, could withstand Richard, in his schemes to raise
money for this purpose. Most of the Crown lands which Henry had,
with so much prudence and address, but a few years before, recovered
out of private hands, and annexed to the State, were again put
up to public sale, to be purchased by such as were able. Every
expedient was devised, to create a fund for this enterprize; and
among the rest, he obtained of the Pope a power to dispense with
the vows of such who had rashly engaged in the Crusade, by which he
raised very large sums. The Bishop of Norwich paid him 1000 marks,
to be excused. Where he could, he borrowed; and where he could not
borrow, he compelled. The people murmured at his oppression, and
the alienation of the estates of the Crown; but Richard told them,
_he would sell London itself, if he could meet with a purchaser_.
So great, however, was the general infatuation, that he had less
difficulty in raising men than money. The Clergy laboured as
zealously to procure him soldiers, as he himself had been active
in raising subsidies; his army soon became very numerous, and at a
cheap rate, for every officer and private soldier provided himself
with necessaries. One would think the great wealth that Richard had
amassed would have answered all his purposes; but in a few years
after, he had occasion for fresh supplies, to carry on a war with
Philip of France; not to mention the ransom which was paid for his
release, on his being taken prisoner by the Emperor Henry, amounting
to 150,000 marks, which were raised for the occasion by his subjects
in England. Philip of France had so maltreated Richard, by leaguing
himself with his Brother John, and bribing the Emperor to detain
him prisoner, that, as soon as Richard returned home, he could no
longer deny himself the satisfaction of revenge. His Kingdom was
already drained, and little able to furnish out supplies for a war
with France; but Richard was resolved, and money must be had at any
rate, let the means be ever so dishonourable. For this purpose he
revoked all the grants of the Crown lands, which he had made before
his expedition to Palestine. The pretext for this was, that the
purchasers had enjoyed them long enough to re-imburse themselves
out of the profits, and therefore he did them no injury by taking
the lands back again. This was one device; the next was, to avail
himself of the loss of the Great Seal, by ordering a new one to be
made; and obliged all who had commissions under the old one, to
renew them, and have them resealed, by which he must have raised a
considerable sum[141].
[139] "Numero et Pondere." Brompton.
[140] "Præter Utensilia, et Jocalia, et Lapides pretiosos." Matthew
Paris.
[141] In passing between Cyprus and Rhodes, in his Expedition to
the Holy War, three of his Ships were lost, and among other persons
that perished was the Vice-Chancellor, who had the Great Seal in his
custody, and was afterwards found with it about his neck. Brompton.
This was the manner in which the Seal was formerly carried by the
Chancellor himself--"_circa_ cujus _Collum suspensum_ Regis Sigillum
postea repertum est," are Brompton's words.
King Richard I. having no child of either sex, there was not an
opening for demanding the two common _Aids_; but the third, in
the order they are usually placed, _viz._ for the _ransom_ of the
_King's Person_, was exercised for the first time in this Reign.
Other taxations, heavy and enormous, on frivolous and nugatory
occasions, not to our immediate purpose, were copiously extorted
from the subject, and even in a shameful manner[142]. If ever the
Latin adage, "Quicquid delirant Reges," &c. could be properly
applied, it belonged to Richard.
[142] Sir Richard Baker, p. 73.
The favourite system of this King was the _Holy-War_, and his
intemperate zeal led to the point before us. Failing in the attempt
to recover Jerusalem from the Saracens, he concluded a truce of
three years with Saladan their King; and, on his return towards
England through Germany, was made prisoner by the Arch-duke of
Austria (upon a pretext that he had killed the Margrave Conrade at
Tyre); who delivered him into the hands of the Emperor, where he
remained a captive full _fifteen months_, till he was ransomed[143].
[143] Consult the Monkish Historians.
The sum demanded for the King's release is generally allowed to have
been 100,000_l._; though some writers reduce it a third part, and
call it 100,000 _marks_; but, let it be either of them, it was, in
those days, a sum not to be raised without the greatest extortion;
and I am justified in saying, it was not done without what,
eventually, almost amounted to _sacrilege_[144]. The church was
ransacked for plate, which was pretended to have been only borrowed
for the moment--but the debt was never repaid.
[144] Sir Richard Baker reckons this no more than a voluntary
contribution, forgetting that it was one of the established Norman
_Feudal Aids_, though now first brought forward since the Conquest.
HENRY IV.
In the eleventh year of King Henry IV. a certain portion of the
customs in the several ports, of subsidies in several ports, of the
issues of the hamper [now the Hanaper], and of the profers [_sic_]
of escheators and sheriffs, were, by the King's letters patent,
set apart for the expences of his Household. This was done by the
assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, assembled in the King's
Council[145].
[145] Rymer's Fœdera, tom. viii. p. 610.--From Madox's MSS. n.
4486, p. 70.
EDWARD IV.
In the Reign also of King Edward IV. it was usual for the King to
grant to his servants, or ministers, assignments for their salaries,
or debts, upon divers officers who were concerned in receiving
his revenue; _viz._ upon Sheriffs of Counties, Bailiffs, or _Men_
[fortè Mayors] of Towns, Collectors of Customs, Subsidies, &c.
Upon these assignments the Assignees had Patent-Letters, Tallies
of the Exchequer, or Writs of Liberate currant, made forth for
their avail; and, in default of payment, they brought actions of
debt in the Court of Exchequer, upon such Assignments, Tallies, or
Liberates, against the Sheriffs, or other Officers aforesaid; many
instances of which may be seen in the fifth year of King Edward IV.
in the Placita coram Baronibus, 5 Edward IV. in the Rolls of the
Exchequer[146].
[146] Madox's MSS. n. 4486, p. 71.
The King was wont to distribute his revenue in such manner as
he thought fit. He assigned, at his pleasure, part of it to the
expences of his Household, and other parts to the expences of either
civil government or war[147].
[147] Idem, p. 69.
An act done within the verge of the King's Palace was said to be
done in _præsentiâ Regis_. The party offending was tried in the
Court held in the Palace, before the Steward and Marshal; and
the proceedings there, were styled _Placita Aulæ Domini Regis de
Coronâ_[148].
[148] Idem, pp. 22, 23.
EXTRACTS
FROM THE
LIBER NIGER.
The Liber Niger Domûs Regis Angliæ[149] [_i. e._ Edward IV.]
contains Orders for his said Majesty's Household, anno 1478; and
relates to the following Officers:
A Chamberlain.
Bannerets, or Bachelor Knights, to be Carvers and Cup-bearers (four).
Knights of Household (twelve) to do the Office of Ewerers.
A Secretary.
Chaplains (four).
Esquires for the Body (four).
A Sewer for the King.
Surveyor for the King, _i. e._ of the Dresser.
Wardrobe.
Gentlemen Ushers of Chamber (four).
Yeomen of the Crown (twenty-four).
Yeomen of Chamber (four).
Wardrobe of Robes.
Wardrobe of Beds.
Grooms of Chamber (ten).
Pages of Chamber (four).
Jewel-house.
Doctor of Physic.
Master Surgeon.
Apothecary.
Barber.
Henxmen. Six Infants.
Master of the Henchmen.
Squires of Household.
Kings of Arms, Heralds, and Pursuivants.
Serjeants at Arms (four).
Minstrels (thirteen).
A Wayte. N. B. This Yeoman (for such was his rank) waiteth (_i.
e._ playeth; I suppose) at the making of Knights of the Bath,
watching upon them by night-time in the Chapel. Wherefore he
hath of fee all the watching cloathing that the Knights should
wear upon [them.]
Messagers (four).
Dean of the Chapel.
Chaplains, and Clerks of the Chapel (twenty-six).
Yeomen of the Chapel (two).
Children of the Chapel (eight).
Clerk of the Closet.
Master of Grammar, to teach the Henxmen and Children of the Chapel.
Office of Vestiary, _i. e._ Vestry.
Clerk of Crown in Chancery.
Clerk of the Market.
Clerk of the Works.
Marriage of Wards.
Steward of Household.
Treasurer of Household.
Controller of Household.
Cofferer.
Clerks of Green Cloth.
[149] Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, N^o 369, corrected by N^o
642.
EXTRACTS FROM THE LIBER NIGER.
KNIGHTS AND ESQUIRES OF THE BODY.
Item, that all Knights for the Body, Cup-Bearers, and Knight
Carvers, Squires for the Body, &c. be put to their attendance,
and a book thereof delivered from the King's Highness into the
compting-house, for a quarter of a year; the quarters to begin at
October, January, April, and July.
Among the provisions, it is said
_Knights of the Body_, Carvers, and Cup-Bearers, [may have] every
of them, _two_ Yeomen sitting in the hall; and for their livery
at night, _one_ loaf and _an half_, and _a_ gallon of ale; _one_
talshed and an _half_, and _three_ sizes of white lights[150].
[150] By white lights I understand tallow candles, they being so
distinguished from wax in other places: which last, I presume, at
that time were yellow.
GENTLEMAN USHER.
Item, that the Marshall, ne Usher of the Chamber, send his _rod_ by
any mean person or persons, to pantry, buttery, or cellar, spicery,
chaundry, or any other office; but go in his own person. But if he
be occupied, so that he may not, then he send such one with his
_rod_, as he will answer for on the morrow, and also that he will
breve for, upon pain of six days wages.
Item, that weekly there be warned and appointed by the Huishiers
[Ushers] of the Chamber, [those] who shall attend and serve the
King for the week next following, that is to say, Carvers, Sewers,
Cup-Bearers, _Squires for the Bod_y, and others.
Item, that every Lord, Knight, and Esquire, as well _Squire for the
Body_, as other within the Household, wear daily a collar of the
King's livery about their _nekket_ (sic) as to them appertaineth,
and that none of the said Squires fail hereof, upon pain of losing a
week's wages.
Item, that the liveries for _All-night_, for the King and Queen be
set by day-light, from Candlemas to Michaelmas; and in the winter
time, to eight of the clock at farthest.
Item, after the King and Queen's liveries delivered as aforesaid, no
officer abide in his office, nor resort unto his said office after
his departing, without a special commandment of the King or of the
Queen; or else by special token from the Steward of the Household,
or from the King or Queen's Chamberlains.
Punishment for neglect of Duty.
For the first offence, the party to be warned to amend.
For the second offence, imprisonment at the discretion of his
Superior.
And for the third offence, a discharge from his office[151].
[151] In the time of Henry the Eighth (as in some cases in these
Orders) they used stoppages of wages in lieu of imprisonment. This
was called _checquing_. Hence, I apprehend, the office of a Clerk of
the Cheque.
GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND,
cometh to this Court at the six principal feasts of the year;
takes such livery and service after the estate he is of; and for
his winter and summer robes, for the feasts of Christmas and
Whitsuntide, to be taken of the counting-house by even portions, ten
pounds thirteen shillings and four pence; and for his fee of the
King's Household, at the two terms of Easter and Michaelmas, by even
portions, twenty marks in the counting-house.
KNIGHTS OF HOUSEHOLD[152].
[152] Of this Office, and that of the Esquires of the Body, see Mr.
Pegge's Curialia, Part I.
Twelve Bachelors, sufficient and most valiant men of that order, of
every Country, and more in number if it please the King, whereof
_four_ to be continually abiding and attending upon the King's
Person in Court, beside the Carvers abovesaid, for to serve the King
of his bason, or such other service as they may do the King, in
absence of the Carvers, sitting in the King's Chamber and Hall with
persons of like service; every of them have eating in the hall one
Yeoman, and taking for his chamber, at noon and night, one loaf, one
quart of wine, one gallon of ale, one pitcher of wine, one candle
wax, two candles pis, one tallwood and an half, for winter livery,
from All-Hallowen-tide till Easter: rushes and litter all the year,
of the Serjeant Usher, and for keeping of their stuff and Chamber,
and to purvey for their stuff. Also at their livery in the Country,
amongst them all, four Yeomen, after time eight of these Knights be
departed from Court, and the four Yeomen to eat daily in the hall
with Chamberlains, till their said Masters come again; so that the
number of Knights' servants be not increased when their Masters be
present. Every Knight shall have into this Court resorting, _three_
persons, Waiters; the remanent of their servants to be at their
livery in the Country, within seven miles to [of] the King, by the
Herbergers sufficiently lodged; and, if it may be, _two_ Knights
together. Also they pay, in this Court, for the carriage of their
own stuff. And if a Knight take clothing, it is by warrant made to
the King's Wardrober, and not of the Treasurer of Household. Some
time Knights took a fee here yearly, of _ten_ marks, and clothing;
but because[153] their clothing is not according for the King's
Knights, therefore it was left.
[153] N^o 369 reads _Ray_ Clothing.
Item, if he be sick, or specially let blood, or clystered, then he
taketh livery, _four_ loaves, _two_ mess of great meat and roast,
half a pitcher of wine, _two_ gallons of ale. This letting blood,
or clystering, is to avoid pestilence; and therefore the people
take livery out of the Court, and not for every sickness in man
continuing in this Court.
ESQUIRES FOR THE BODY.
_Four_ Noble, of condition, whereof always two be attendant on
the King's person, to array him, and unarray him; watch day and
night; and to dress him in his cloaths. And they be callers to the
Chamberlaine, if any thing lack for his person or pleasance. Their
business is in many _secrets_, some sitting in the King's chamber,
some in the hall with persons of like service, which is called
_Knight's service_. Taking, every of them, for his livery at night,
half a chet loaf, one quart of wine, one gallon of ale; and for
winter livery, from All-Hallowtide till Easter, one _percher_ wax,
one candle wax, two candles pric.[154] one talshide and an half,
and wages in the compting-house. If he be present in the Court
daily, seven-pence halfpenny; and cloathing with the Household,
winter and summer, or else forty shillings, besides his other fee
of the Jewel-house, or of the Treasurer of England; and besides
his watching cloathing of Chamber of the King's Wardrobe. He hath,
abiding in this Court, but two servants; livery sufficient for his
horses in the country, by the Herberger. And if any Esquire be
let blood, or else fore-watched, he shall have like livery with
Knights. Litter and rushes all the year, of the Serjeant Usher of
the Hall and Chamber. Oftentimes these stand instead of Carvers and
Cup-bearers.
[154] Fortè _Prickets_.
* * * * *
_In the "Statutes of Eltham."_
Esquires of the Body, every of them, to have ordinary within the
Court _four_ persons, of the which to have sitting in the Hall two
persons, and the residue _ut supra_ [_i. e._ to have no meat or
drink within the House, but to be at board wages in the town]; and
for their bouche of Court, every of them to have for their livery at
night, one chet loaf, half a pitcher of wine, and one gallon of ale,
one size wax, three white lights, two talsheds, and two faggots.
In the appointment of Herbagage be ordinary for all Noble Estates,
and others, for stabling of their horses, and beds for their
servants, appointed by the King's Highness, at his Manor of Eltham,
the 19th of January, in the 17th year of his Noble Reign.
It is appointed to Knights for the Body, and other Knights, _six_
horses and _two_ beds.
To every Esquire for the Body, _five_ horses and two beds.
[N. B. Every Gentleman Usher of the Privy Chamber, whereof six,
_six_ horses and _two_ beds.
Every Groom of the Privy Chamber, _two_ horses and _two_ beds.
Every Gentleman Usher Daily Waiter, _three_ horses and _one_ bed.
Every Gentleman Usher of the Privy Chamber, _four_ horses and _one_
bed[155].]
[155] _Sic_: but query if not Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber; they
not being otherwise mentioned in either copy.
For the good order of the King's Chamber, it is said, the Pages
of the King's Chamber must daily arise at _seven_ o'clock, or soon
after, and make a fire; and warn the Esquires of the Body of that
hour, to the intent they may then arise, so as they may be ready,
and the King's Chamber dressed in every thing as appertaineth, by
_eight_ of the clock at the farthest.
Item, that none of the servants of the said Esquires come within
the Pallet Chamber; but be attendant at the door, as well at night
as in the morning, with such gear as their Masters shall wear. And
the said Pages, at the request of the said Esquires, to fetch in,
and bear out, their night-gear, and all other their apparel, and
likewise to make them ready, both at night and in the morning.
Item, that, if the Esquires for the Body do not arise at the warning
of the Pages, so as the King's Chamber may be ready and dressed by
the hour afore limited; that then immediately the Pages are to shew
the same to the Lord Chamberlain.
[In the appointment of Lodgings, is a chamber for the _six_
Gentlemen _and_ Ushers of the Privy Chamber, to sup in; which
explains the above article.]
The Esquires for the Body, mentioned to have been at Eltham at that
time, were, Sir Arthur Poole, Sir Edward Baynton, Sir Humphrey
Forster, and [Mr.] Francis Pointz.
* * * * *
In the New Book of the King's Household of Edward IV. anno 1478:
Six Knights and five Squires appear to have been on duty for eight
weeks from the last day of October, at the end of which they were
relieved by _five_ Knights and four Esquires. Sir Roger Ray, being
Vice Chamberlain, was in both lists; for it is said afterwards,
"We will that Sir Roger Ray, Deputy to my Lord Chamberlain, two
Gentlemen Ushers, and two Yeomen Ushers, at least, be always
attending upon us."
YEOMEN OF THE CROWN[156].
[156] See the "Curialia," Part III.
Twenty-four most seemly persons, cleanly and strongest Archers,
honest of conditions, and of behaviour, bold men chosen and tried
out of every Lord's house in England for their cunning and virtue
thereof. One to be Yeoman of the Robes, another to be Yeoman of
the Wardrobe of Beds in Household. These two, in certainty, eat in
the King's Chamber daily. Other two be Yeomen Ushers of Chamber,
eating there also. Another to be Yeoman of the Stole, if it please
the King. Another to be Yeoman of the Armory. Another to be Yeoman
of the Bows for the King. Another Yeoman to keep the King's Books.
Another to keep his Dogs for the Bow. And, except the first four
persons, the remnant may to the Hall, as the Usher, &c. or another
to keep his best; and thus they may be put to business. Also
it accordeth that they be chosen men of manhood, shooting, and
specially of virtuous conditions. In the King's Chamber be daily
sitting four messes of Yeomen; and all the remnant eating in the
Hall, sitting together above, joining to the Yeomen of Household;
except at the five Great Feasts of the year, then as many Yeomen of
Crown and Chamber as may sit in the King's Chamber shall be served
there during the Feast; and every of them present in Court, hath
daily allowed in the counting-house _three-pence_, and cloathing
for winter and summer, and ... yearly, or else eighteen shillings,
beside their watching cloathing of the King's Wardrobe. And if
any of them be sent out by the King's Chamberlain, then he taketh
his wages of the Jewel-house, and vacat in the Cheque Roll till
he be seen in Court again. Also lodging in the town, or in the
country, sufficient for their horses, as nigh together as the
Herbiger of Household may dispose; and always two Yeomen of Crown
to have an honest servant in to [the] Court, in the Noble Edward's
Statutes. And these were called "The Twenty-four Archers de pié
courants entièrement devant le Roy par pairs pour Gard [de] Corps
du Roy[157]." These were called the King's Watchment. At this [or
rather that] day, a Yeoman took but ten shillings for his gown, and
four shillings and eight pence for his hosen and shoone. They have
nothing else with the Household _sans_ carriage of their beds, two
men together, by deliverance or assignment for that carriage of
the Controllers, and litter for their beds of the Serjeant Usher
of the Hall and Chamber. And if any of them be sick, or let blood,
he taketh for all day a cast of bread, one mess of great meat, one
gallon of ale; and if it be of great sickness, he must remove out of
the Court.
[157] Sic lego.
Also, when they make watch nightly, they should be gird with their
swords, or with other weapons ready, and harness about them.
A BARBER FOR THE KING'S MOST HIGH AND DREAD PERSON.
To be taking in this Court after that he standeth in degree,
Gentleman, Yeoman, or Groom. It hath been much accustomed to one or
two well-known Officers of the Ewry in Household, such as been for
the month, Serjeant, or other. Also we find how this hath been used
among ... by a well-betrusted Yeoman of Chamber, for lack of cunning
of these other men. It is accustomed that a Knight of Chamber, or
else Squire for the Body, or both, be present every time when the
King will be shaven.
This Barber shall have every Saturday at night, if it please the
King to cleanse his head, legs, or feet, and for his shaving, two
loaves, one pitcher of wine; and the Ushers of Chamber ought to
testify this, if this be necessary dispended or no.
Also, this Barber taketh his shaving cloths, basons, and all his
other towels[158], and things necessary, by the Chamberlain's
assignment, of the Jewel-house; no fees of plate or silver, but
it be in his instrumental tools used by occupation, and that by
allowance of the King's Chamberlain.
[158] _Tools_ in No. 642, in Bib. Harl.
HENXMEN.
Six infants, or more, as it shall please the King, all these
eating in the Hall, and sitting at one board together; and to be
served two or three to a mess, as the Sovereigns appoint; taking
daily for their breakfasts, amongst them all, two loaves, a mess
of great meat, a gallon of ale. Also, for their supper in fasting
days, according to their age, and livery nightly for them all to
their chamber, one loaf, one gallon of ale; and for winter livery,
two candles wax, four candles p'is, three talsheds, for them all.
Rushes and litter all the year, of the Serjeant Usher of the Hall
and Chamber. And if these Gentlemen, or any of them, be Wards; then,
after their births and degrees, the Steward and Treasurer, with
the Chamberlain, may appoint the service more large in favour by
their discretions, when as often as them needeth, till the King's
Grace hath given or sold[159] their lands and wards. And all their
competent harness to be carried, and beddings. Two lodged together
at the King's carriage, by oversight of the Comptroller; and every
of them an honest servant to keep their chamber and harness, and to
array him in this Court whilst their Masters be present in Court; or
else to allow here no chamber dokyns, &c. And all other findings for
their beds they take of the King's Wardrobe, by suit of the Master
of Henxmen, made to the King's Chamberlain for warrants.
[159] _i. e._ granted them during non-age.
MASTER OF HENXMEN.
To shew the schools of urbanity and nurture of England; to learn
them to ride cleanly and surely; to draw them also to justs; to
learn them wear their harness; to have all courtesy in words, deeds,
and degrees; diligently to keep them in rules of goings and sittings
after they be of honour. Moreover to teach them sundry languages,
and other learnings virtuous; to harping, to pipe, sing, and dance,
with other honest and temperate behaving and patience; and to
keep daily and weekly with these children due [discipline], with
corrections in their chambers, according to such gentlemen; and each
of them to be used to that thing of virtue that he shall be most
apt to learn, with remembrance daily of God's service accustomed.
This Master sitteth in the Hall next unto beneath these Henxmen,
at the same board; to have his respects unto their demeanings,
how mannerly they eat and drink; and to their communication, and
other forms curial, after the book of urbanity. He taketh daily, if
he be present in Court, wages, cloathing, and other liveries, as
other Esquires of Household, save he is not charged with serving
of the Hall. Carriage also for harness in Court competent by the
Comptroller to be with the Henxmen his harness in Court; and to have
into this Court one servant, whilst he is present; and sufficient
liveries for his horses, in the town or country, by the Herberger.
And if he be sick in Court, or let blood, he taketh two loaves, two
mess of great meat, one gallon ternoise[160]. And for the fees that
he claimeth among the Henxmen of all their apparel, the Chamberlain
is the judge.
[160] Fortè _Tournois_.
SQUIRES OF HOUSEHOLD.
Forty, or more, if it please the King, by the advice of his High
Council, to be chosen men of their profession, worship, and wisdom;
also to be of sundry Shires, by whom it may be known the disposition
of the Countries. And of these, to be continually in this Court
Twenty Squires attendant upon the King's Person, in riding and going
at all times, and to help serve his table from the Surveying-board,
and from other places, as the Assewar will assign.--Also, by their
common assent, to assign amongst themselves some to serve the King's
Chamber, at one day, week, or time, some to serve the Hall at
another time, of every mess that cometh from the dressing-board to
their hands for such service, so that thereof be nothing withdrawn
by the Squires, upon such pain as Steward, Treasurer, or Controller,
or in their absence other Judges at the counting-board, will award,
after their demerits.--They eat in the hall, sitting together at
any of the both meals as they serve, some the first meal, some the
latter, by assent. This hath be [been] always the manner amongst
them for honour [and] profit to the King.--It may be, that the King
taketh into Household in all Sixty Squires, and yet, amongst them
all, Twenty take not the whole wages _of the year_ [sic]; wherefore
the number of persons may be received and suffered the better in
the checque-roll for a worship, and the King's profit saved, and
ease to them self.--Every of them taketh for his livery at night,
half a gallon of ale; and for winter season, each of them taketh two
candles parris, one faggot, or else half talwode.
When any of them is present in Court, he is allowed for daily wages,
in the checque roll, seven-pence halfpenny, and clothing winter and
summer; or else forty shillings. It hath ever been in special charge
to Squires in this Court, to wear the King's Livery customably,
for the more glory, and in worship of this honourable Household:
and every of them to have in to this Court an honest servant, and
sufficient livery in the towns or countries for their horses, and
other servants, by the herberger. Two Gentlemen lodged together, and
they be coupled bed-fellows by the Gentlemen Ushers.--And if any
of them be let blood or sick in Court, or nigh, thereto, he taketh
livery in eating days, two loaves, two mess of great meat, one
gallon of ale, for all day, and litter all the year of the Serjeant
Usher of the hall for their beds in Court.--And if any of these
Squires be sent out of Court, by Steward, Treasurer, or Controller,
or other of the counting-house, for matter touching the Household,
then he hath daily allowed him twelve pence by petition. Also they
pay for their carriage of harness in Court. They take no part of
the general gifts, neither with chamber nor with hall, but if the
giver give them specially a part by express name or words. None of
these should depart from Court but by licence of Steward, Treasurer,
or Sovereigns of the Counting-house, that know how the King is
accompanied best: and to take a day when they should come again,
upon pain of loss of wages at his next coming.--That no Serjeant
of Office, nor Squire, nor Yeoman, nor Groom, but as be appointed
in this Book, to dine or sup out of Hall and King's Chamber, nor to
withdraw any service, or else to hurt or little the almesse [alms]
of Hall or Chamber, upon such pain as the Sovereigns of Household
will award by the Statutes of Noble Edward III. "In none office, &c."
It hath been often, in days before, commanded by the Counting-house,
that in ferial days, after that the King and Queen, and their
Chambers, and the Sovereigns of Household in the Hall, be served,
that then such honest Yeomen of Household be called or assigned to
serve from the dresser to the hall the remnant, specially such as
bear wages, that, if any service be withdrawn by them, that then
they to be corrected therefor.
These Squires of Household, of old, be accustomed, winter and
summer, in afternoons and in evenings, to draw to Lord's Chambers
within Court, there to keep honest company, after their cunning, in
talking of chronicles of Kings, and of other policies, or in piping
or harping, songings, or other acts marriables[161]; to help to
occupy the Court, and accompany strangers, till the time require of
departing.
[161] Sic.
"Item, that daily there awaite twenty-four Squires to serve the King
and Queen, of whom _twelve_ to serve at the first dinner, and to
dine at the second; and the twelve sitting at the first dinner, to
serve the second dinner, and there to awaite to serve the King and
Queen[162]."
Dom. Regis Angliæ. The Esquires--"oftentimes these stand instead of
Carvers and Cup-Bearers[162]."
[162] Harleian MSS. 642, p. 177.--Rigid Orders regarding Offenders,
p. 97. b.
KINGS OF ARMS, HERALDS, AND PURSUIVANTS.
Coming into this Royal Court to the worship of these five Feasts in
the year, sitting at meats and suppers in the Hall, and to begin
that one end of the table together, upon days of estate, by the
Marshall's assignation, at one meal. And if the King keep estate,
by the Marshall's assignation, in the Hall, then these walk before
the Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller, coming with the King's
Surveyor[163] from the surveying-board at every course. And, after
the last course, they cry the King's largesse, shaking their great
cup. They take their largesse of the Jewel-house; and during these
Festival-days they wait upon the King's Person coming and going
to and from the Church, Hall, and Chamber, before his Highness,
in their coats of arms. They take neither wages, cloathing, nor
fees, by the Compting-house; but livery for their chamber, day and
night, amongst them two loaves, a pitcher of wine, two gallons of
ale; and for winter season, if there be present a King of Arms, for
them all, one tortays at chandry, two candles wax, three candles
p'is, three talsheds. These Kings of Arms are served in the Hall
as Knights, service and livery for their horses nigh the Court, by
the Herberger.--Alway remembered, that the cup which the King doth
create any King of Arms or Herald withal, it standeth in the charge
of the Jewel-house, and not upon the Treasurer of Household.
[163] Rectiùs, No. 642 reads _Service_.
The fees that they shall take at the making of Knights of the Bath,
it appeareth next after the chapter of Squires.
SERJEANTS OF ARMS[164].
[164] See the "Curialia," Part V.
Four chosen proved men, of haviour and condition, for the King and
his Honourable Household; whereof two alway to be attending upon the
King's Person and Chamber; and to avoid the press of people before
where as the King shall come: in like wise at the conveyance of his
meat at every course from the surveying board; also observing for
[of] the King's commandments, and so after the Steward, Chamberlain,
Treasurer, and Controller, for the King, or for his Household. They
eat in the Hall, together or with Squires of Household, taking their
wages of twelve-pence by [the] day, or four-pence, as it pleaseth
the King, after their abilities, by letters patents; and clothing
also, to be taken of the issue and profit growing to the King in
divers counties of England, by the hands of the receivers of them.
No more having in Household; but every of them, when he is present
in Court, at night, a gallon of ale; and for winter livery, one
candle wax, two candles p'is, one talshed; rushes [and] litter for
their chamber of the Serjeant Usher all the year. They pay for the
carriage of their proper harness and bedding; and every of them to
have in to this Court, one honest servant. By the Statutes of the
Noble Edward, were thirty Serjeants of Arms, sufficiently armed and
horsed, riding before his Highness when he journeyed by the country
for a Garde de Corps du Roi. And if any of these be sick, or be
let blood, he taketh daily two loaves, two messes of great meat,
one gallon of ale, and thus to be brevied in the Pantry-Roll. Also
sufficient lodging assigned these Serjeants together, not far from
Court, for hasty errands [when] they fall.
MINSTRELS.
Thirteen; whereof one is Verger, that directeth them all in festival
days to their stations, to blowings and pipings to such offices
as must be warned to prepare for the King and his Household, at
meats and suppers, to be the more ready in all services; and all
these sitting in the Hall together, whereof some use trumpets, some
shalmuse[165] and small pipes, and some are strange-men coming to
this Court at five feasts of the year; and then to take their wages
of Household after four-pence halfpenny a day, if they be present
in Court; and then they to avoid the next day after the feasts be
done. Besides each of them another reward yearly, taking [taken]
of the King, in the Receipt of the Chequer, and cloathing with the
Household, winter and summer, or twenty shillings a-piece, and
livery in Court at even--amongst them all four gallons of ale; and
for winter season, three candles wax, six candles p'is, four tallow
candles, and sufficient lodging, by the Herbergers for them and
their horses in the Court. Also having in the Court two servants,
honest, to bear the trumpets, pipes, and other instruments; and a
torch for winter nights, whilst they blow to suppers, and other
revels at Chaundry. And always two of these persons to continue
in Court in wages, being present to warn at the King's ridings,
when he goeth to horseback, as oft as it shall require. And by
their blowings the Household-men may follow in the countries. And
if any of these two Minstrels be sick in Court, he taketh two
loaves, a mess of great meat, a gallon of ale. They have part of
any rewards given to the Household. And if it please the King to
have two strange Minstrels to continue in like wise. The King woll
not for his worship that his Minstrels be too presumptuous, nor too
familiar, to ask any rewards of the Lords of his land, remembering
"De Henrico Secundo Imperatore, qui omnes Joculatores suos et ...
monuerit ut nullus eorum in ejus nomine, vel dummodo steterunt in
servicio suo, nihil ab aliquo in regno suo deberent petere donandum,
scilicet, quod ipsi Domini donatores pro Regis amore citius
pauperibus erogarent."
[165] Shawms.
A WAYTE.
That nightly, from Michaelmas till Shere-Thursday[166], pipeth the
watch within this Court _four_ times, and in summer nights _three_
times, and he to make _bon Gayte_, and every chamber-door and
office, as well for fire as for other pikers, or pellys[167]. He
eateth in the Hall with the Minstrels, and taketh livery at night,
half a paine, half a gallon of ale; and for summer nights, _two_
candles p'is, half a bushel of coals; and for winter nights, half
a loaf, half a gallon of ale, four candles p'is, half a bushel of
coals; and daily, if he be present in Court, by the Cheque Roll,
_four-pence halfpenny_, or _three pence_, by the discretion of
Steward and Treasurer, and after the cunning that he can, and good
deserving. Also cloathing with the Household Yeomen, or Minstrels,
according to the wages that he taketh. And if he be sick, or let
blood, he taketh _two_ loaves, half a mess of great meat, [and]
one gallon of ale. Also he partaketh with the general gifts of
Household, and hath his bedding carried, and his grooms together, by
the Controller's assignment. And under this Yeoman, _a Groom Wayte_;
if he can excuse the Yeoman in his Office, and absence, then he
taketh reward and cloathing, meet rewards, and other things, like to
the other _Grooms_ of Household. Also this _Yeoman_ wayteth at the
makings of _Knights_ of the Bath, watching by night-time upon them
in the chapel; wherefore he hath of fee all the watching cloathing
that the Knights do wear upon [them].
[166] _i. e._ Maunday Thursday.
[167] Perhaps Perils.
CLERK OF THE CROWN IN CHANCERY.
This Officer was anciently one of the Chancellor's Family[168].
[168] Lex Parliamentaria.
Formerly accompanied the Masters in Chancery in carrying Bills to
the Lower House[169].
[169] Ibid. p. 195.
Reads the Titles of Bills in the House of Lords[170].
[170] Ibid. 197.
Sir George Copping was Clerk of the Crown, anno 1 Jac. I.[171]
[171] Ibid. 301.
The fee of the Clerk of the Crown, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth,
was 20_l._[172]
[172] See Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, vol. i. p. 51.
SUPPORTERS,
CRESTS, AND COGNIZANCES,
OF THE
KINGS OF ENGLAND.
RICHARD II.
Was the first who bore his Escocheon supported; _viz._ by Two
_Angels_.
_Cognizances._--A White Hart couchant, gorged with a Gold Chain and
Coronet, under a Tree; derived from the Princess Joan his Mother.
Also a Peascod Branch, with the Pods open, but the Peas out.
HENRY IV.
Dexter, a _Swan_. Sinister, an _Antelope_.
_Cognizance._--A Fox's Tail dependant.
HENRY V.
Two _Swans_, when Prince of Wales, holding in their beaks an
Ostrich-feather and a Scroll; when King, a _Lion_ and an _Antelope_.
N. B. He first bore three Fleurs de Lis, instead of the Semée; and
wrote himself King of _England_ and _France_, whereas those before
him wrote _France_ and _England_.
HENRY VI.
Two Antelopes, Argent, attired, accolled with Coronets, and chained
Or.
_Cognizance._--Two Feathers in Saltire.
EDWARD IV.
A _Lion_ for Marche; and a _Bull_ for Clare.
_Two Lions_, Argent.
The _Lion_ and the _White Hart_ of Richard II.
_Cognizances._--The _White Rose_.
The _Fetter-Lock_.
The _Sun_ after the Battle of Mortimer's Cross, when three _Suns_
were seen, which immediately conjoined.
The Rose is in the centre.
EDWARD V.
The _Lion_ and a _Hinde_, Argent.
_Cognizance._--The Rose and the Falcon in a Fetter-Lock.
RICHARD III.
Two _Boars_.
A White Boar.
"The Cat, the Rat, and Lovel the Dog,
Rule all England under the _Hog_."
_i. e._ Sir William Catesby, Sir Richard Ratcliff, and Lord Lovel,
creatures of King Richard. One Collingborne was executed for this
poetry[173].
[173] Leigh's Choice Observations.
_Cognizance._--The Rose.
HENRY VII.
_Red Dragon_ (for Cadwallader), Dexter.
A _Greyhound_, Argent, accolled Gules, Sinister, for Nevile.
_Cognizances._--The _White Rose_ united to the _Red_.
A Portcullis for Beaufort.
A Hawthorn Bush with the Crown in it.
Richard's Crown was found in a Hawthorn Bush after the Battle of
Bosworth[174].
[174] Leigh's Choice Observations, p. 151.
HENRY VIII.
The _Red Dragon_ and _Greyhound_.
Afterwards, the _Lion_ Dexter; the _Dragon_ Sinister.
_Cognizances._--A Red Rose.
A Fleur de Lis.
A Portcullis.
An Archer (Green) drawing his Arrow to the Head; with "Cui adhæreo
præest." taken at the interview between him and Francis I.
EDWARD VI.
The Lion and Red Dragon.
_Cognizance._--He bore the device of Prince of Wales, though never
created.
QUEEN MARY.
An Eagle and Lion.--These are the Supporters in the Coat of
Philip and Mary, impaled, over the chimney in the Hall of Trinity
College, Oxford, as of the year 1554, put up 1772, when Lord North,
afterwards Earl of Guilford, became Chancellor[175].
[175] Churchill, in his Divi Britannici, gives a Lion and a Griffin.
_Cognizance._--When Princess, the White and Red Rose for York and
Lancaster, with a Pomegranate for Spain.--When Queen, Time winged,
drawing Truth out of a Pit; with "Veritas Temporis Filia."
_Queen Elizabeth._
A Lion and Red Dragon.
_Cognizance._--A Sieve, without a motto.
The words Video; Taceo. Semper Eadem[176].
[176] Vide Camden's Remains.
JAMES I.
The Lion (for England), and the Unicorn (for Scotland).
_Cognizances._--A Rose; a Fleur de Lis; a Harp (for Ireland); a
Greyhound current.
REGAL TITLES.
"HIS MOST CHRISTIAN MAJESTY THE KING OF FRANCE."
Stowe says that Charlemagne, being chosen Emperor, A.D. 800, on
account of his great zeal for the good of Christendom, was the first
King of France that attributed to himself (I rather think received
from the Pope) the Style and Title of _The Most Christian King of
France_; and from him his Successors have continued it[177].
[177] Chronicle, p. 693.